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President   of  I  he   Aiiieriean   Peace  Society  Since    i8gr. 


Presentee!    "by 
xhe   Peace  Ans'n  of  Friencls 
Philadelphia 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE    SECOND    NATIONAL 
PEACE  CONGRESS 


CHICAGO 
MAY  2  TO  5,  1909 


EDITED  BY 

CHARLES  E.  BEALS 

FIELD  SECRETARY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 
31  BEACON  STREET,  BOSTON 


Typesetting,  Presswork  and  Binding  by 

PETERSON   LINOTYPE    COMPANY, 

87  Plymouth  Place,  Chicago 


JX 

/  9  o9 


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OFFICERS 

Honorary  President,  HON.  WILLIAM  H.   TAFT,  President  of  the 

United  States. 

President,  HON.  J.  M.  DICKINSON,  Secretary  of  War. 

Vice-Presidents. 

Miss  Jane  Addams,  Author  of  * '  The  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace. '  * 

President  E.  A.  Alderman,  University  of  Virginia. 

Eight  Rev.  C.  P.  Anderson,  Protestant  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Chicago. 

President  James  Burrill  Angell,  University  of  Michigan. 

Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  John  Barrett,  Director  International  Bureau  American  Republics, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C,  President  American  Group,  Interparlia- 
mentary Union. 

Mr.  Frederick  Bode,  Chicago  Industrial  Club. 

Hon.  David  J.  Brevper,  Justice  United  States  Supreme  Court,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

President  S.  P.  Brooks,  Baylor  University,  Texas. 

Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Lincoln,  Nebraska. 

Hon.  W.  I.  Buchanan,  United  States  Delegate  to  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, United  States  Commissioner  to  Venezuela,  etc. 

Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  United  States  Senator  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  Andrew^  Carnegie,  President  of  New  York  Peace  Society. 

Hon.  Joseph  H.  Choate,  United  States  Delegate  to  the  Second  Hague 
Conference. 

Hon.  Charles  S.  Deneen,  Governor  of  Illinois. 

President  George  H.  Denny,  Washington  and  Lee  University. 

Mr.  Walter  L.  Fisher,  President  Conservation  League  of  America. 

Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  Ex-Secretary  of  State  of  United  States  and  Presi- 
dent Fourteenth  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference. 

Mr.  Belton  Gilreath,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

Mr.  Edwin  Ginn,  Publisher  International  Library,  Boston. 

Mr.  Samuel  Gompers,  President  American  Federation  of  Labor,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale,  Chaplain  of  the  United  States  Senate. 

Mr.  Richard  C.  Hall,  Ex-President  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce. 

Hon.  Harlow  N.  Higixbotham,  President  of  World's  Columbian  Exposi- 
tion, Chicago. 

Hon.  Charles  Henrotin,  Dean  of  the  Consular  Corps,  Chicago. 

4 


Mrs.  Charles  Henrotin,  Vice-President  of  "Women's  Branch  of  the  Aux- 
iliary of  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition. 

Eev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch,  Chicago. 

Eev.  Charles  E.  Jefferson,  a  Vice-President  of  the  American  Peace  Society, 
New  York. 

President  David  Starr  Jordan,  Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University. 

Mr.  William  Kent,  Chicago. 

Hon.  Philander  C.  Knox,  Secretary  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Frederick  W.  Lehmann,  President  of  the  American  Bar  Association. 

Bishop  W.  F.  McDowell,  Methodist  Episcopal  Bishop,  Chicago. 

Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead,  a  Director  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 

Hon.  George  von  L.  Meyer,  Secretary  of  the  Xavy,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Charles  Nagel,  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Rudolph  Ortmann,  Chicago  Industrial  Club. 

Hon.  Egbert  Treat  Paine,  President  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 

Hon.  Horace  Porter,  Ex-Ambassador  to  France,  and  United  States  Delegate 
to  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Most  Eev.  James  E.  Quigley,  Eoman  Catholic  Archbishop  of  Chicago. 

Hon.  Elihd  Eoot,  United  States  Senator  from  Xew  York  and  Ex-Secretary 
of  State  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Julius  Eosenw^ald,  Chicago. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Solicitor  of  United  States  State  Department, 
Technical  Delegate  of  the  United  States  to  the  Second  Hague  Confer- 
ence, and  Secretary  of  the  American  Society  of  International  Law. 

Mr.  Edward  M.  Skinner,  President  of  the  Chicago  Association  of  Com- 
merce. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slayden,  M.  C,  Texas. 

Mr.  Mason  B.  Starring,  President  Chicago  Industrial  Club. 

Hon.  Albert  K.  Smiley,  Founder  of  the  Lake  Mohonk  Arbitration  Con- 
ference. 

Hon.  Oscar  S.  Strauss,  Ex-Secretary  of  Department  of  Commerce  and 
Labor. 

Mrs.  Henry  Villard,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  Booker  T.  Washington,  Principal  of  the  Tuskegee  Institute. 

Mr.  Harry  A.  Wheeler,  Vice-President  of  the  Chicago  Association  of 
Commerce. 

Hon.  George  W.  Wickersham,  Attorney-General,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Chairman  Executive  Committee,  Eev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  The 

Abraham    Lincoln    Centre,    Chicago. 
Secretary,  Mb.  Eoyal  L.  Melendy,  (Now  the  Executive  Secretary 

of  the  American  Forestry  Association,  Washington,  D.  C.) 
Treasurer,    Hon.    George    E.    Eoberts,    President    of    Commercial 

National  Bank,  Chicago,  and  formerly  Director  of  the  U.  S. 

Mintj  Washington,  D.  C. 
Auditor,  Mr.  H.  C.  Whitehead,  Chicago. 


CONTENTS 


Hon.    Robert    Treat    Palnc,    President    of    The    American    Peace    Society, 

Frontispiece 

Button  and  decorative  device  of  the  Peace  Congress 3 

Officers  of  the  Congress 4 

Hymn,  "Hear,  O  Ye  Nations,"  Hosmer 8 

Poem,  "War,"  Torrence 8 

Introductory  Note 9 

Program 13 

General  Survey  of  the  Peace  Movement 20 

I'RELIMINARY    MEETINGS 22 

The  Hamilton  Club  BA^■QUET 22 

Hon.  J.  M.  Diclcinson  :    The  Progress  of  Peace  Principles 22 

Special  Meetings  for  Teachers 35 

Edwin  D.  Mead  :   Peace  and  Education 35 

Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews  :    The  American  (School  Peace  League 46 

Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson  :    Peace  Work  in  live  Schools 51 

Sunday  Evening  Clue  Mass  Meeting 56 

Prayer  by  Bishop  C.  P.  Anderson 56 

Rev.  Robert  .1.  Burdette  :    Alan  a  Fighter 58 

Rev.  Jenlvin  Lloyd  Jones  :    Chicago  and  the  Peace  Congress 60 

Rev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch  :    The  Function  of  a  Peace  Congress 62 

President  Jacob  Gould  Schurman  :    Forces  Which  Make  for  Peace 69 

THE    CONGRESS 74 

First  Session  :   Retrospect  and  Prospect 74 

Hon.  Robert  Treat  Paine  :    America  Should  Lead 74 

(jovernor  Charles  S.  Deneen  :    Welcome  to  the  State 75 

Edgar  A.  Bancroft :    Welcome  to  Chicago 78 

Rev.  A.  Eugene  Bartlett :    Welcome  by  the  Reception  Committee 79 

Letter  from  the  I'resident  of  the  United  States 82 

Letter  from  the  South  American  Association  of  I'niversal  Peace 83 

Miss  Anna  B.  Eckstein  :    A  World  Petition  to  the  Third  Hague  Confer- 
ence      87 

Dr.  B.  F.  Trueblood  :    The  Present  Position  of  the  International  Peace 

Movement    92 

Dean  \V.  1'.  Rogers  ■    The  Datvn  of  Universal  Peace 99 

Reception    114 

Second  Session  :    The  Drawing  Together  of  the  Nations 115 

Prof.  Paul  S.  Reinsch  :    Interdependence  rersits  Independence 115 

H.  T.  Kealing  :    Racial  Progrc-is  tovnirds  Universal  Peace 121 

President  David  Starr  Jordan  :    War  and  Manhood 130 

Third  Session  :    Some  Peacemaking  Factors  in  Modern,  Sodetii 149 

Joseph  E.  Burtt  :    Fraternal  Orders  and  Peace 149 

Samuel  Gompers  :    Organised  Labor  and  Peace 158 

Prof,  (jraham  Taylor:    The  Industrial  Basis  for  International  Peace.  .  .  .  165 

Hon.  Carl  D.  Thompson  :    International  Socialism  as  a  Peace  Force.  .  .  .  170 

Fourth  Session  :    Commerce  and  Industry 179 

Hon.  George  E.  Roberts:     War  Expenditures  in  an  Economic  Age 179 

W.  A.  Mahony  :    Damage  and  Cost  of  War  to  Commerce  and  Industry .  .  .  181 

A.  B.  Farquhar  :    Pennsylvania's  Experiment  in  Christianity 190 

Marcus  M.  Marks  :    Husincss  Men  Want  Peace 193 

Hon.  II.  N.  lliginbotham  :    World  Expositions  (w  Peace  Factors 195 

Hon.  Joseph  Allen  Baker  •    Salutations  from  English  Co-workets 200 

6 


Fifth  Session'  :    Some  Legal  Aspects  of  the  Peace  Movement 203 

Prof.  W.  I.  Hull :  The  Advance  lieyistered  by  the  Two  Hague  Confer- 
ences      204 

Prof.  Charles  C.  Hyde :  Legal  Problems  Capable  of  Settlement  by  Arbi- 
tration    221 

Hon.   James   Brown    Scott :     Subjects   Likely   To  Be   Considered  at  the 

Third  Hague  Conference 234 

Hon.  VV.  I.  Buchanan  :    The  Application  of  the  Principle  of  Arbitration.  .  242 

Sixth  Session  :    Woman's  Work  for  Peace 248 

Miss  Jane  Addains  :    Woman's  Special  Training  for  Peacemaking 252 

Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead  :    Some  Common  Fallacies 254 

Miss  Mary  McDowell :    Woman's  Industrial  and  International  Interests. .  263 

Seventh  Session  :    Interstate  Intercollegiate  Oratorical  Contest 271 

Levi  T.  I'ennington  :    The  Evolution  of  World  Peace 272 

Albert  H.  Reynolds  :    Justice  and  Peace 278 

William  Clancy  :    International  Arbitration  and  Peace 282 

Harold  P.  Flint :    America  the  Ewvmplnr  of  Peace 287 

Louis  P.  Lochner  :    The  Cosmopolitan  Clubs 292 

Highth  Session  :    Next  Steps  in  Peacemaking 298 

Edwin  D.  Mead  :    The  Arrest  of  Armament 299 

Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  :    Armaments  as  Irritants 307 

Edwin  Ginn  :    Tlie  International  School  of  Peace 319 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt :    Organizing  the  Peace  Movement 327 

Ninth  Session  :    Universities  and  Colleges 333 

Hamilton   Holt  :    The  Federation  of  the  World 333 

I'resident  S.  1'.  Brooks  :    Civilization:  a  Cry  for  Peace 336 

Tenth  Session  :    Business  Session  and  Conference  of  Peace  Workers 343 

THE  PLATF-ORM  OF  THE  CONGRESS     344 

Henry  C.  Nilos  :    State  Peace  Congresses — Pennsylvania's  Experience...  359 

William  H.  Short :    A  Permanent  Peace  Office  in  New  York 361 

Robert  C.  Root :    The  Pacific  Coast  Peace  Agency 366 

(Jeorge  Fulk  :    The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association 371 

Rev.  J.  L.  Tryon  :    The  London  Peace  Congress  of  1908 374 

Mrs.  Fannie  Peru  Andrews  :    The  American  School  Peace  League 378 

Rev.  Gilbert  Bowles  :    The  Peace  Society  of  .Japan 383 

Miss    Marv   J.    Pierson :     The    Young   People's   I nternational   Federation 

League 389 

Hon.  A.  Zucca  :    The  Italian  Peace  Society  of  New  York 396 

Eleventh  Session  :    International  Greetings .398 

Count  von  BernstorlT  :    Creel  ings  from  Germany 399 

Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang  :    Greetings  from  China 403 

Hon.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes  :    Greetings  from  Great  Britain 406 

Hon.  K.  Mats'ibara  :    Greetings  from  Japan 410 

Dr.  Halvdan  Koht :    Greetings  from  Norway 413 

Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger  :    America's  Response 416 

THE  BANQUET  GIVEN  BY  THE  ASSOCL\TION  OP  COMMERCE 422 

Count  von  Bernstorff :    Commerce  and  Peace 425 

Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger  :    Trade  as  a  Bond  of  Peace 427 

Announcement  of  a  Peace  endowment 430 

Hon.  James  A.  Tawney,  M.  C.  :    The  Cost  of  Armed  Peace 431 

Hon.  K.  Matsubara  :    Japan's  Desire  for  Peace 438 

Dr.    Wu    Ting-fang:     A    Plea    for    International  Hospitality 440 

Hon.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes  :    Great  Britain  and  America 441 

Dr.  Halvdan  Koht :    The  People's  Peace  in  Scandinavia 443 

Gen.  Frederick  D.  Grant :    A  Soldier's  Plea  for  His  Profession 445 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C. :    Campaigning  for  Peace 449 

Hon.   Richard  A.   Ballinger  :     America  a  Peace-loving  Nation 452 

List  of  Committees  of  the  Congress 454 

Governors  and  Mayors  who  have  co-operated 461 

Delegates 463 

Extracts  from  letters 483 

Mr.  John  R.  Lindgren's  Deed  of  Gift 49» 

Index   .301 


8 


HEAR,  O  YE  NATIONS 

(Written  for  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  by  Eev.  Frederick  L. 

Hosmer.) 

Hear,  hear,  O  ye  Nations,  and,  hearing,  obey 
The  cry  from  the  past  and  the  call  of  today! 
Earth  wearies  and  wastes  with  her  fresh  life  outpoured, 
The  glut  of  the  cannon,  the  spoil  of  the  sword. 

A  new  era  opens,  transcending  the  old. 
It  calls  for  new  leaders,  for  new  ranks  enrolled; 
From  war's  grim  tradition  it  niaketh  appeal 
To  service  of  man  in  a  world's  commonweal. 

The  workers  afield,  in  the  mill  and  the  mart, 
In  commerce,  in  council,  in  science  and  art. 
Shall  bring  of  their  gifts  and  together  create 
The  manifold  life  of  the  firm-builded  State. 

And  more  shall  the  triumph  of  right  over  wrong 
Be  shield  to  the  weak  and  a  curb  to  the  strong, 
When  counsel  prevails  and,  the  battle-flags  furled, 
The  High  Court  of  Nations  gives  Law  to  the  world. 

And  thou,  O  my  Country,  from  many  made  one, 
Last -born  of  the  nations,  at  morning  thy  sun, 
Arise  to  the  place  thou  art  given  to  fill, 
And  lead  the  world-triumph  of  peace  and  good  will ! 
I' 

WAR 

(Written  for  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  by  Eidgely  Torrence.) 

I  heard  in  the  street  the  echoing  trouble  of  multiple  drums: 
The  driving  fifes  are  near  and  clear,  and  now  the  army  comes. 
The  soldiers,  the  sailors,  the  banners  and  the  brave; 
And  we  shall  have  a  victory  and  they  shall  have  a  grave. 

I  heard  the  bitter  trumpets  cry  out  around  the  sun, 
As,  shadow  by  shadow,  the  fight  was  lost  and  won. 
The  clouds  drew  down  and  listened,  hearing  under  them 
The  music  mourning  in  the  rain,  and  this  the  requiem : 

The  house  not  made  with  hands  is  heing  overthrown, 
The  young  men's  vision  fades,  the  old  men's  dream  is  flown. 
Tliey  turned  upon  their  "brothers,  how  shall  they  atone? 
Awake,  behold  the  field,  for  they  have  slain  their  own. 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

At  the  Arbitration  and  Peace  Congress  in  New  York,  in 
1907,  an  invitation  was  extended  by  a  group  of  Chicago  dele- 
gates, including  Miss  Jane  Addams,  Dr.  Emil  G.  Hirsch  and 
Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  to  hold  the  next  National  Peace  Con- 
gress in  Chicago. 

In  November,  1908,  the  American  Peace  Society,  which 
initiated  the  New  York  Congress,  sent  its  Field  Secretary, 
Charles  E.  Beals,  to  confer  with  the  leading  peace  workers  in 
Chicago.  An  informal  lunch,  attended  by  the  above  named 
persons  and  Judge  Julian  W.  Mack,  was  held.  A  skeleton 
General  Committee  was  formed  and  many  names  were  suggested. 
When  some  sixty  members  had  been  secured  a  meeting  was  held, 
December  16,  at  the  City  Club.  The  advisability  of  holding 
a  Congress  in  Chicago  in  the  spring  of  1909  was  carefully  con- 
sidered, and,  on  motion  of  Rev.  W.  E.  Barton,  D.  D.,  seconded 
by  Judge  Edward  Osgood  Brown,  it  was  voted  that  a  National 
Peace  Congress  be  held  in  Chicago,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  the  entire  expense  to  be  provided  for 
by  the  Chicago  workers. 

Organization  was  effected  by  the  election  of  Rev.  Jenkin 
Lloyd  Jones  as  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee,  and 
Royal  L.  Melendy,  Secretary.  The  American  Peace  Society 
detailed  Mr.  Beals  to  assist  in  the  work  of  organizing  the  Con- 
gress. Hon.  J.  M.  Dickinson,  General  Counsel  for  the  Illinois 
Central  Railroad,  formerly  Assistant  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States,  ex-President  of  the  American  Bar  Association, 
and  Counsel  for  the  United  States  before  the  Alaska  Boundary 
Tribunal,  was  invited  to  act  as  President  of  the  Peace  Congress 
and  accepted.  Judge  Dickinson  was  almost  immediately  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  War  by  President  Taft  and  was  unable  to 
be  present  at  the  Peace  Congress,  being  in  Panama  at  the  time 
of  its  session.  Committees  for  various  purposes  were  appointed. 
In  due  time  organization  was  completed  as  set  forth  in  the  lists 

9 


lO 

of  officers  and  committees.  An  office  was  opened  at  174  Adams 
street.  Probably  seventy  thousand  pieces  of  mail  matter,  includ- 
ing letters,  circulars  and  invitations,  were  sent  out.  Thanks  to 
the  efficient  Finance  Committee  and  the  generous  cooperation 
of  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  the  necessary  funds — some  $12,000 — • 
were  raised. 

Without  the  splendid  assistance  of  the  Chicago  Association 
of  Commerce,  the  task  of  organizing  _and  financing  the  Congress 
would  have  been  difficult  indeed.  On  December  16,  1908,  Mr, 
Beals  addressed  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  Associ- 
ation of  Commerce  on  "The  Economic  Aspect  of  International- 
ism," and  explained  the  object  of  the  proposed  Second  National 
Peace  Congress.  In  March,  1909,  the  same  commiittee  devoted 
one  of  its  meetings  to  a  consideration  of  the  Congress,  and  was 
addressed  by  Miss  Addams,  Dr.  Hirsch,  and  Mr.  Alexander  A. 
McCormick.  Through  its  Convention  Bureau  Committee,  the 
Association  appropriated  $1,000  for  the  Congress.  Its  members, 
as  individuals,  also  made  liberal  subscriptions.  Moreover,  in 
conjunction  with  the  Industrial  Club  of  Chicago,  it  sent  a  dele- 
gation to  Washington  to  invite  the  foreign  Ambassadors  and 
other  eminent  men  to  be  its  guests  during  the  Peace  Congress. 
Automobile  rides,  receptions  and  luncheons  were  provided  by 
both  these  societies  for  the  distinguished  guests.  The  great 
banquets,  in  which  the  Congress  culminated  on  Wednesday  even- 
ing, were  given  by  the  Association  of  Commerce  and  were  bril- 
liant social  functions,  with  President  Skinner  and  Vice-President 
Wheeler  acting  as  toastmasters.  The  Association  also  issued  a 
special  National  Peace  Congress  edition  of  its  Guide  to  Chicago 
and  copies  were  presented  to  the  members  of  the  Congress. 

For  two  weeks  before  the  Congress,  Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead, 
of  Boston,  delivered  addresses  at  the  Chicago  and  Northwestern 
Universities,  Lake  Forest  College,  city  high  schools,  private 
schools  and  other  educational  institutions,  including  the  Congre- 
gational Theological  Semniary.  During  the  Congress,  Mrs. 
Mead,  Prof.  W.  I.  Hull,  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  Mrs.  G.  F. 
Lowell  and  others  addressed  many  schools.  Mr.  Robert  C.  Root, 
of  Los  Angeles,  gave  a  lecture  at  Valparaiso  University,  Valpa- 
raiso, Ind.  The  requests  for  speakers  from  principals  of  schools 
were  so  numerous  that  not  a  quarter  of  them  could  be  granted. 


II 

Mr.  W.  A.  Mahony,  of  Columbus,  addressed  a  body  of  school 
principals.  There  was  everywhere  an  enthusiastic  response  to 
the  message  and  much  appreciation  of  the  recitations  given  by 
a  young  New  York  school  girl,  Miss  Ray  Goller,  who  was  a 
delegate  from  the  Young  People's  League  for  International  Fed- 
eration, Literature  was  circulated  at  all  these  meetings  and  the 
observance  of  the  i8th  of  May  as  Hague  Day  emphasized. 

The  Ministers'  Meetings  of  the  city  devoted  their  sessions  on 
Monday  morning,  May  3,  to  the  subject  of  Peace,  and  visiting 
delegates  delivered  addresses. 

To  call  the  roll  of  those  who  rendered  conspicuous  service  in 
helping  to  make  the  Congress  a  success  would  require  generous 
space.  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  Miss  Addams,  Dr.  Llirsch,  and 
Hon.  George  E.  Roberts  gave  unstinted  support  to  the  undertak- 
ing. No  more  efficient  Secretary  could  have  been  found  than 
Professor  Mclendy,  who  seemed  to  be  providentially  raised  up  for 
the  task  of  administrative  detail.  The  work  performed  by  Mrs. 
Charles  Henrotin,  President  John  S.  Nollen,  George  C.  Sikes, 
A.  M.  Simons,  Judge  Edward  Osgood  Brown,  Joseph  B.  Burtt, 
Rev.  A.  Eugene  Bartlett  and  other  chairmen  of  committees  was 
signally  efficient  and  worthy  of  special  mention.  It  would  be 
hard  to  over-value  the  service  rendered  by  Alexander  A.  Mc- 
Cormick,  Ezra  Warner,  Jr.,  Alfred  L.  Baker,  and  all  the  other 
members  of  the  Finance  Committee.  To  Messrs.  Skinner, 
Wheeler,  Flail,  T.  Edward  Wilder,  Moody.  Harper,  Gibson,  Treat, 
Miller,  and  others  of  the  Association  of  Commerce,  and  to  Fred- 
erick Bode  and  Rudolph  Ortmann,  of  the  Industrial  Club,  lasting 
gratitude  is  due.  For  advice,  encouragement  and  hearty  support, 
the  Congress  is  indebted  to  Doctor  Trueblood  and  Mr.  Edwin 
D.  Mead,  of  Boston ;  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie,  Prof.  Dutton,  Prof. 
Richard  and  Mr.  Hamilton  Holt,  of  New  York ;  to  Hon.  James 
Brown  Scott,  of  the  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  to 
Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Senator  Burton,  Senator  Root, 
Congressmen  Bartholdt  and  Tawney ;  to  Hon.  John  W.  Foster, 
ex-Secretary  of  State ;  to  Justice  David  J.  Brewer,  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court ;  to  Secretary  Ballinger,  of  the  Department 
of  the  Interior;  to  Secretary  Dickinson,  of  the  War  Department, 
and  to  President  Taft. 

One  of  the  delightful  surprises  of  the  Congress  was  the 


12 

announcement  of  a  gift  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  to  the 
Northwestern  University  for  the  promotion  of  International 
Peace  and  Interdenominational  Harmony.  The  donor  is  Mr. 
John  R.  Lindgren,  of  Chicago,  the  Swedish  Consul  in  this  city, 
and  Vice-President  of  the  State  Bank  of  Chicago.  The  Congress 
will  thus  have  a  permanent  memorial  in  this  endowment,  which 
is  probably  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  world. 

C.  E.  B. 


PROGRAM 


PRELIMINARY  MEETINGS 
Saturday  Morning,  May    1 

SPECIAL  MEETING  FOR  TEACHERS. 

Music  Hall,  Fine  Arts  Building,  10  o 'Clock. 

Selection — Young  People's  Chorus. 

Address — "Peace  Work  with  New  York  School  Children," 

Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson,  of  New  York. 
Selection — The  Sherwood  School  Boys'  Glee  Club. 
Address — Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  of  Boston,  Secretary  of  the 

American  School  Peace  League. 
Selection — The  Sherwood  School  Boys'  Glee  Club. 
Address — ' '  Teaching  Patriotism  and  History. ' ' 

Mr.  Edwin  D.  Meiad,  of  Boston. 

Song  and   Chorus — "A   Song  of  Peace."     Written   for  Second  National 

Peace  Congress  by  Miss  Althea  A.  Ogden. 

Sunday  Morning  and  Afternoon,  May  2 

Special  Peace  Services  in  Churches  and  Halls,  Arranged  by  Pastors, 
Labor  Leaders  and  Socialist  Organizations. 

Sunday  Evening,  May  2 

Mass  Meeting  in  Orchestra  Hall,  8  o 'Clock,  Under  the  Auspices  of 

THE  Sunday  Evening  Club. 

Mr.  Clifford  W.  Barnes  Presiding. 

Organ  Program: 

Scherzo  from  Fifth  Sonate Guilmant 

Evening   Song Bairstow 

Tannhauser  March Wagner 

Anthem — Schermerhorn  "s  ' '  Song  of  Peace  " Sullivan 

Doxology — The  audience  standing. 

The  Lord  's  Prayer — All  uniting. 

13 


14 

Solo— "The  Lord  Is  My  Light" AlUtsen 

Mb.  Marion  Green. 
Scripture  Heading — Mr.  David  E.  Forgan. 
Prayer — Eight  Eev.  Charles  P.  Anderson. 

Anthem — Kipling 's  ' '  Eecessional " DeKoven 

Announcements — The  Chairman. 

Offertory  Anthem. 

Hymn — "Hear,  O  Ye  Nations."     Written  for  the  Second  National  Peace 

Congress,  by  Frederick  L.  Hosmer. 
Addresses — Eev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones. 

Eev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch. 

President  Jacob  Gould  Schurman,  Cornell  University. 

Hymn — "These  Things  Shall  Be" John  Addington  Symonds 

Benediction — Eight    Eev.    Edward    W.    Osborne,    Protestant    Episcopal 

Bishop  of  Springfield,  111. 
Organ  Postlude — Finale  in  B  flat Wohlstenholme 

Monday  Morning,  May  3 

Eegistration  of  Delegates,  Orchestra  Hall. 

THE  CONGRESS 

First  Session,  Monday  Afternoon,  May  3 

Orchestra  Hall,  2  o 'Clock. 

"EETEOSPECT  AND  PEOSPECT" 

Hon.  Egbert  Treat  Paine,  of  Boston,  Presiding. 

President's  Opening  Address. 

"Welcome  to  the  State — Hon.  Charles  S.  Deneen,  Governor  of  Illinois. 

Welcome  to  the  City — Hon.  Fred  A.  Busse,  Mayor  of  Chicago. 

Address    of    Welcome — Eev.    A.    Eugene    Bartlett,    Chairman    Eeception 

Committee. 
Eeadiug  of  Letters. 
Announcement — "A  World  Petition  to  the  Third  Hague  Conference." 

Miss  Anna  B.  Eckstein,  Boston. 
Address — ' '  The  Present  Position  of  the  Peace  Movement. ' ' 

Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Secretary  of  the 
American  Peace  Society. 
Address — ' '  The  Dawn  of  Universal  Peace. ' ' 

Dean  W.  P.  Eogers,  of  Cincinnati  Law  School. 

Monday  Afternoon,  May  3 

In  the  Grand  Foyer,  Orchestra  Hall,  4:30  to  5:30  o 'Clock. 
EECEPTION   TO   DELEGATES. 


15 

Second  Session,  Monday  Evening,  May  3 

Orchestra  Hall,  8  o'clock. 

"THE  DEAWING  TOGETHER  OF  THE  NATIONS." 

Eev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch,  of  Chicago,  Presiding. 

Address — "Interdependence  versus  Independence  of  Nations." 
Prof.  Paul  S.  Eeinsch,  of  University  of  Wisconsin. 
Address — "Eacial  Progress  towards  Universal  Peace." 
Mr.  H.  T.  Kealing,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Solo — '  *  O  Country  Bright  and  Fair Horatio  Parker 

Mrs.  L.  S.  Teavksbxjry. 
Address — "War  and  Manhood." 

President  David  Starr  Jordan,  Leland  Stanford,  Jr., 
University. 

Third  Session,  Monday   Evening,  May  3 

Music  Hall,  Fine  Arts  Building,  8  o 'Clock. 

"SOME  PEACEMAKING  FACTORS  IN  MODERN  SOCIETY." 

Miss  Jane  Addams,  of  Chicago,  Presiding. 

Address — "Fraternal  Orders  and  Peace." 

Mr.  Joseph  B.  Burtt,  of  Chicago. 
Address — "Industrial  Basis   for   International   Peace." 

Pkof.  Graham  Taylor,  Chicago  Commons. 
Solo — "Why  Do  the  Nations  so  furiously  Rage  together?" 
(from  Handel's  "Messiah") 

Mr.  Arthur  Beresford. 
Address — ' '  Organized  Labor  and  Peace. ' ' 

Mr.  Samuel  Gompers,  President  American  Federation 
of  Labor,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Address — ' '  International  Socialism  as  a  Peace  Force. ' ' 

Hon.  Carl  D.  Thompson,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Fourth  Session,  Tuesday  Morning,  May   4 

Orchestra  Hall,  9:30  o 'Clock. 
"COMMERCE  AND   INDUSTRY." 

Hon.  George  E.  Roberts,  President  Commercial  National 
Bank,  of  Chicago,  Presiding. 
Address — Mr.  Belton  Gilreath,  Birmingham,  Ala. 

Address — Mr.  W.  A.  Mahony,  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Columbus,  O. 
Address — ' '  Civilizing  Features  of  International  Commerce. ' ' 

Hon.  James  Arbuckle,  Consul  of  Spain  and  Colombia, 
St.  Louis,  Mo. 


i6 

Address — "Business  Men  Want  Peace." 

Marcus  M,   Makks,  President  National  Association 

of  Clothiers,  New  York. 

Address — Mr.  T.  H.  Molton,  Birmingham,  Ala.,  President  Alabama  State 

Association  of  Commerce. 
Address — Hon.  Harlow  N.  Higinbotham,  of  Chicago. 

Tuesday  Morning,  May  4 

In  the  Committee  Eoom,  Orchestra  Hall,  11  o'clock. 
OPEN  SESSION  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  KESOLUTIONS. 

Fifth  Session,  Tuesday  Afternoon,  May  4 

Orchestra  Hall,  2  o'clock. 

"SOME   LEGAL   ASPECTS   OF   THE   PEACE   MOVEMENT." 

Hon.  William  J.  Calhoun,  of  Chicago,  Presiding. 
Address — ' '  The  Advance  Kegistered  by  the  Two  Hague  Conferences. ' ' 

Prof.  William  I.  Hull,  of  Swarthmore  College,  Pennsylvania. 
Address — "Legal  Problems  Capable  of  Settlement  by  Arbitration." 

Prof.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Chicago. 
Address — "Some  Questions  Likely  To  Be  Considered  by  the  Third  Hague 
Conference. ' ' 
Hon.   James   Brown   Scott,   Solicitor  of  the   State 
Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Address — ' '  The  Application  of  Arbitration. ' ' 
Hon.  W.  I.  Buchanan. 

Sixth  Session,  Tuesday  Afternoon,  May  4 

Chicago  Woman's  Club,  1:30  o'clock. 

"WOMAN'S  WOKK  FOR  PEACE." 

(Meeting  Open  to  Men  and  Women.) 

Mrs.  Ellen  M.  Henrotin,  of  Chicago,  formerly  President  of  the  General 

Federation  of   Women's   Clubs,   Presiding. 
Prayer. 

Address  by  the  Chairman. 
Greetings  from  Delegates: 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Moore,  President  General  Federation  of  Women 's 

Clubs. 
Mrs.  Francis  D.  Everett,  President  of  Illinois  Federation  of 

Women's  Clubs. 
Mrs.    Charles    D.    Bancroft,   Delegate    from    New   Hampshire 

Federation  of  Women's  Clubs. 
Mrs.  William  F.  Hartman,  Delegate  from  Colorado  Federation 
of  Women's  Clubs. 


17 

Mrs.    Johx    M.    Hess,    Delegate    from    Arizona    Federation    of 

Women's  Clubs. 
Mrs.  William  T.  Lewis,  Delegate  from  the  Ebell,  Los  Angeles, 

California. 
Mrs.  George  C.  Sikes,  Delegate  from  Association  of  Collegiate 

Alumna;. 
Mrs.  Henry  Solomon,  Delegate  from  National  Council  of  Jewish 

Women, 
Mrs.   Elizabeth  A,   Eagle,  Delegate   from   League   of   Catholic 

Women, 
Mrs.    O.    W.    Stewart,    President    of    Illinois    State    Suffrage 

Association. 
Mrs.  Orville  F.  Bright,  Delegate  from  Congress  of  Mothers. 
Address — Miss   Mary  McDowell,  Delegate  from  Women's  Trade   Union 

League. 
Address — "Woman's  Special  Training  for  Peacemaking." 
Miss  Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago. 
Address — "Five  Dangerous  Fallacies." 

Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead,  Boston. 
Outlines  of  Study  for  Peace  Work, 

Seventh  Session,  Tuesday  Afternoon,  May  4 

Mandel  Hall,  University  of  Chicago,  2  o 'Clock. 

INTERCOLLEGIATE   OEATORICAL   CONTEST. 
Dean  George  E.  Vincent,  of  Chicago  University,  Presiding. 
Interstate-Intercollegiate  Oratorical  Contest. 
Address — ' '  The  Cosmopolitan  Clubs. ' ' 

Mr.  Louis  P.  Lochner,  Madison,  Wisconsin. 
The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association  will  hold  a  meeting  at  the  close 
of  this  session. 

Eighth  Session,  Tuesday  Evening,  May  4 

Orchestra  H.vll,  8  o  'Clock. 
"NEXT  STEPS  IN  PEACEMAKING," 
President  David  Starr  Jordan,  of  California,  Presiding. 
Address — ' '  A  Systematic  Campaign  of  Education  for  Peace. ' ' 

Mr.  Edwin  Ginn,  of  Boston. 
Address — ' '  Armaments  as  Irritants, ' ' 

Eev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  of  Chicago. 

Song — ' '  Danny  Deever  " Walter  Damrosch 

Dr.  W.  W.  Hinshaw. 
Address — "The  Arrest  in  Competitive  Arming  in  Fidelity   to   The  Hague 
Movement. ' ' 

Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead,  of  Boston. 
Address — Hon.  Eichard  Bartholdt,  M.  C,  President  of  American  Group, 

Interparliamentary  Union. 


i8 


Ninth  Session,  Tuesday  Evening,  May  4 

Music  Haix,,  Fine  Arts  Building,  8  o'clock. 

" UNIVEESITIES  AND  COLLEGES." 

President  John  S.  Nollen,  of  Lake  Forest  College,  Presiding. 

Stereopticon  Lecture — "The  Federation  of  the  World." 

Mr.  Hamilton  Holt,  Managing  Editor  of  The  Independent. 
Address — President  S.  P.  Bkooks,  Baylor  University,  Texas. 
Music  by  Lake  Forest  University  Glee  Club. 

Tenth  Session,  Wednesday  Morning,  May  5 

Orchestra  Hall,  9:30  o 'Clock. 

BUSINESS  SESSION  AND  CONFEEENCE  OF  PEACE  WORKERS. 

Hon.  Joseph  B.  Moore,  Justice  of  Supreme  Court  of  Michigan,  Presiding. 

Transaction  of  Business  and  Adoption  of  Platform. 
Ten-Minute  Addresses: 

' '  The  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference. ' ' 

Mr.  H.  C.  Phillips,  of  Lake  Mohonk,  New  York,  Secretary. 
"State  Peace  Congresses — Pennsylvania's  Experience." 

Mr.  Henry  C.  Niles,  of  York,  Pennsylvania. 
' '  A  Permanent  Peace  Office  in  New  York. ' ' 

Mb.  William  H.  Short,  Executive  Secretary  of  the  New  York 

Peace  Society. 
' '  The  Pacific  Coast  Agency. ' ' 

Mr.  Robert  C.  Root,  of  Los  Angeles,  California,  Pacific  Coast 
Agent  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 
'  *  The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association. ' ' 

Mr.  George  Fulk,  of  Cerro  Gordo,  Illinois,  Secretary. 
"The  London  Peace  Congress  of  1908." 

Rev.  J.  L.  Tryon,  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  American  Peace  Society. 
' '  The  American  School  Peace  League. ' ' 

Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  of  Boston,  Secretary. 
* '  The  Universal  Peace  Union. ' ' 

Mr.  Alfred  II.  Love,  of  Philadelphia,  President. 
' '  The  Peace  Society  of  Japan. ' ' 

Rev.  Gilbert  Bowles,  of  Tokio,  Japan. 


19 


Eleventh  Session,  Wednesday  Afternoon,  May  5 

Orchestra  Hall,  2  o  'Clock. 

INTERNATIONAL  GEEETINGS. 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C,  Presiding. 

The  Foreign  Consuls  resident  in  Chicago  \^ill  be  present  at  this  session 

as  special  guests  of  the  Congress. 

Address — Count  Johann  Heinkich  von  Bernstorff,  Ambassador  Extraor- 
dinary and  Plenipotentiary  of  Germany. 

Address — Hon.  Herman  de  Lagercrantz,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  Sweden. 

Address — Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary of  China. 

Address — Mr.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes,  Counselor  of  the  British  Embassy. 

Address — Mr.  K.  Matsubara,  Japanese  Consul  in  Chicago,  representing  the 
Imperial  Japanese  Embassy,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Address — Dr.  IIalvdan  Koht,  Professor  of  Modern  History  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Norway,  Christiania;  Ex-President  of  the  National 
Peace  Organization  of  Norway,  and  Adviser  in  Political 
History  for  the  Nobel  Committee  of  Norway. 

Address — Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

Wednesday  Evening,  May  5 

Auditorium  and  Auditorium  Annex  Hotels. 

BANQUET  GIVEN  BY  THE  CHICAGO  ASSOCIATION  OF  COMMERCE. 

Addresses — By  some  of  the  speakers  of  the  Afternoon  Session  and 
Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C. 
Hon.  James  A.  Tawney,  M,  C. 


GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  PEACE 
MOVEMENT 

New  York  Peace  Society,  organized  1815,  first  in  the  world. 

Many  state  societies  organized  in  quick  succession. 

A  national  organization,  the  American  Peace  Society,  formed  in  1S28,  in 
which  the  state  societies  merged  themselves. 

Peace  movement  spread  rapidly  until  the  time  of  the  Crimean  \\ar,  Ameri- 
can Civil  War,  etc. 

Great  Peace  Jubilees  held  throughout  the  country  in  1871. 

International  Law  Association  organized,  1873. 

Interparliamentary  Union  formed,  1889. 

International  Peace  Bureau  established  at  Berne,  1891. 

First  Lake  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference,  1895. 

American  Society  of  International  Law  organized,  1906. 

Intercollegiate  Peace  Association,  1905. 

Association  for  International  Conciliation. 

Now  a  score  or  more  of  Peace  Societies  in  the  United  States. 

Peace  Day,  18th  of  May  (Hague  Day). 

Peace  Sunday,  the  Sunday  before  Christmas, 

International  Peace  Congresses 

First  Series:  1.  London,  1843;  2.  Brussels,  1848;  3.  Paris,  1849;  4.  Frank- 
fort, 1850;    5.  London,  1851;    6.  Edinburgh,  1853. 

Second  Series:  1.  Paris,  1889;  2.  London,  1890 ;  3.  Eome,  1891;  4.  Berne, 
1892;  5.  Chicago,  1893;  6.  Antwerp,  1894;  7.  Budapest,  1896; 
8.  Hamburg,  1897;  9.  Paris,  1900;  10.  Glasgow,  1901;  11.  Monaco, 
1902;  12.  Eouen,  1903;  13.  Boston,  1904;  14.  Lucerne,  1905;  15.  Milan, 
1906;   16.  Munich,  1907;   17.  London,  1908. 

National   Peace  Congresses  in  the  United  States 

First :     New  York,  in  1907. 
Second:     Chicago,  in  1909. 

Some  Intergovernmental   Peacemaking 

Joint  disarmament  by  Great   Britain   and  United  States  along  Canadian 

Border,  1817  to  present  time. 
Central  American  High  Court  of  Nations  established. 
Pan-American  Congress,  1889,  led  to  establishment  of  International  Bureau 

of  American  Republics,  1890. 
Pacific  settlement  of  over  600  international  disputes. 

20 


21 

The  statue  of  The  Christ  of  the  Andes,  commemorating  joint  disarmament 

of  Chile  and  Argentina,  erected,  1904. 
Many  international  bureaus   (e.  g.  the  Universal  Postal  Union)   already  in 

actual  operation. 
Over  eighty  arbitration  treaties  now  in  effect. 

ITEST  HAGUE  CONFERENCE,  May  IS,  1899,  of  twenty-six  nations. 
SECOND  HAGUE  CONFERENCE,  June  15,   1907,  of  forty-four  nations. 
Third  Hague  Conference,  to  be  held  about  1915. 

Some  Honored  Peace  Workers 

Forerunners:  Erasmus,  Henry  IV  of  France,  Hugo  Grotius,  George  Fox, 
William  Penn,  St.  Pierre. 

Later  Workers — European:  Puffendorf,  Vattel,  Rousseau,  Turgot,  Victor 
Hugo,  Locke,  Leibnitz,  Montesquieu,  Kant,  Fichte,  Schelliug,  Adam 
Smith,  Bentham,  Cobden,  Bright,  Henry  Richard,  Jonathan  Dymond, 
Frederick  Passy,  Charles  Lemonnier,  Hodgson  Pratt,  E.  T.  Moneta,  the 
Baroness  von  Suttner,  Frederick  Bajer,  J.  Novicow,  Jean  de  Bloch, 
Leo  Tolstoy. 

American:  David  L.  Dodge,  William  Ladd,  Noah  Worcester,  William  E. 
Channing,  Josiah  Quincy,  Thomas  S.  Grimke,  William  Jay,  John  G. 
Whittier,  Charles  Sumner,  Elihu  Burritt,  Thomas  C.  Upham,  Gerrit 
Smith,  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  David  Dudley  Field,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Adin  Ballou,  James  B.  Miles,  Roland  B.  Howard,  George  C. 
Beckwith,  Henry  W.  Longfellow,  James  Russell  Lowell. 

Noble   Peace   Prize  Awards 

1901 — Henri  Dunant,  Swiss,  and  Frederic  Passy,  French. 

1902 — E.  Ducommun  and  A.  Gobat,  both  Swiss. 

1903— W.  R.  Cremer,  English. 

1904 — The  Institution  of  International  Law,  the  first  award  to  an  institution. 

1905 — Baroness  von  Suttner,  Austrian. 

1906 — President  Theodore  Roosevelt,  American. 

1907 — Ernesto  Teodoro  Moneta,  Italian,  and  Louis  Renault,  French. 

1908 — K.  P.  Arnoldson,  Swede,  and  M.  F.  Bajer,  Dane. 


PRELIMINARY  MEETINGS 


The  Progress  of  Peace  Principles 

Hon.  J.  M.  Dickinson,  President  of  the  Congress.* 

The  blessings  of  peace  have  always  been  exalted.  Yet,  as 
countless  woes  were  inflicted  upon  Trojans  and  Greeks  alike  for 
a  wrong  that  could  never  be  righted,  so  mankind  throughout  the 
ages  has  suffered  the  horrors  of  senseless  wars,  always  hoping 
for  a  fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  that  strong  nations  "shall  beat 
their  swords  into  plowshares  and  their  spears  into  pruning  hooks ; 
nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they 
learn  war  any  more."  That  time  is  yet  far  distant,  but  there 
has  been  such  development  and  strengthening  of  the  forces  that 
make  for  peace  that  its  advocates  are  boldly  aggressive,  knowing 
that  they  have  the  potentiality  that  comes  from  the  quickened 
universal  consciences  of  an  enlightened  age. 

"The  sky  at  times  is  dark  and  threatening,  but 

Not  wholly  so  to  him  who  looks 
In  steadiness ;  who  hath  among  least  things 

An  under-sense  of  greatest ;   sees  the  parts 
As  parts,  but  with  a  feeling  of  the  whole." 

The  present  status  in  the  progress  of  peace  is  a  product  of 
the  centuries.  It  is  the  resultant  of  the  progression  of  all  ideas 
and  efforts  for  the  substitution  of  some  other  tribunal  than  that 
of  war  for  the  adjustment  of  international  affairs. 


*Thi3  speech  wa.s  prepared  by  Judge  Dickinson  for  the  Peace  Con- 
gress. As  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  War  required  liis  presence  in  Panama 
during  the  Peace  Congress,  the  author  delivered  the  address  before  the  Ham- 
ilton Club  of  Chicago,  April  9. 

22 


23 

Every  theory  of  the  doctrinaires,  however  impracticable  for 
the  times,  which  contained  a  germ  of  truth,  as  well  as  every  real 
achievement,  no  matter  how  small  in  comparison  with  the  total 
of  international  depravity  which  prevailed,  has  become  a  com- 
mon heritage  of  humanity,  an  inspiration  transmitted  from  age 
to  age,  advancing  the  thoughts  and  ideals  of  men  and  preparing 
them  for  international  arbitration,  which,  entering  upon  a  new 
era  about  1815,  has  so  progressed  in  our  time  that  no  one  can 
doubt  that  it  is  the  most  powerful  force  now  working  upon  the 
nations  for  the  temporal  happiness  of  mankind. 

International  arbitration,  as  we  know  it,  is  no  more  a  prod- 
uct of  the  last  hundred  years  than  was  the  federal  constitution 
of  1789  a  product  of  that  year.  It  is  a  flower  of  our  time,  but 
the  roots  of  the  plant  which  matured  it  found  their  beginning  in 
the  soil  of  previous  centuries. 

The  greatest  peace  contribution  before  our  time  was  that 
of  Hugo  Grotius  (1585-1645),  the  author  of  "De  Jure  Belli  ac 
Pacis,"  published  during  the  horrors  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
of  which  Andrew  D.  White  said:  "Of  all  works  not  claiming 
divine  inspiration,  that  book,  written  by  a  man  proscribed  and 
hated  both  for  his  politics  and  his  religion,  has  proved  the  great- 
est blessing  to  humanity.  More  than  any  other  it  has  prevented 
unmerited  suffering,  misery  and  sorrow ;  more  than  any  other  it 
has  ennobled  the  military  profession ;  more  than  any  other  it 
has  promoted  the  blessings  of  peace  and  diminished  the  hor- 
rors of  war.  .  .  .  We  may  reverently  insist  that  in  the 
domain  of  international  law  Grotius  said,  'Let  there  be  light,' 
and  there  was  light." 

The  thoughts  and  sentiments  implanted  from  time  to  time 
in  the  mind  of  humanity,  though,  like  all  great  things,  slow  of 
development,  stirred  the  public  conscience  and  subdued,  having 
as  a  powerful  auxiliary  the  economic  conditions  involved  in  the 
direct  and  indirect  costs  of  modern  warfare,  the  fierce  tendencies 
of  nations.  But  little  practical  progress  was  made  during  the 
periods  of  blood  and  carnage  that  prevailed  until  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  formation  of  our  federal  constitution,  creating  for  the 
first  time  a  court  with  full  and  final  power  to  settle  all  contro- 
versies  between   sovereign    states,    was   the   greatest    step    ever 


24 

taken  toward  substituting  judicial  procedure  for  appeal  to  arms. 
The  Jay  Treaty  of  1794  contained  provisions  for  adjusting  by 
arbitration  three  questions  which  threatened  to  involve  us  in 
war  with  Great  Britain,  and  under  it  three  separate  boards  of 
arbitration  were  created.  Our  treaty  of  1795  with  Spain  like- 
wise contained  a  provision  for  arbitration.  By  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent,  in  1814,  three  boards  of  arbitration  were  created. 

After  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  a  general  reaction  began 
in  all  civilized  countries  against  barbarous  methods  of  settling 
disputes.  Peace  ideas  were  fostered  and  promoted  in  every  way, 
peace  societies  and  peace  congresses  constantly  stirred  the  con- 
science of  the  world. 

The  Treaty  of  1848,  which  concluded  peace  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  provided  that  the  two  nations  would 
in  future  adjust  their  disagreements  by  pacific  negotiations  and 
by  arbitration. 

In  185 1  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  reported  to  the 
United  States  Senate  a  resolution  declaring  that  it  was  desirable 
to  secure  in  treaties  a  provision  for  arbitration.  Similar  reso- 
lutions were  introduced  in  Congress  in  1854,  1872,  1874  and  1878. 

The  treaty  which  most  profoundly  influenced  the  ideas  of 
the  world  was  that  of  Washington  in  1871,  which  provided  for 
four  arbitrations.  In  1863,  during  the  preliminary  negotiations, 
Mr.  Adams  assured  Lord  Russell  that  there  was  "no  fair  and 
equitable  form  of  conventional  arbitrament"  to  which  America 
would  not  be  willing  to  submit.  Lord  Russell  in  the  beginning 
said  that  England  would  be  disgraced  forever  if  a  foreign  gov- 
ernment were  left  to  arbitrate  whether  an  English  Secretary  of 
State  had  been  diligent  or  negligent  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties. 
The  English  Chief  Justice  said  that  the  whole  thing  was  dead. 
Mr.  Adams  arose  again  to  a  great  height  and  saved  the  treaty 
by  getting  his  colleagues  to  make  an  extrajudicial  but  effective 
declaration  that  certain  claims  ought  to  be  excluded  from  consid- 
eration. He  said :  'T  should  be  assuming  a  great  responsibility, 
but  I  should  do  so  not  as  an  arbitrator  representing  my  country, 
but  as  representing  all  nations." 

These  long,  painful  but  successful  negotiations,  during  which 
so  many  irritating  questions  arose,  which  resulted  in  the  end  in 
such  a  great  achievement,  fully  attest  the  fixed  purpose  of  both 


25 

nations  to  use  every  effort  to  avoid  a  conflict  of  arms.  John  Alor- 
ley  says :  "The  Treaty  of  Washington  and  the  Geneva  Arbitra- 
tion stand  out  as  the  most  notable  victory  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury of  the  noble  art  of  preventive  diplomacy  and  the  most  signal 
exhibition  in  their  history  of  self-command  in  two  of  the  three 
chief  democratic  powers  of  the  western  world." 

The  arbitration  held  in  Paris  in  1893,  in  the  Fur  Seal  case, 
and  the  Arbitral  Tribunal,  which  decided  the  Alaskan  boundary 
dispute,  were  next  in  importance.  A  variety  of  questions  such  as 
those  involving  disputed  boundaries,  injuries  to  public  and  pri- 
vate property  and  persons,  disputed  sovereignty  over  islands, 
seizure  of  ships,  and  interferences  with  fisheries  and  commerce, 
have  been  peaceably  and  economically  adjusted,  which  in  former 
times  would  probably  have  led  to  war.  Although  it  has  been 
often  said  that  questions  of  national  honor  cannot  be  submitted  to 
arbitration,  experience  has  shown  that  the  term  "national  honor" 
is  variable,  and  in  some  degree  shadowy,  and  that  many  questions 
which  under  a  former  code  would  have  been  catalogued  under 
"national  honor"  have  been  submitted  and  settled  in  this  way, 
even  though  at  the  outset,  as  was  said  by  Lord  Russell  in  regard 
to  the  Alabama  claims,  such  a  submission  was  thought  to  be 
incompatible  with  national  dignity. 

By  far  the  most  notable  event  in  the  history  of  the  world 
bearing,  upon  international  peace  was  the  First  Hague  Confer- 
ence. Upon  the  suggestion  of  Russia,  the  assent  of  the  govern- 
ments interested  having  been  secured.  Her  Majesty  the  Queen 
of  the  Netherlands  invited  all  governments  having  regular  diplo- 
matic representation  at  St.  Petersburg,  as  well  as  Luxemburg, 
Montenegro,  and  Siam,  to  hold  the  conference  at  The  Hague  on 
May  18,  1899.  The  South  African  Republic,  the  Holy  See  and 
the  republics  of  Central  and  South  America  were  omitted.  Not- 
withstanding the  omission  of  the  Holy  See,  the  Pope,  in  a  letter 
of  May  20  to  the  Queen  of  the  Netherlands,  gave  assurance  of 
his  warm  sympathy. 

The  nations  participating  were  Germany,  United  States  of 
America,  Austria-Hungary,  Belgium,  China,  Denmark,  Spain, 
France,  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  Greece,  Italy,  Japan,  Luxem- 
burg, Mexico,  Montenegro,  Netherlands,  Persia,  Portugal,  Rou- 
mania,  Russia,  Servia,  Siam,  Sweden  and  Norway,  Switzerland, 


26 

Turkey  and  Bulgaria — twenty-six  in  all,  represented  by  one  hun- 
dred members.  Of  the  independent  governments  of  the  world, 
the  Central  and  South  American  republics,  the  Sultanates  of 
Morocco  and  Muscat,  the  Orange  Free  State,  the  Principality  of 
Monaco,  the  Republic  of  San  Marino,  and  the  Kingdom  of 
Abyssinia  were  the  only  ones  not  represented.  They  agreed  to 
submission  for  signature  by  the  plenipotentiaries  up  to  December 
31,  1899,  on  three  conventions  and  three  declarations,  to  form  so 
many  separate  acts.  The  first  convention  was  "for  the  peaceful 
adjustment  of  international  differences." 

The  signatory  powers  agreed  to  use  their  best  efforts  to 
insure  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  differences,  in  cases 
of  disagreement  or  conflict  before  an  appeal  to  arms,  to  have,  as 
far  as  circumstances  allow,  recourse  to  the  good  office  or  media- 
tion of  one  or  more  friendly  powers ;  to  sanction,  even  during 
hostilities,  the  intervention  of  powers  strangers  to  the  dispute  by 
offering  their  good  offices  as  mediators  in  reconciling  opposing 
claims  and  in  appeasing  feelings  of  resentment.  They  recom- 
mended, when  circumstances  will  allow,  a  resort  by  the  parties  at 
variance  to  special  mediation  of  powers  selected  by  them  and 
during  the  period  allowed  for  the  execution  of  such  mandate  the 
states  in  conflict  shall  cease  from  all  direct  communications.  In 
differences  involving  neither  honor  nor  vital  interests,  and  only 
matters  of  fact,  they  recommended  that  the  parties  interested 
institute  an  International  Commission  of  Inquiry,  whose  report 
shall  be  limited  to  a  statement  of  the  facts,  and  shall  only  be 
advisory. 

Title  LV.  deals  with  International  Arbitration.  It  defines 
as  its  object  "The  determination  of  controversies  between  states 
by  judges  of  their  own  choice  upon  the  basis  of  respect  for  law," 
and  declares  that  the  signatory  powers  recognize  arbitration  as 
the  most  efficacious  and  most  equitable  method  of  deducing  ques- 
tions regarding  the  interpretation  of  application  of  international 
treaties.  Then  follows  the  solemn  declaration  that  "The  agree- 
ment or  arbitration  implies  the  obligation  to  submit  in  good  faith 
to  the  decision  of  the  arbitral  tribunal." 

They  undertook  to  organize  a  permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, accessible  at  all  times,  which  shall  have  jurisdiction  of  all 


27 

cases  of  arbitration  unless  the  parties  shall  establish  a  special 
tribunal. 

Sixteen  powers  signed  the  treaty  on  July  29tli.  It  was  rati- 
fied unanimously  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  on  February 
5,  1900.  All  of  the  powers  represented  at  the  conference  signed 
it.  They  govern  nine-tenths  of  the  w^orld,  and  their  populations 
embraced  fourteen  hundred  millions  out  of  the  total  sixteen  hun- 
dred millions  of  the  earth's  inhabitants. 

Although  not  invited  to  become  parties  of  the  Hague  Con- 
ference the  South  American  republics,  animated  by  a  spirit  that 
rose  above  all  littleness  and  which  commanded  the  admiration  of 
the  world,  by  a  resolution  passed  at  the  Mexican  International 
Conference  in  1902,  recognized  the  principles  set  forth  in  the 
three  Hague  Conventions  as  international  law,  and  conferred 
upon  the  United  States  and  Mexico  the  authority  to  negotiate 
with  the  other  signatory  powers  for  their  becoming  parties  to 
these  treaties.  There  had  been  other  Peace  Congresses,  such  as 
the  Conference  of  Munster  and  Osnabruck  in  1648,  those  of 
Utrecht  in  1713,  of  Paris  in  1763,  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in 
181 5,  and  that  of  Berlin  in  1878;  but  as  Mr.  Holls,  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Hague  Conference  from  the  United  States, 
remarks,  "The  vital  distinction  between  these  gatherings  and  the 
Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague  is  that  all  of  the  former  were 
held  at  the  end  of  a  period  of  warfare,  and  their  first  important 
object  was  to  restore  peace  between  actual  belligerents;  whereas 
the  Peace  Conference  was  the  first  diplomatic  gathering  called 
to  discuss  guarantees  of  peace  without  reference  to  any  particular 
war — past,  present,  or  prospective." 

As  Americans,  whose  government  has  always  been  in  the 
advance  guard  contending  for  humanitarian  principles,  we  take 
a  laudable  pride  in  the  fact  that  the  United  States  proposed  to  our 
sister  republic  of  Mexico  to  submit  to  the  Hague  Tribunal  the 
Pius  Fund  controversy,  the  first  case  brought  under  its  authority. 

The  reference  of  the  \^enezuelan  Case  to  The  Hague  was 
an  event  of  vast  import.  The  interested  powers  suggested  that 
President  Roosevelt  should  decide  the  controversy.  He  wisely 
declined  this  and  recommended  that  the  offices  of  the  Hague 
Tribunal  be  invoked. 

That  Japan  and  Russia,  two  of  the  signatory  powers,  plunged 


28 

into  war  without  reporting  to  the  Hague  Tribunal  gives  us  ground 
for  serious  concern  as  to  the  future  of  arbitration.  No  one  but 
a  dreamer  ever  expected  all  war  to  be  abolished.  The  world  was 
not  expected  to  be  petrified  into  states  in  their  present  form  with- 
out the  possibility  of  a  change  of  territory.  It  is  manifest  that 
there  was  no  place  for  arbitration  between  Russia  and  Japan. 
The  advancement  of  Russia,  and  its  acquisition  of  new  territory 
in  a  country  foreign  to  Japan,  presented  no  question  of  title  as 
between  these  two  nations.  The  belief  of  Japan  that  such  en- 
croachment jeopardized  its  future  prosperity  and  the  very  life  of 
the  nation,  presented  no  question  which  could  be  solved  by  any 
principles  of  international  law.  It  was  a  case  where  a  policy  of 
expansion,  deemed  to  be  essential  for  national  prosperity,  was 
regarded  by  another  power,  though  not  the  owner  of  the  territory 
in  question,  as  vitally  inimical  to  its  welfare.  Such  a  question 
could  only  be  settled  by  a  voluntary  abandonment  of  its  position 
by  one  of  the  powers,  or  by  war.  No  principle  of  international 
law  applicable  to  the  settlement  of  such  a  conflict  has  yet  been 
accepted. 

The  same  observations  apply,  generally,  to  the  South  African 
war  of  1 899- 1 90 1.  Other  nations  were  stimulated  by  this  war  to 
emphasize  that  they  stood  for  peace.  None  of  them,  not  even 
allies  of  the  warring  powers,  became  involved  in  the  strife.  They 
were  prompt  to  declare  their  neutrality  and  to  limit  the  zone  of 
hostilities.  More  than  ever  they  manifested  their  purpose  to 
enlarge  the  field  of  arbitration. 

The  Hague  Conference  of  1907,  upon  the  initiative  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt,  was  called  by  the  Czar  of  Russia.  In  addition  to 
the  nations  formerly  represented,  the  Central  and  South  American 
governments,  omitted  from  the  former  invitation,  and  the  new 
Kingdom  of  Norway,  were  requested  to  send  representatives.  All 
but  Costa  Rica  and  Honduras,  which  refrained  for  domestic  rea- 
sons, participated.  The  only  other  independent  powers  not  par- 
ticipating were  Liberia  and  Abyssinia,  but  they  are  of  no  interna- 
tional importance.  Korea  sent  a  delegation  which  was  not  recog- 
nized, it  having  previously  authorized  Japan  to  represent  it,  and 
having  no  autonomy.  There  were  244  representatives,  including 
delegates,  secretaries  and  attaches.  Its  most  notable  feature  was 
that  it  was  participated  in  by  forty-four  sovereigns  and  was  the 


29 

first  general  conference  of  practically  all  the  powers  of  the  world. 
All  sovereigns  were  on  an  equal  footing,  each  having  one  vote  in 
the  proceedings,  without  regard  to  magnitude. 

The  Conference  adopted  thirteen  conventions,  four  declara- 
tions and  three  wishes.  The  first  convention,  like  that  of  the  First 
Conference,  is  for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  conflicts. 
Article  III,  providing  for  intervention  by  tender  of  good  offices, 
recited  that  the  powers  consider  it  useful.  Upon  the  suggestion 
of  Mr.  Choate  it  was  amended  to  read  "useful  and  desirable." 
In  ordinary  papers  this  would  be  an  addition  of  small  moment, 
but  in  an  international  convention  it  has  great  significance  and 
immensely  strengthens  the  document. 

A  new  article.  No.  48,  provides  that  in  case  of  controversy 
either  nation  may,  without  previous  agreement,  apply  to  the 
Bureau  of  the  Court  at  The  Hague  and  ask  for  arbitration.  It 
is  thought  that  this  may  operate  as  a  powerful  pacificator.  Such 
an  appeal  to  The  Hague,  under  a  provision  sanctioned  by  all  the 
powers,  will  put  a  tremendous  pressure  upon  the  other  party. 

The  second  convention  relates  to  the  recovery  of  contract 
debts.  It  will  doubtless  prove  a  great  conservator  of  peace.  It 
is  one  of  the  best  achievements  of  the  Conference.  The  exploita- 
tion of  Central  and  South  America  by  foreign  governments  and 
their  citizens,  and  the  inability  as  well  as  the  indisposition  of  the 
Latin  republics  to  meet  pecuniary  obligations  arising  therefrom, 
have  at  recurrent  periods  occasioned  international  irritation.  The 
spectacle  of  the  fleets  of  several  of  the  great  powers  at  the  ports 
of  Venezuela  as  bailiffs  to  collect  debts,  which  led  to  the  Vene- 
zuelan case  before  the  Hague  Court,  where  a  premium  was  put 
upon  diligence  in  forcible  sequestration,  emphasized  the  necessity 
for  some  international  agreement  which  would  obligate  all  the 
powers  to  pursue  more  peaceful  methods. 

The  most  notable  features  of  the  Conference  were  that  it  was 
a  conference  of  all  the  nations,  the  first  ever  known  in  history  in 
which,  without  regard  to  strength,  they  met,  deliberated  and 
voted  as  equals,  their  meetings  covering  a  period  of  more  than 
four  months,  and  although  the  questions  discussed  were  neces- 
sarily acute,  general  harmony  prevailing ;  the  adoption  of  pro- 
visions for  a  prize  court ;  the  prevention  of  debt  collecting  by 
arms ;   the  foundation  of  a  permanent  court  of  international  jus- 


30 

tice;  the  improvement  of  the  method  of  creating  international 
commissions  of  inquiries,  improvements  of  the  rules  of  land  and 
sea  warfare;  the  provisions  for  the  greater  security  of  neutrals, 
and  that  for  the  meeting  of  another  conference. 

The  work  of  the  two  conferences  will  be  for  the  healing  of 
the  nations.  Before  the  Hague  Court  was  established,  nations 
drifted  into  war.  A  difference  arose,  a  vista  revealing  an  oppor- 
tunity for  party  advantage  opened  up  to  the  demagogue,  who  is 
nothing  if  not  loudly  and  aggressively  patriotic;  issues  were 
obscured  and  falsified,  some  of  the  public  prints  misled,  and  fired 
popular  sentiment.  All  rational  intercourse  between  the  contend- 
ing nations  was  made  impossible ;  other  powers  failed  to  inter- 
vene; there  was  no  tribunal  whose  offices  had  been  previously 
sanctioned  to  appeal  to,  and  war  was  the  inevitable  consequence. 

While  it  may  be  conceded  that  some  wars  have  been  unavoid- 
able, yet  it  is  more  apparent  that  many  could  have  been  averted  if 
there  had  been  open  such  a  court  as  that  of  The  Hague,  estab- 
lished by  the  consensus  of  the  world,  to  which  nations  could  resort 
without  a  diminution  of  dignity,  either  upon  their  own  initiative 
or  upon  the  admonition  of  a  friendly  power.  General  Grant  said : 
"Though  I  have  been  trained  as  a  soldier,  and  have  participated 
in  many  battles,  there  never  was  a  time  when,  in  my  opinion, 
some  way  could  not  have  been  found  of  preventing  the  drawing 
of  the  sword.  I  look  forward  to  an  epoch  when  a  court,  recog- 
nized by  all  nations,  will  settle  international  differences  instead  of 
keeping  large  standing  armies,  as  they  do  in  Europe." 

No  event  that  has  transpired  in  history  has  even  approxi- 
mated the  profound  and  lasting  eft'ects  that  will  flow  from  these 
conferences  upon  the  peace  of  the  world.  International  law  had 
been  evolved  by  jurists,  and  its  principles  had  from  time  to  time 
been  sanctioned  by  occasional  recognition  of  nations.  It  is  merely 
a  collection  of  moral  teachings  upon  relations  between  govern- 
ments. By  these  conventions  practically  all  of  the  powers  of  the 
world  give  formal  assent  to  some  of  the  most  important  princi- 
ples of  international  law,  and  establish  a  permanent  court  com- 
posed of  competent  jurists  from  all  nations,  open  at  all  times,  for 
its  continuous  development  and  sanction,  a  court  to  which  it  is 
made  the  duty  of  all  signatory  powers  to  admonish  other  signa- 
tory powers  which  have  differences  to  report,  it  being  expressly 


31 

provided  that  such  reminder  shall  be  regarded  as  an  expression  of 
good  offices. 

As  was  said  in  the  First  Conference  by  Baron  d'Estournelles : 
"War  has  been  solemnly  characterized  as  a  conflagration,  and 
every  responsible  statesman  has  been  appointed  a  fireman,  with 
the  first  duty  of  putting  it  out  or  preventing  its  spread." 

To  the  Hague  Conference  we  are  indebted  more  than  any 
other  causes  that  now  the  entire  civilized  world  is  enjoying  the 
blessings  of  a  general  peace  such  as  prevailed  at  the  coming  of 
the  Prince  of  Peace,  when  the  shepherds  heard  the  proclamation, 
"On  earth  peace,  good  will  to  men." 

Since  the  establishment  of  the  Hague  Permanent  Court  by 
the  First  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague,  there  have  been,  up 
to  January  i,  1909,  ninety-five  arbitration  treaties  negotiated  by 
thirty-six  governments.  Of  this  number  Secretary  Root  nego- 
tiated twenty-four.  Most  of  these  treaties  reserve  from  arbitration 
questions  which  affect  "national  honor,"  "independence"  and 
"vital  interests."  A  few,  however  (notably  those  negotiated  by 
Denmark  and  the  Netherlands,  February  12,  1904,  and  Denmark 
and  Italy,  December  16,  1905),  agree  to  submit  to  arbitration  all 
differences  without  reservation  of  any  sort. 

There  have  been  decided  by  the  Hague  Tribunal  the  follow- 
ing cases :  The  United  States  of  America  versus  the  United 
Mexican  States,  known  as  "The  Pius  Fund  of  the  Californias." 
Germany,  Great  Britain  and  Italy  versus  Venezuela,  relating  to 
the  settlement  of  German  claims  against  Venezuela.  Great  Brit- 
ain, France  and  Germany  versus  Japan,  with  regard  to  exemp- 
tion by  the  Japanese  Government  of  leased  lands  from  taxes. 
Great  Britain  versus  France,  involving  the  question  of  certain 
Muscat  dhows  to  fly  the  French  flag. 

One  of  the  most  important  events  growing  directly  out  of 
the  provisions  of  the  Hague  Conference  was  the  finding  of  the 
International  Commission  of  Inquiry  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia,  arising  out  of  the  North  Sea  incident.  This  undoubt- 
edly prevented  war  between  two  of  the  great  powers. 

In  February,  1909,  the  delegates  of  ten  of  the  principal  mari- 
time powers  signed  at  London  a  convention  for  regulating  war- 
fare at  sea  by  defining  contraband,  neutral  rights,  blockade,  etc. 

On  November  25,  1903,  France  and  Germany  entered  into  a 


32 

special  agreement  to  submit  to  the  Permanent  Court  at  The 
Hague  the  questions  arising  out  of  the  Casablanca  affair.  The 
questions  involved  are  of  a  character  not  usually  submitted  to  an 
international  court,  since  they  involve  more  or  less  what  is  termed 
"national  honor."  The  submission  of  this  case,  both  as  to  the 
law  and  the  fact,  to  the  Hague  Court,  is  a  distinct  triumph  for 
the  cause  of  international  arbitration.  It  is  evidence  of  the  value 
of  a  court  of  so  high  a  character  for  justice  and  impartiality  as 
that  at  The  Hague,  for  to  no  lesser  tribunal  w'ould  a  nation  be 
willing  to  leave  for  investigation  and  determination  a  subject 
that  involves  the  treatment  of  its  officials  in  foreign  lands,  which 
is  so  jealously  guarded  by  every  government. 

On  January  27,  1909,  a  special  agreement  was  signed  by  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  submitting  to  arbitration  at 
The  Hague  the  controversy  as  to  the  North  Atlantic  Coast  (or 
Northeastern)  Fisheries.  In  1818  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  made  a  treaty  by  which  certain  rights  of  fishery  in  com- 
mon with  British  fishermen,  which  had  been  claimed  by  the 
United  States  for  its  people  under  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783, 
were  recognized  by  Great  Britain,  while  others  were  renounced 
by  the  United  States.  By  this  renunciation  American  fishing 
vessels  were  not  allowed  to  take,  dry  or  cure  fish  "within  three 
marine  miles  of  the  coasts,  bays,  harbors  and  creeks"  of  the 
British  possessions  except  certain  specified  coasts  and  except  in 
certain  cases  of  emergency.  Some  twenty-five  years  after  the 
treaty  was  signed  the  colonial  governments  declared  that  the 
word  "bays"  used  in  the  treaty  meant  any  bay  so  named  on  the 
maps,  irrespective  of  its  width,  and  some  American  vessels  were 
seized  at  distances  greater  than  three  miles  from  land.  The 
United  States  denied  this  interpretation  of  the  treaty  provisions, 
asserting  that  only  inlets  of  the  sea  not  over  six  miles  wide  were 
intended.  From  that  time  forward  the  interpretation  has  been  in 
dispute.  At  a  much  later  period  the  Newfoundland  government 
adopted  regulations  as  to  the  coast  fisheries  of  that  island  which 
Am.erican  fishermen  have  the  right  at  certain  places  to  participate 
in  "in  common"  with  British  fishermen.  Certain  of  these  regu- 
lations were  thought  to  be  directed  against  Americans  and  also 
to  discriminate  in  favor  of  the  local  fishermen.  The  United 
States  protested  against  this  action  as  being  a  limitation  of  the 


33 

rights  of  their  people,  which,  being  unquaHfied  and  perpetual, 
could  not  be  so  restricted,  except  by  mutual  agreement  of  the 
two  governments.  Other  questions  of  a  minor  character,  all 
growing  out  of  the  meaning  placed  upon  the  language  of  the 
treaty,  are  involved.  It  will  be  a  matter  for  congratulation  to 
both  countries  when  this  controversy,  which  has  been  the  fruitful 
source  of  irritation  and  of  voluminous  diplomatic  correspondence 
for  over  sixty  years,  is  at  last  laid  to  rest,  as  it  will  be  by  the 
award  of  the  tribunal  of  The  Hague,  which  will  meet  about  a 
year  hence  to  hear  and  determine  the  true  meaning  and  intent 
of  the  fisheries  article  of  the  treaty  of  1818. 

The  increasing  practice  of  mutual  exchanges  of  views  upon 
all  classes  of  subjects  through  the  agency  of  international  con- 
gresses, conferences  and  conventions,  and  the  sessions  of  interna- 
tional associations,  tend  toward  an  economic  union  of  nations 
and  a  better  understanding  between  them,  and  make  for  the  peace 
of  the  world.  During  the  six  months  from  June  i  to  December 
I,  1908,  there  were  thirty-five  such  meetings.  The  subjects  which 
they  considered  were  of  a  most  varied  character,  relating  to 
peace,  law,  legislation,  science,  and  political  institutions,  morality, 
health,  art,  industries,  etc. 

When  the  military  spirit  is  dominant,  and  war  and  its 
achievements  are  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  the  dis- 
position is  to  fiy  to  arms  upon  the  slightest  provocation.  The 
greatest  factor  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  is  the  habit  of 
thought  about  peace  which  now  prevails  throughout  the  civilized 
world.  It  fits  the  public  mind  like  a  garment.  The  world  will 
achieve  whatever  it  desires  if  the  desire  is  constant  and  all- 
pervading. 

He  who  would  now  provoke  or  advocate  war  must  stand 
before  the  bar  of  the  civilized  world  and  answer  its  judgment. 
No  man  or  nation  will  rashly  incur  the  hazard  of  its  condemna- 
tion. We  may  not  be  able  to  limit  what  would  justify  war,  but 
we  know  that  many  of  the  causes  that  have  brought  on  wars  in 
the  past  would  now  meet  with  condemnation.  This  spirit  will 
wax  stronger  and  become  so  commanding  that  unjustifiable  war 
will  be  so  execrated  by  the  world  that  those  who  perpetrate  it 
offensively,  or  force  others  to  it  in  vindication  of  rights  which 


34 

can  be  asserted  in  no  other  way,  will  be  condemned  as  universal 
malefactors. 

That  this  will  come  through  disarmament  is  hardly  to  be 
hoped  for.  It  will  not  be  retarded  but  accelerated  by  armament. 
Disarmament  will  be  not  its  cause  but  one  of  its  efifects.  Oppres- 
sion through  taxation  is  the  chief  vice  of  armament.  The  expense 
of  modern  warfare  is  one  of  the  strongest  guarantees  of  peace. 
When  equipment  consisted  of  a  breech  clout  and  a  spear,  and 
substance  was  gotten  by  the  wayside,  people  were  easily  mobil- 
ized for  war.  Modern  warfare  is  the  most  complicated  and 
expensive  of  all  human  undertakings.  No  energy  or  outlay  can 
create  at  once  an  offensive  army  or  navy.  The  nation  that  has 
no  army  or  navy,  however  populous,  opulent  or  advanced  in  the 
arts  of  civilization,  cannot  be  a  potential  factor  for  peace  in  the 
midst  of  armed  nations.  Its  voice,  though  entreating,  should  be 
capable  of  command.  No  weak  or  defenseless  nation  can  be  an 
effective  leader  in  any  movement  for  peace.  The  duck  was 
greeted  with  derision  v/hen  he  proposed  to  the  horses  that  they 
should  not  tread  on  each  others'  feet. 

There  can  be  no  disarmament  until  the  greater  powers  agree 
upon  a  system  of  concurrent  action.  The  tide  of  public  senti- 
ment all  over  the  world  is  setting  strongly  in  this  direction. 
Nations  act  independently  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  but  greater 
humanitarian  principles  are  advanced  by  the  co-operation  of  indi- 
viduals working  independently  of  governments,  and  in  this  en- 
lightened age  they  are  universal  in  their  progress.  They  will 
precede  and  dominate  the  action  of  nations.  Looking  to  the 
progress  in  peace  measures  of  the  last  hundred,  and  especially 
of  the  last  twenty,  years,  the  hope  may  well  be  entertained  that 
disarmament  will  become  a  reality,  and  that  the  people  may  enjoy 
not  only  the  blessings  of  peace  but  the  blessings  of  peace  without 
the  crushing  burden  of  preparedness  for  war. 


SPECIAL  MEETING  FOR  TEACHERS 

Saturday   Morning,  May    1 ,  at    10  o'clock 

Music  Hall,  Fine  Arts  Building 
EEV.  CHARLES  E.  BEALS,  Presiding. 

Mr.  Beals: 

I  have  great  pleasure  in  presenting  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead,  of 
Boston,  who  will  speak  to  us  about  the  history  of  the  peace  move- 
ment, and  about  the  relation  of  the  peace  movement  to  education. 
Mr.  Mead  is  a  noted  litterateur,  and  the  editor  of  the  International 
Library  of  Peace.  He  was  the  vice-president  representing  the 
American  delegates  at  the  London  Peace  Congress  last  July,  and 
no  man  is  better  qualified  to  speak  to  us  upon  this  subject  than 
Mr.  Mead.     (Applause.) 

Peace  and  Education 

Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead. 

Our  friend  Dr.  Hale,  of  Boston,  our  grand  old  man  whom 
we  call  the  Nestor  of  the  peace  movement  in  America,  often  says 
that  all  great  things  are  done  by  small  meetings,  and  although  I 
wish  there  were  a  thousand  teachers  here,  I  am  very  glad  that 
there  are  a  hundred.  I  think  that  if  beginning  with  this  meeting 
the  work  of  this  peace  movement  in  the  schools  spreads  through 
Chicago  to  the  West,  we  shall  have  reason  to  rejoice  that  we 
have  come  together  here  this  morning. 

I  am  very  glad  that  before  our  Peace  Congress  begins,  as 
it  is  to  begin  next  Monday  afternoon,  a  few  of  these  preliminary 
meetings  are  to  take  place,  in  which  w^e  may  get  little  groups 
together  representing  different  interests.  I  am  personally  grate- 
ful to  the  Chicago  committee  for  having  provided  this  little  pre- 
liminary  gathering  this   morning.     The  chief   function   perhaps 

35 


36 

will  be  that  of  carrying  the  idea  of  the  coming  Congress  to 
different  sections  of  people  in  this  city.  I  came  to  Chicago  from 
Boston  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  and  that  route  suggested  to  me 
a  very  interesting  parable  and  a  very  interesting  course  of  his- 
tory. I  thought  at  Philadelphia  of  the  great  work  which  was 
done  in  organizing  the  different  small  states  along  the  Atlantic 
Coast  into  the  American  Union ;  and  I  remembered  that  the 
work  of  independence  had  begun  in  Boston  through  the  strong 
attitude  of  those  Boston  town  meetings  at  the  Old  South  Meet- 
ing House,  which  proved  more  than  a  match  for  the  British 
Parliament  and  the  British  King,  Those  men  of  the  Boston  town 
meetings  could  have  done  very  little  if  they  had  worked  indi- 
vidually, but  in  union  there  was  strength,  and  in  those  town 
meetings  in  Boston  away  back  there  in  1775,  and  in  other  similar 
town  meetings  and  local  gatherings  all  through  the  colonies,  a 
strong  organization  was  brought  together  which  proved  adequate 
to  that  great  undertaking,  first  of  independence,  then  of  peace, 
and  then  of  a  constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

For  by  and  by,  as  the  thing  went  on,  representatives  of  all 
those  colonies  gathered  in  Independence  Hall  in  Philadelphia.  I 
know  of  no  more  sacred  spot  in  all  the  world.  There  is  none, 
perhaps,  so  sacred  to  the  American  as  Independence  Hall  in  Phila- 
delphia, where  our  independence  was  asserted,  and  where  by  and 
by  these  little  states  were  welded  into  a  union.  It  is  inspiring, 
indeed,  to  stand  in  that  little  hall  and  look  upon  the  portraits 
on  the  wall  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Adams  and  Frank- 
lin and  all  those  great  men  who  gathered  together  into  united 
strength  through  organization  of  their  scattered  forces.  It  was  a 
parable  and  a  prophecy  and  a  preparation  for  what  was  going  to 
come  in  your  time  and  mine  in  uniting  the  separate  nations  of 
the  world  into  a  united  world. 

It  was  a  troublous  time ;  it  was  an  anxious  time.  You 
remember  how,  when  that  Constitutional  Convention  in  1787  came 
to  a  close,  Benjamin  Franklin,  the  most  venerable  man  in  the 
gathering,  rose  and  made  that  memorable  speech  telling  how  he 
had  sat  there  through  all  those  anxious  days  when  he  wondered 
whether  that  Constitutional  Convention  was  to  come  to  grief  or 
come  to  success;  and  he  said  during  those  anxious  days  he  had 
looked  again  and  again  at  the  little  golden  sun  which  was  en- 


graved  upon  the  top  of  the  back  of  the  chair  in  which  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Convention,  George  Washington,  sat ;  and  many  a 
time  during  these  anxious  days  he  had  wondered  whether  that 
was  a  setting  or  a  rising  sun,  "But  happily  today,"  he  said, 
"there  is  no  doubt  about  it — it  is  a  rising  sun ;  the  sun  of  the 
American  Union  is  rising  as  the  result  of  the  union  of  states 
here  in  this  convention  which  has  given  us  a  national  constitution." 

I  never  stand  in  Independence  Hall  and  look  upon  the  faces 
of  the  founders  of  the  Republic  upon  the  walls  without  looking  at 
last,  as  I  turn  through  the  door  into  the  busy  street,  at  that 
emblem  of  the  rising  sun  upon  the  chair  standing  there  as  it  stood 
in  1787. 

That  was  a  remarkable  advance  in  the  process  of  organiza- 
tion, the  step  beyond  the  organization  of  individual  citizens  into 
a  town  meeting ;  the  step  from  the  organization  of  the  little  states 
made  up  of  the  constituents  of  those  hundreds  of  town  meetings, 
the  organization  of  the  representatives  of  those  states  into  a 
nation.  But  as  I  last  stood  in  Independence  Hall  I  thought  how 
two  years  ago  I  stood  in  the  gallery  of  the  old  Hall  of  Knights 
at  The  Hague,  in  Holland,  and  looked  down  upon — what? 
Something  vastly  larger  and  more  pregnant  for  the  world  than  a 
constitutional  convention  for  the  United  States.  I  looked  down 
upon  the  Parliament  of  Man.  It  is  truly  an  inspiring  thing, 
my  friends,  to  live  in  a  time  when  this  world  is  being  organized 
as  the  states  of  the  United  States  were  organized  at  Philadelphia 
in  1787.  We  have  been  dreaming  of  this  Parliament  of  Man 
and  the  federation  of  the  world  so  long,  the  poets  have  been 
singing  about  it  so  long,  that  it  is  hard  for  us  to  realize  that  at 
last  that  Parliament  of  Man  is  here  in  plain  prose,  that  it  has 
come ;  and  blessed  are  our  eyes  that  see  the  joyful  sight,  and 
blessed  are  our  ears  that  hear  the  joyful  sound.  It  was  a  wonder- 
ful thing  in  the  summer  of  1907  to  sit  in  the  gallery  of  that  old 
Hall  of  Knights  at  The  Hague,  and  look  down  upon  the  represen- 
tatives of  forty-six  nations — by  wonderful  coincidence  the  same 
number  of  nations  that  there  are  states  in  the  United  States — and 
to  realize  that  there  the  forty-six  nations  of  the  world  were  being 
welded  into  an  international  union,  as  our  forty-six  states  are 
welded  into  a  federal  union.  That  means  so  much,  that  those  of 
us  who  have  witnessed  it,  those  of  us  who  have  waited  for  it  and 


38 

prophesied  it  and  worked  for  it,  can  hardly  reaHze  how  much 
it  means  for  us  and  for  human  history.  It  is  surely  not  too  much 
to  say,  it  is  a  very  modest  thing  to  say  that  that  gathering  there  at 
The  Hague  was  the  most  pregnant  and  significant  gathering  in 
human  history,  (Applause)  the  first  Parliament  of  Man,  because 
the  First  Hague  Conference  in  1899  was  not  that ;  it  was  a  gather- 
ing of  the  representatives  of  but  half  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It 
was  a  notable  preliminary,  a  notable  prophecy  and  preparation  for 
the  Parliament  of  Man,  but  it  was  in  1907,  when  the  repre- 
sentatives of  all  nations  gathered  in  official  convention  that  the 
Parliament  of  Man  appeared.  More  significant,  I  say,  more 
significant  by  far  it  was  than  the  gathering  in  Philadelphia  in  1787 
out  of  which  came  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

I  came  from  Philadelphia,  which  suggested  to  me  these 
inspiring  thoughts,  to  Chicago ;  and  the  coming  to  Chicago  sug- 
gested another  great  thought.  I  rejoiced  at  Philadelphia  that 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  by  the  grace  of  God,  by  a 
wonderful  and  happy  fatality,  was  framed  and  given  to  the 
world  in  a  city  which  bore  the  auspicious  and  pregnant  name  of 
the  City  of  Brotherly  Love — Philadelphia,  the  City  of  Brotherly 
Love — and  as  I  came  from  Philadelphia  I  looked  back  over  the 
city  and  saw  at  the  top  of  the  great  tower  of  its  City  Hall  the 
figure  of  the  founder  of  the  city,  the  profoundest  and  most 
philosophic  of  all  the  founders  of  American  commonwealths,  Will- 
iam Penn,  who  was  not  only  the  founder  of  that  holy  experiment 
of  Pennsylvania,  but  the  first  man  in  human  history  to  elaborate 
a  disinterested  and  comprehensive  plan  for  the  organization  of 
the  world.  I  observed  that  that  statue  of  William  Penn  was  not 
facing  westward  towards  the  center  of  the  country,  as  it  so 
fittingly  might  be,  as  if  to  watch  the  great  growth  which  had 
come  from  the  small  beginning  which  he  knew,  but  that  its  face 
was  turned  away  across  the  ocean  to  old  England  and  Europe,  as 
if  it  Vv'ere  declaring  that  the  great  Republic  of  the  West  stood  by 
the  nations  of  the  Old  World  in  their  efifort  to  unite  together  in 
the  Parliament  of  Man  and  the  federation  of  the  world.  Truly 
an  inspiring  symbol  and  expression  this ! 

From  that  inspiring  suggestion  I  came  to  Chicago,  and  what 
was  the  suggestion,  what  was  the  inspiring  thought,  that  coming 
to  Chicago  brought?     It  was  associated  with  the  great  name  of 


39 

Lincoln,  whose  centennial  we  have  this  year  been  celebrating.  It 
was  at  Chicago  that  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  the  presidency 
of  the  United  States, — and  presently  so  triumphantly  elected. 
What  did  that  mean?  It  meant  that  the  anti-slavery  movement 
away  back  there,  which  had  been  a  moral  movement,  a  John  the 
Baptist  crying  in  the  wilderness  for  fifty  years ;  had  been  Garrison 
with  his  newspaper,  Wendell  Phillips  on  the  platform,  and 
Harriet  Beecher  Stowe  writing  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  and  Sum- 
ner in  the  Senate,  and  John  Brown  on  the  scaffold.  When  Lincoln 
was  nominated  and  elected  it  meant  that  the  anti-slavery  move- 
ment had  gone  beyond  being  a  "movement"  and  had  passed  into 
politics,  and  with  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  that  movement 
as  a  political  movement  found  its  pledge  of  success. 

My  friends,  the  movement  which  we  represent  here  this 
week,  the  movement  for  the  peace  and  the  organization  of  the 
world,  has  in  the  last  ten  years  passed  through  just  the  stage 
through  which  the  anti-slavery  movement  passed  in  the  decade 
between  1850  and  i860.  The  peace  movement  has  been  for 
almost  a  century  a  great  moral  movement.  It  has  been  a  John 
the  Baptist  crying  in  the  wilderness ;  it  has  been  a  movement 
whose  gospel  has  been  preached  with  moral  fervor.  And  precisely 
as  in  the  case  of  anti-slavery,  because  the  evil  which  it  confronts 
is  so  great,  it  was  impossible  that  it  should  remain  simply  a 
moral  movement,  and  it  has  passed  into  politics.  The  strongest 
instrumentality  of  the  peace  movement  today  is  no  longer  the 
group  of  peace  societies ;  it  is  the  great  Interparliamentary  Union 
of  the  statesmen  of  the  world.  Twenty-five  hundred  of  the  leading 
statesmen  of  the  world  are  leagued  together  for  the  promotion  in 
their  different  parliaments  and  congresses  of  those  measures 
which  tend  to  supplant  the  war  system  of  the  world  by  the 
system  of  international  law  and  justice.  Twenty-five  hundred 
of  the  hard-headed  politicians  of  the  world — not  the  men  who 
"swing  on  rainbows,"  but  twenty-five  hundred  of  the  hard- 
headed  statesmen  of  the  world:  two  hundred  and  forty  members 
of  our  American  Congress,  three  hundred  members  of  the  British 
Parliament,  as  many  members  of  the  French  Assembly,  and  alto- 
gether twenty-five  hundred  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  world 
are  in  this  movement,  holding  their  annual  conventions  and 
working  in  their  different  congresses  for  all  those  things  which 


40 

make  for  a  world  of  organized  justice  instead  of  a  world  of  war. 

To  come  here  to  Chicago,  where  the  anti-slavery  movement 
passed  beyond  the  realm  of  a  mere  moral  movement  into  the  realm 
of  a  strong  political  movement  and  a  successful  political  move- 
ment, I  feel  is  a  new  augury  of  success.  It  marks  a  mile-stone  in 
the  way  of  a  great  advance  that  we  gather  here  where  the  nomina- 
tion of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  passing  of  anti-slavery  into 
successful  politics  is  so  pregnant  with  parable  and  its  assurance. 

The  mention  of  Lincoln  makes  me  think  of  something  else, 
and  that  is  that  by  the  happiest  fatality  in  this  notable  centen- 
nial year  we  celebrated  on  the  same  day  the  centennial  of  the  birth 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  of  the  birth  of  Charles  Darwin.  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  and  Charles  Darwin  were  born  on  the  same  day, 
February  12,  1809.  Why  do  I  here  note  that  conjunction?  Be- 
cause the  name  of  Darwin  is  another  name  for  the  great  doctrine 
of  evolution,  that  commanding  word  in  the  vocabulary  of  modern 
science.  Anti-slavery  was  an  evolution ;  emancipation  was  an 
evolution.  Emancipation  was  not  completed  by  Abraham  Lincoln ; 
it  was  only  just  begun.  A  race  is  not  emancipated  when  you 
simply  strike  the  shackles  from  its  ankles.  It  is  only  then  first 
given  a  fair  chance  for  emancipation ;  and  the  negro  race  in  this 
country  is  not  emancipated  until  it  is  emancipated  in  its  mind, 
until  every  man  in  it  has  the  opportunity  for  the  fullest  education, 
until  every  man  in  it  has  advanced  to  the  position  of  equal  oppor- 
tunities and  equal  rights  with  other  men.  Therefore,  it  falls  to 
you  and  to  me  to  continue  the  evolution  of  the  great  work  of 
emancipation  which  Abraham  Lincoln  began.  And  never  was  it 
truer  than  it  is  of  the  great  peace  movement  that  that  movement 
is  an  evolution.  It  has  been  moving  on  and  on  through  the  cen- 
turies. It  was  only  as  men  passed  from  the  conditions  of  savag- 
ery and  barbarism,  only  as  men  became  moral  beings  and  devel- 
oped the  talent  and  capacity  for  political  organization,  that  the 
movement  toward  a  world  organization  which  is  the  only  assur- 
ance of  universal  peace  could  have  any  opportunity.  The  move- 
ment of  history  has  been  a  movement  towards  the  decline  of 
war.  I  do  not  know  how  familiar  you  are  with  Emerson's  im- 
pressive essay  on  war.  It  is  the  most  philosophic  brief  essay  on 
war  ever  written  by  an  American,  and  it  is  significant  precisely 
for  this,  that  it  emphasizes  the  principle  of  evolution  as  applied 


41 

to  this  cause  which  we  have  at  heart.  Emerson  there  says  that 
history  is  a  record  of  the  decHne  of  war.  You  and  I  were  a  Uttle 
startled  perhaps  when  we  read  that.  As  we  turn  over  the  pages 
of  most  of  our  histories,  even  our  school  histories,  we  are  inclined 
to  think  not  that  they  are  the  record  of  the  decline  of  war,  but 
for  the  most  part  the  record  of  war  and  of  battles;  the  pages 
seem  to  be  filled  with  battles  and  wars  and  commotions.  But 
Emerson  was  right.  War  is  steadily  declining  in  this  world;  and 
the  decline  of  war  is  the  measure  of  civilization.  Many  of  you 
may  have  traveled  over  the  countries  of  Europe.  If  you  have 
done  so,  you  remember  that  you  were  never  far  from  some  great 
battlefield.  You  remember  that  in  Scotland  a  very  few  centuries 
ago  as  history  goes  every  Scottish  tribe  or  clan  was  fighting  its 
neighbor,  and  when  they  were  not  fighting  each  other  they  were 
leagued  together  to  fight  the  advancing  hosts  of  England ;  that 
when  England  was  not  fighting  Scotland,  and  often  when  it  was, 
it  was  fighting  France  over  the  Channel,  and  France  was  fighting 
the  peoples  further  on.  History  was  a  record  of  seven  years'  wars 
and  thirty  years'  wars  and  hundred  years'  wars.  Peace  was  only 
an  occasional  respite  in  which  men  gathered  their  forces  together 
for  new  wars.  My  friends,  that  is  not  true  today.  We  deplore 
the  fact  that  wars  come  as  often  as  they  do, — although  there  has 
not  been  a  great  war  in  Europe  since  1870.  We  deplore  the 
burdensome  armaments  of  the  world.  But  war,  my  friends, 
is  not  any  longer  the  main  business  of  the  great  states  of  this 
world.  War  is  not  the  business  of  the  United  States,  or  France, 
or  England,  or  Germany.  We  are  getting  over  that  sort  of  thing. 
There  was  not  half  so  much  war  in  Christendom  in  the  nineteenth 
century  as  there  was  in  the  eighteenth  century — do  not  forget  that 
fact ;  and  there  will  not  be  half  so  much  war  in  the  twentieth 
century  as  in  the  nineteenth  century.  There  will  not  be  a  quarter 
so  much  if  you  and  I  in  Chicago,  Boston,  New  York  and  London 
and  Berlin  half  do  our  duty.  History,  I  repeat,  quoting  Emerson's 
word  of  sagacity  and  insight — history  is  the  record  of  the  decline 
of  war. 

Look  at  this  thing  always — that  is  what  I  am  trying  to  en- 
force— in  the  light  of  evolution.  A  man  said  to  me  the  other 
day  (and  I  thought  the  more  of  it  because  I  have  the  blood  of  a 
Lexington  grandfather  in  my  veins)  :   "Why,  I  suppose  you  peace 


42 

people  do  not  believe  in  those  farmers  out  there  at  Lexington 
getting  out  their  guns  and  fighting  the  British  invaders?"  A 
man  who  says  that  sort  of  thing  shows  that  he  has  not  any  realiz- 
ing sense  of  what  the  peace  movement  is.  There  have  been  stages 
in  the  evolution  of  this  world  when  nothing  else  was  possible 
for  men  who  stood  for  liberty  and  justice  but  to  get  out  their 
guns.  The  times  of  our  ignorance  and  our  savagery  and  our 
brutality  God  winked  at,  but  he  now  commands  men  everywhere 
to  repent,  at  least  to  do  better,  and  to  utilize  the  rational  machinery 
that  advancing  evolution  has  created.  We  do  not  stand  today 
where  our  fathers  stood,  and  we  may  not  invoke  for  ourselves  as 
a  protection  the  appeal  to  war  which  for  them  may  have  been 
valid  and  vital. 

Again  I  repeat  that  history  is  the  record  of  the  decline  of 
war,  that  evolution  is  on  our  side,  and  the  triumphs  of  our 
cause  in  recent  years  have  been  something  almost  incalculable. 
The  leaders  of  this  movement  for  international  justice  and  the 
organization  of  the  world,  have  not  been  able  in  these  last  years 
to  dream  half  daringly  enough  or  half  fast  enough  to  keep  up 
with  the  facts.  If  any  one  of  us  had  been  told  ten  years  ago,  on 
the  eve  of  the  meeting  of  the  First  Hague  Conference,  that  we 
should  see  today  established  in  this  world  an  international 
tribunal  of  arbitration,  that  we  should  see  an  international  par- 
liament meeting  as  regularly  as  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
at  Washington,  or  the  British  Parliament  at  Westminster,  if  we 
had  been  told  that  we  should  see  the  progress  which  we  have 
seen,  the  most  optimistic  of  us  could  not  have  believed  it. 

My  friends,  a  great  cause  is  never  in  so  hopeful  a  condition 
as  when  it  stands  between  great  triumphs  and  great  tasks.  The 
triumphs  of  the  last  ten  years,  the  triumphs  of  the  last  generation, 
have  been  something  unprecedented  in  human  history,  but  we 
face  the  future  and  it  is  for  us  today  to  face  the  problems  which 
are  ours,  the  problem  of  the  burdensome  armaments  of  the  world, 
and  solve  them  as  the  men  of  the  last  ten  years  have  faced  and 
have  solved  so  many  of  their  problems.  We  stand  between  great 
triumphs  and  great  tasks,  and  I  know  of  nothing  which  should 
appeal  so  strongly  to  the  teachers  of  the  young,  to  those  who  have 
in  charge  the  schools  of  this  country,  as  the  inspiration  of  great 
achievements  behind  them  and  the  opportunity  and  the  obligations 


43 

which  are  theirs  to  train  the  young  into  righteous  supremacy  in 
the  next  generation,  a  supremacy  which  shall  give  the  world  the 
things  which  we  demand  and  which  we  prophesy.  If  there  is  any 
body  in  the  community  which  is  called  upon  to  exert  itself  and  to 
work  with  all  its  might  for  this  commanding  cause  for  which  we 
have  come  together  here  in  Chicago  this  week,  it  is  the  body  of 
the  teachers  of  the  country.  If  there  is  any  body  in  the  country 
that  knows  that  the  v/orld's  resources  are  misapplied,  that  they 
are  going  for  the  things  that  profit  not  when  they  are  so  sorely 
needed  for  the  things  which  have  in  them  the  salvation  of  the 
world,  it  is  the  teachers  of  the  country. 

President  Eliot  went  down  to  Tuskegee  two  or  three  years 
ago  to  help  celebrate  its  twenty-fifth  anniversary,  and  he  reminded 
that  great  educational  gathering  that  for  the  price  of  a  single 
battleship  such  as  is  being  built  today  in  our  navy-yards,  a  Tus- 
kegee could  be  established  in  every  southern  state,  and  asked 
which  they  thought  would  do  the  most  to  make  the  country 
strong  and  safe,  the  building  of  the  battleship,  which  in  ten  years 
will  go  to  the  junk  heap,  or  the  establishment  of  a  Tuskegee  in 
every  southern  state.  The  president  of  Harvard  University  might 
have  drawn  an  illustration  nearer  home,  nearer  his  own  Harvard. 
He  might  have  reminded  that  educational  gathering  in  the  South 
that  if  it  added  together  the  cost  of  all  the  hundred  buildings  and 
of  the  land  of  Harvard  University  (I  do  not  now  speak  of 
endowments — understand  clearly  what  I  say  and  what  I  do  not 
say)  and  added  to  that  the  cost  of  all  the  land  and  buildings  of 
Yale  and  of  Amherst  and  of  Williams  and  of  Dartmouth  and  of 
Bowdoin  and  Brown,  all  of  the  historical  universities  and  colleges 
of  New  England,  the  total  cost  would  have  been  less  by  two 
million  dollars  than  the  cost  of  one  short-lived  battleship.  For 
you  who  are  charged  with  the  interest  of  education  in  this 
country  that  is  a  startling  thing  to  take  to  heart;  especially  when 
you  remember  that  the  life  of  a  battleship  is  really  less  today  than 
ten  years,  and  ask  yourselves  what  it  would  mean  if  you  tipped  all 
of  those  universities  and  colleges  in  New  England — I  take  New 
England  alone,  but  you  in  Chicago  can  substitute  such  of  your 
institutions  nearer  home  as  you  please — if  you  tipped  all  of  those 
institutions,  their  lands  and  buildings,  into  the  sea  every  ten  years, 
and  set  about  the  slow  and  painful  work  of  their  reconstruction, 


44 

that  is  what  it  means  when  you  decree  that  the  number  of  your 
battleships  this  year  shall  be  one  more  than  what  you  originally 
planned. 

My  friends,  I  ask  you  to  think  of  this  thing.  The  time  has 
come  in  this  world — men  begin  to  feel  it  as  never  before — when 
the  way  in  which  we  spend  our  money  has  become  a  great  moral 
consideration.  There  is  a  tremendous  discontent  in  this  world 
among  men  who  are  not  privileged,  among  men  who  see  that  the 
resources  of  this  world  so  mightily  needed  for  constructive  pur- 
poses are  going  to  waste.  Germany  is  eloquent  with  the  protest. 
France  is  eloquent  with  the  protest  and  England  and  America 
are  becoming  so.  I  should  myself  say  that  if  I  were  to  add  an 
eleventh  commandment  to  the  ten,  it  should  be  this,  "Thou  shalt 
not  waste  thy  substance." 

In  a  word,  the  sorely  burdened  and  struggling  people  in 
this  world  are  putting  the  solemn  question  everywhere  to  govern- 
ments:  "How  are  you  spending  our  money?"  "Is  it  being  applied 
to  the  things  that  help  or  the  things  which  wrong  ?"  I  say  to  you 
representatives  of  the  schools  of  Chicago,  you  students  in  the 
schools,  you  teachers  of  the  schools,  you  who  represent  that  kind 
of  expenditure  of  money  which  makes  for  upbuilding,  it  is  for 
you  to  get  these  things  before  the  people. 

I  rejoice  that  I  have  been  asked  to  come  here  to  this  meeting 
before  our  Congress  begins  next  week  and  add  my  voice  to  the 
endorsement  of  the  splendid  organization  which  has  been  started 
last  year  called  the  American  School  Peace  League.  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  say,  teachers  of  Chicago,  that  during  the  last  year 
there  is  no  single  piece  of  organizing  which  has  been  effected  for 
our  peace  work  which  is  so  pregnant,  or  so  splendid  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  organization  of  the  teachers  of  this  country  into  a 
School  Peace  League.  I  said  to  a  friend  of  mine  in  New  York 
the  other  day,  who  is  perfectly  able  to  give  the  money, — and  he 
has  given  a  great  deal  of  money  for  the  peace  cause, — "If  you 
want  to  know  where  to  give  $20,000  for  work  next  year,  give  it  to 
the  American  School  Peace  League."  If  there  happens  to  be  any 
man  or  woman  in  this  hall  who  is  anxious  to  know  of  some  good 
way  to  spend  $20,000  for  our  cause  next  year,  go  home  and  write 
a  check  for  $20,000  for  the  American  School  Peace  League.  It 
will  be  spent  well.    I  rejoice  to  learn  that  a  public  spirited  Boston 


45 

woman  has  just  given  it  $5,000.  And  to  you  teachers  of  Chicago, 
here  where  the  anti-slavery  cause  was  so  organized  that  within 
three  years  it  achieved  success,  I  want  to  say  I  hope  that  you  will 
band  yourselves  together  to  constitute  a  branch  of  this  league,  that 
here  where  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated  to  lead  anti-slavery 
to  success,  you  will  start  a  movement  which  shall  help  as  nothing 
else  has  yet  helped  the  peace  movement  to  success  among  the 
teachers  of  the  country. 

I  wish,  finally,  to  remind  you  that  this  is  the  centennial  year 
not  only  of  Darwin  and  of  Lincoln,  but  the  centennial  of  the 
great  singer  of  those  verses  which  all  these  years  have  been  the 
most  inspiring  formula  of  our  cause,  those  verses  which  prophe- 
sied the  time  when  "the  war  drum  throbs  no  longer  and  the  battle 
flags  are  furled  in  the  parliament  of  man,  the  federation  of  the 
world."  I  cannot  forget  that  Tennyson,  who  gave  us  those  great 
lines,  also  in  his  noble  sonnet  on  Milton,  whose  third  centennial 
we  have  just  been  celebrating,  gave  us  another  great  word.  He 
gave  to  Milton  his  noblest  title  when  he  spoke  of  him  as  "the  organ 
voice  of  England."  What  was  it  that  "the  organ  voice  of  Eng- 
land" had  to  say?  He  told  us  that  "war  can  only  endless  war  still 
breed" ;  and  he  also  reminded  us  that  "peace  has  her  victories  no 
less  renowned  than  war."  That  was  the  message  of  the  organ  voice 
of  England.  "The  organ  voice  of  England"  and  the  "war  drum 
throbs"  are  phrases  stating  like  no  other  the  alternative  which 
the  world  faces,  great  phrases  given  us  by  one  man.  That, 
teachers  of  Chicago,  is  the  issue.  How  quickly,  how  completely, 
shall  the  war  drum's  throb  be  drowned  by  the  organ  voice?  It 
will  be  drowned  the  quicker,  it  will  be  drowned  the  surer  if  the 
teachers  of  the  American  public  schools  do  their  duty,  and  if  those 
who  are  now  coming  upon  the  stage  are  inspired  by  such  thoughts 
of  their  duty  to  their  country  and  their  world  as  shall  make  this 
country  of  ours  the  United  States  which,  in  Independence  Hall, 
Washington  and  Franklin  and  Jefferson  helped  into  being  a  true 
and  efficient  preparation  for  a  united  world.     (Applause.) 

(The  Young  People's  Chorus,  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
William  ApMadoc,  then  sang  "A  Song  of  Peace,"  written  for  the 
Second  National  Peace  Congress  by  Miss  Althea  A.  Ogden.) 


46 

Mr.  Beals: 

After  the  reference  made  by  Mr.  Mead  to  the  work  of  the 
American  School  Peace  League,  I  am  sure  all  of  you  will  have 
a  special  pleasure  in  listening  to  the  organizer  and  secretary  of 
that  organization.  Our  second  speaker  is  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern 
Andrews,  the  secretary  of  the  American  School  Peace  League, 
(Applause.) 


The  American  School  Peace  League 

Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews. 

I  think  of  all  the  inspiration  I  have  received  in  doing  this 
work,  this  meeting  is  perhaps  the  best.  It  is  beautiful  and  it 
shows  what  the  children  can  do. 

Mr.  Mead  has  given  us  an  idea  of  what  the  teachers  can  do. 
He  has  given  us  a  very  cogent  outline  of  the  political  march  of 
events  in  international  peace  movements.  There  is  a  great  social 
and  economic  force  that  is  unconsciously  drawing  the  interests 
of  the  nations  into  one  harmonious  whole.  The  American  School 
Peace  League  is  interested  not  only  in  the  forward  march  of 
events,  but  also  in  this  great  economic  movement  and  this  social 
movement.    It  is  in  the  schools  that  we  can  get  at  it  best. 

The  Peace  League  aims  to  acquaint  all  the  teachers  of  this 
country  with  all  these  forces  that  are  working  tovv'ards  world 
peace.  Our  first  great  burden,  as  you  all  knov/,  is  to  acquaint 
the  five  hundred  thousand  teachers  of  the  country  with  these  great 
forces.  In  the  big  cities  the  teachers  know  more  about  it  than 
they  do  perhaps  in  some  of  the  smaller  towns,  and  I  was  going 
to  say  in  the  scattered  states  of  the  nation.  The  literature  seems 
to  be  sent  to  them.  We  have  arranged  to  have  a  great  deal  of 
this  work  done  voluntarily  through  committees  and  we  have 
organized  two  committees  for  that  purpose.  The  first  is  the 
Committee  on  Meetings  and  Discussions,  the  object  of  that  com- 
mittee being  to  induce  educational  gatherings,  educational  asso- 
ciations, to  take  some  part  of  their  program  for  the  consideration 
of  the  subject  of  international  peace ;  to  consider  what  relation 
this  movement  bears  to  the  teaching  of  children  in  the  schools. 

We  have  on   that  committee   representatives   from   all   the 


47 

great  sections  of  the  country,  and  although  the  League  has  been 
organized  but  five  or  six  months,  I  think  we  can  safely  say  that 
this  subject  has  been  considered  by  over  one  hundred  large  educa- 
tional gatherings,  state  associations,  county  associations  and  teach- 
ers' institutes.  The  members  of  that  committee  are  mostly  super- 
intendents of  schools  and  directors  of  teachers'  institutes. 

Our  second  committee,  which  has  in  view  the  spreading  of 
this  movement  and  also  the  specific  educational  phase  of  this 
movement,  is  the  Press  Committee.  It  is  composed  of  some 
dozen  or  more  leading  educational  editors  of  the  country,  and  the 
1st  of  May  they  released  an  article  on  the  celebration  of  the 
Hague  Day,  the  i8th  of  May,  in  the  schools. 

That  article  has  gone  to  more  than  two  hundred  magazines 
of  the  country,  and  we  have  the  manuscript  for  articles  that  will 
be  produced  month  after  month.  So  in  that  way  those  two  com- 
mittees are  working  to  get  the  subject  presented,  and  I  think  all 
of  you  can  realize  what  an  important  thing  it  is  to  reach  every- 
lx>dy ;  not  to  reach  merely  those  who  have  an  opportunity  to  come 
to  meetings  and  who  have  recourse  to  literature,  but  to  reach  the 
teachers  who  have  never  heard  of  it,  and  I  know  from  the  cor- 
respondence I  have  been  receiving  that  many  teachers  never  have 
heard  of  it. 

Also,  being  practical  teachers  ourselves  interested  in  this 
movement,  w^e  realize  that  we  must  do  constructive  work,  and 
that  in  order  to  get  the  teachers  to  take  it  up  we  must  give  them 
practical  helps  which  they  can  use  directly  in  the  school  room, 
and  we  have  therefore  outlined  three  general  lines  of  work  which 
our  committees  should  take  up.  The  first  is  the  Publications 
Committee,  which  aims  to  publish  either  directly  or  indirectly  a 
series  of  publications  that  can  be  used  in  the  school  room  in  the 
literary  class.  We  are  thinking  of  compiling  spellers  which  will 
contain  a  number  of  maxims  which  bring  out  the  peace  point  of 
view.  Our  committee  is  also  working  now  to  get  out  a  new  song 
book  consisting  of  the  songs  of  the  present  time  which  illustrate 
this  sentiment,  and  it  is  also  stimulating  the  writing  of  new  ones. 
We  have  on  this  committee  several  authors  of  children's  books, 
several  superintendents  of  schools  and  two  or  three  directors  of 
music  in  the  public  schools.  The  idea  is  to  put  practical  helps 
directly  into  the  teachers'  hands  just  as  they  have  them  in  moral 


48 

training,  in  hygiene,  in  temperance  instruction,  and  in  geography 
and  all  the  other  branches  which  are  taught  in  the  schools. 

Then  we  have,  besides  the  Publications  Committee,  the  Com- 
mittee on  Teaching  History.  Mr.  Mead  told  you  that  the  present 
history  text  books  would  seem,  to  indicate  that  history  was  not  the 
decline  of  war.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  many  of  our  histories  do 
indicate  that  thought.  We  have  for  the  chairman  of  our  History 
Committee  a  writer  of  history  text  books,  and  several  others  on 
this  committee  are  writers  of  history  text  books  which  are  used 
in  the  elementary  and  secondary  schools.  The  committee  intend 
to  make  an  investigation  or  study  of  the  present  history  text 
books  now  used  in  the  schools. with  reference  to  the  relative  space 
devoted  to  war  and  to  peace.  They  also  expect  to  stimulate  the 
writing  of  a  history  that  shall  lay  emphasis  on  the  social,  indus- 
trial and  economic  development  of  this  country  rather  than  on 
the  war  campaigns  and  battles.  That  committee  is  going  to  do 
a  great  service  not  only  for  the  international  peace  movement,  but 
for  the  teachers  of  the  country  who  wish  to  teach  the  ideal  of  our 
country,  which  is  the  highest  development ;  and  the  highest  devel- 
opment of  our  country  today  is  dependent  upon  its  position  in 
taking  its  part  among  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 

As  Mr.  Mead  says,  we  have  at  last  a  Parliament  of  Man, 
an  international  congress,  and  in  seven  years  more  we  shall  meet 
again.  The  United  States  has  a  definite  part  to  take  in  this  par- 
liament. The  teachers  of  the  country  between  now  and  the  next 
Hague  Conference  have  an  opportunity  to  teach  the  children  this 
ideal. 

Then  we  have  another  committee,  which  we  call  the  Interna- 
tional Committee.  On  that  committee  are  people  who  have  taken 
prominent  part  in  international  educational  activity.  For  instance, 
we  have  Mr.  Clifford  W.  Barnes,  who  was  so  prominent  in  the 
International  Moral  Training  Congress,  and  many  others  on  the 
committee,  every  one  of  whom  have  identified  themselves  with 
some  international  educational  activity.  I  think  all  teachers  know 
that  education  is  becoming  more  and  more  an  international  matter, 
as  is  shown  by  the  international  exchange  of  college  professors 
and  the  international  exchange  of  students.  We  are  growing 
more  and  more  to  feel  and  to  think  in  this  international  fashion. 
The  Twentieth  Century  is  an  international  century,  and  it  is  to 


49 

imbue  the  teachers  with  the  idea  of  studying  this  movement  so 
that  they  shall  get  into  the  spirit  of  this  international  conference 
that  we  are  working  so  hard  in  the  Peace  League.  The  teachers 
of  the  United  States  have  been  very  active  in  this  movement.  I 
think  many  of  you  know  and  perhaps  many  of  you  heard  the 
address  of  Dr.  Nathan  C.  Schaeffer  at  Los  Angeles  in  1907,  his 
subject  being,  "What  Can  the  Schools  Do  to  Aid  the  Peace  Move- 
ment?" It  occurred  just  at  the  time  when  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  was  in  session,  that  first  Parliament  of  Man,  and  so  it 
came  at  a  very  opportune  time.  It  was  his  inaugural  address. 
You  also  remember  that  the  National  Educational  Association 
met  there  in  Los  Angeles  and  sent  a  resolution  to  The  Hague 
Conference  asking  our  delegates  to  do  what  they  could  to  promote 
the  cause  of  international  justice  and  peace.  Simultaneously  with 
that  cablegram  there  was  sent  from  Montreal  by  the  American 
Institute  of  Instruction  a  similar  resolution,  and  Mr.  Mead  down 
in  Knoxville,  Tennessee,  at  the  great  Summer  School  of  the 
South,  was  the  initiator  of  a  similar  resolution,  and  those  resolu- 
tions I  know  made  our  delegates  feel  that  the  great  educational 
body  of  America  was  behind  this  movement. 

United  States  Commissioner  Elmer  E.  Brown  in  his  annual 
report  speaks  of  the  advisability  of  observing  the  anniversary  of 
the  First  Hague  Congress,  May  18.  Most  of  the  schools  in  the 
country  are  to  observe  this  day,  and  I  might  add  that  on  our 
list  of  councillors  we  have  twenty  state  superintendents  of  schools, 
and  every  one  of  them  has  written  me  that  the  i8th  of  May  v.'ill 
be  observed  in  the  schools  of  their  respective  states.  I  believe 
there  will  not  be  a  state  in  this  Union  where  the  i8th  of  May 
will  not  be  observed  to  some  extent,  because  in  the  American 
School  Peace  League  we  have  every  state  in  the  Union  repre- 
sented, and  so  it  will  be  observed  to  some  extent. 

Our  Committee  on  Meetings  and  Discussions  have  been  very 
prominent  and  very  active  in  getting  suggestions  for  programs 
for  the  i8th  of  May,  and  having  them  sent  out.  Personally  I 
have  sent  out  some  ten  thousand  all  over  the  country,  and  I  think 
the  teachers  at  the  different  educational  meetings  will  see  those 
programs  and  therefore  I  believe  we  shall  have  a  general  recogni- 
tion of  the  day. 

I  do  not  like  to  say  it,  but  I  believe  we  are  a  little  behind  the 


50 

teachers  of  Europe.  The  teachers  of  Great  Britain  and  Germany 
and  France  and  Italy  are  observing  this  day  and  observed  it 
before  we  did,  but  I  think  we  have  plenty  of  opportunity  to  take 
this  matter  up.  The  American  School  Peace  League  is  working 
for  the  present  with  the  teachers  in  the  United  States,  but  we 
hope  that  this  will  be  the  nucleus  of  an  International  School 
Peace  League.  We  hope  that  the  teachers  who  assembled  at  the 
International  Congress  of  Teachers  where  the  resolution  was 
passed  that  the  teachers  of  those  countries  should  observe  the 
i8th  of  May  and  teach  the  principles  of  international  justice  and 
peace,  will  join  in  a  general  movement  for  an  International  School 
League  of  Peace,  of  which  this  will  be  the  American  branch.  We 
want  a  Great  Britain  branch  and  a  French  branch  and  a  Russian 
branch,  and  so  on. 

So  I  say  to  you  teachers — and  I  always  feel  at  home  when 
I  am  talking  to  teachers  because,  although  I  am  not  in  the  school 
room  at  the  present  time,  I  was  a  teacher  for  a  great  many  years — 
that  I  feel  I  am  talking  to  people  wdio  are  really  and  truly  inter- 
ested as  much  as  I  am  in  this  movement,  and  people  who  want 
to  carry  it  on.  We  hope  that  every  teacher  in  the  country  will 
join  the  American  School  Peace  League.  There  are  no  dues,  and 
you  will  find  as  you  go  out  a  manual  of  this  Peace  League  giving 
a  list  of  officers,  the  members  of  the  committees,  the  object  of 
the  League,  the  constitution,  and  a  brief  bibliography  of  the 
League.  If  you  look  through  that,  you  will  be  able  to  pick  out 
literature  that  will  make  you  a  thorough  student  of  the  peace 
movement,  and  I  hope  every  teacher  in  Chicago  will  do  that  and 
I  hope  they  will  join  this  Peace  League. 

I  hope  every  teacher  here  at  this  meeting  will  take  one  of 
those  manuals  as  you  go  out,  and  an  application  blank.  You  will 
find  indicated  on  the  application  blank  where  you  may  send  it  so 
that  it  can  be  recorded,  and,  as  Mr.  Mead  suggested,  I  hope  Chi- 
cago will  be  the  place  where  the  first  branch  of  the  American 
School  Peace  League  is  organized.     (Applause.) 

Chairman  Beals: 

We  have  been  favored  by  the  young  ladies,  and  now  we  are 
to  have  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  the  boys.     (Applause.) 


51 

(The  Sherwood  School  Boys'  Glee  Club  then  rendered  a 
selection.) 

Chairman  Beals: 

We  have  one  more  speaker  this  morning  and  then  the  young 
ladies  will  lead  us  in  the  closing  song.  I  have  now  the  pleasure 
of  introducing  Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson,  of  New  York,  who  will 
speak  to  us  on  peace  work  in  the  schools  of  New  York.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Peace  Work  in  the  Schools 

Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson. 

I  want  to  pay  my  tribute  to  the  Illinois  song.  I  think  it 
would  be  a  great  temptation  to  me  to  live  in  Illinois  so  that  I 
might  sing  it  as  one  of  the  Illinois  people.  I  shall  certainly  carry 
that  message  home  with  me  to  the  young  people  there. 

In  1904  the  Thirteenth  Annual  Peace  Congress  was  held  in 
Boston.  In  New  York  there  was  a  woman  whose  name  should 
always  be  mentioned  wherever  people  meet  in  the  cause  of  peace. 
She  is  no  longer  with  us,  but  we  who  knew  her  and  met  her  face 
to  face  can  never  forget  her,  and  her  name  should  be  engraved 
and  will  be  engraved  when  the  time  comes  for  people  to  extol  the 
workers  of  peace,  Mrs.  Josephine  Shaw  Lowell.  Her  name  will 
tell  you  her  place  in  the  history  of  the  work.  She  was  a  responsive 
woman,  and  when  the  suggestion  was  made  to  her  that  there 
should  be  a  meeting  for  young  people,  without  asking  any  further 
questions  she  said,  "Go  ahead,  I  am  sure  it  must  be  right."  A 
committee  of  five  was  formed,  and  only  one  of  the  committee  had 
any  idea  of  what  was  wanted,  and  that  one  a  very  hazy  idea.  All 
she  had  had  in  mind  to  do  was  to  give  the  idea  out  and  let  others 
carry  it  through,  but  it  was  thrown  back  upon  her  and  it  devolved 
upon  her  to  convert  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Education 
from  the  superintendent  down,  and  you  who  have  to  deal  with 
such  men  know  that  that  is  not  an  easy  task.  The  outcome  of  it 
all  was  that  in  the  hall  of  the  Board  of  Education  one  thousand 
six  hundred  boys  and  girls  met,  appointed  as  delegates  from  the 
groups  in  the  schools,  each  boy  and  girl  representing  on  an  aver- 


52 

age  about  thirty  children  in  these  schools  and  about  five  in  their 
homes.  Therefore,  we  prided  ourselves  in  thinking  that  the  mes- 
sage was  sent  out  that  day  to  fifty  thousand  as  a  conservative' 
estimate. 

Each  child  carried  from  that  hall  a  program  daintily  printed 
with  thoughts  gathered  from  Mrs.  Mead's  invaluable  Peace 
Primer.  Each  child  carried  and  wore  for  a  year  afterwards,  and 
some  of  them  are  still  wearing  it,  a  peace  button.  We  who  work 
with  children  know  the  value  of  the  tangible  thing.  This  great 
movement  that  we  are  entering  upon  with  more  vivid  conscious- 
ness than  ever  before,  we  know  that  it  seems  far  ofif  and  we 
know  also  that  it  seems  to  us  teachers  like  one  thing  more,  and 
we  always  dread  that  one  thing  more,  not  having  yet  learned 
how  to  adjust  the  one  thing  more  to  the  things  in  hand.  It  is 
not  one  thing  more,  it  is  a  unifying  force.  It  is  the  greatest 
unifying  force  that  has  ever  come  to  the  schools,  because  the 
lessons  in  history  and  geography  and  arithmetic  can  be  related 
with  it,  and  living  thoughts  can  be  brought  into  the  examples. 

For  instance,  I  thought  of  one  the  other  afternoon.  How 
many  of  our  little  ones  go  to  work  for  a  dollar  and  a  half  a 
week.  It  costs  $1,700  to  fire  one  shot  from  a  gun.  How  many 
children  could  be  kept  in  school  another  year  for  that  $1,700? 
Surely  that  contains  an  economic  study,  that  contains  a  moral 
thought,  and  certainly  it  is  not  very  difficult  to  feel  that  it  has 
religion  in  it. 

Out  of  that  Congress  of  1904  there  sprang  a  little  organiza- 
tion of  girls.  These  girls  had  been  studying  city  history.  Becom- 
ing interested  in  their  local  history  they  began  to  broaden  out 
into  the  state  and  the  national  life,  and  it  was  not  very  difficult 
to  extend  that  thought  into  the  international  thought.  This  little 
group  learned  peace  songs.  They  learned  these  songs  and  then 
went  from  place  to  place  singing  them  wherever  they  were  invited. 
We  took  pains  to  have  the  words  of  these  songs  printed  on  our 
programs,  and  we  found  that  there  were  a  great  many  other 
people  who  thought  along  these  lines  while  these  children  were 
singing,  and  they  carried  these  programs  to  their  homes.  We  saw 
then  that  one  club  was  not  sufficient  to  bring  into  consciousness 
this  broader  thought,  and  a  group  of  clubs  was  organized.  These 
groups  were  related  one  club  with  the  others,  and  the  children 


53 

were  enlisted  immediately  into   this  broader   international   rela- 
tionship of  the  nation. 

In  1907  came  the  great  opportunity  to  New  York  of  holding 
the  First  National  Peace  Congress,  and  when  we  asked  for  a 
children's  meeting,  even  those  with  whom  we  were  working 
said,  "Which  hall  will  you  have?  Will  you  have  the  church,  or 
will  you  have  the  Board  of  Education,  or  will  you  have  some 
other  small  hall?"  We  wanted  no  small  hall,  but  we  wanted  the 
largest  we  could  get,  because  we  knew  that  the  scheme  of  organi- 
zation devised  in  1904  could  easily  fill  any  hall  in  New  York. 
Carnegie  Hall  was  filled,  and  there  were  five  hundred  children 
on  the  platform  singing,  gathered  from  the  schools,  and  gathered 
inside  of  two  or  three  weeks.  There  were  about  four  thousand 
in  the  seats  and  in  the  boxes.  The  private  schools  occupied  the 
boxes  and  paid  for  the  privilege  of  coming.  The  public  school 
children  were  elected  by  their  classes  and  carried  back  to  their 
classes  reports.  Think  of  the  thousands  of  homes  into  which  this 
message  was  carried. 

The  Young  People's  International  Federation  League  was 
simply  an  expansion  of  that  one  little  City  History  Club,  and 
now  those  City  History  Clubs  have  developed  into  chapters  of  the 
Young  People's  International  Federation  League.  The  first 
chapter  organized  was  named  the  Kathrina  Trask  Chapter,  after 
Mrs.  Trask,  of  New  York,  who  has  written  one  of  the  greatest 
appeals  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  for  dissemination.  I  am  sorry 
the  boys  are  not  here  so  that  I  might  tell  them  of  a  boys'  chapter 
which  is  studying,  beginning  with  Mrs.  Mead's  Peace  Primer 
and  reaching  up  to  a  history  of  the  peace  movement,  which  was 
Mrs.  Mead's  first  speech  at  the  First  National  Congress.  There 
is  so  much  that  is  strong  and  virile  and  inspiring  that  it  seems 
almost  a  pity  to  write  anything  else  on  the  peace  movement. 
These  things  are  not  beyond  the  child's  comprehension.  It  is 
just  as  easy  for  a  child  to  understand  the  feasibility  of  the  federa- 
tion of  the  world  as  it  is  to  understand  the  organization  in  his 
own  home. 

I  believe  that  this  is  one  of  the  most  inclusive  subjects  before 
the  human  mind  today.  I  believe  that  it  begins  in  the  home  and 
I  hope  the  time  will  come  when  it  will  culminate  in  The  Hague. 
We  have  a  little  slogan,  "From  the  home  to  The  Hague,"  and  the 


54 

child  sees,  through  his  relationship  in  his  group  work,  that  his 
everyday  act  colors  the  home  life  and  the  school  life  and  the  life 
of  the  city,  the  state  and  the  nation,  and  he  asks  himself,  why 
cannot  it  be  that  his  life  may  in  some  way  color  the  world?  I 
believe  that  the  text,  "As  a  man  thinks  so  is  he,"  is  a  very  vital 
one.  It  is  our  duty  as  teachers  to  take  that  into  our  hearts  and 
to  think  strongly  and  definitely  and  clearly  on  these  lines,  and 
then  I  am  confident  that  with  very  little  effort  the  child  will 
follow ;  and  more  than  that,  I  believe  the  child  will  fulfill  the 
prophecy,  "A  little  child  shall  lead  them." 

I  brought  with  me  from  New  York  one  of  our  girls  who  has 
learned  Mrs.  Trask's  poem.  I  would  like  to  have  you  hear  this 
poem  and  I  would  like  to  have  you  hear  her  speak  it.  One  of 
our  methods  is  to  take  these  poems  that  has  a  message  and  have 
the  child  devote  herself  or  himself  to  learning  it,  and  to  have  the 
child  feel  that  it  is  his  or  her  privilege  or  duty  to  go  wherever  he 
or  she  is  asked  to  go  and  render  this  service.  At  the  time  of  the 
First  National  Congress  there  were  thousands  and  thousands 
of  letters  sent  out  over  this  country  by  the  committee  of  the 
Young  People's  Meeting.  We  tried  to  have  that  meeting  a 
national  one.  We  did  not  expect  that  many  young  people  would 
come  from  afar,  though  we  did  have  twenty  centers  outside  of 
New  York  represented.  We  had  letters  from  the  Pacific  and  the 
Atlantic  assuring  us  of  their  good  will.  Every  letter  was  folded 
by  a  child,  every  letter  was  put  into  an  envelope  by  one  of  these 
boys  or  one  of  these  girls,  and  they  put  every  stamp  upon  the 
envelope.  They  were  brought  to  the  postofiice  by  the  children. 
Every  service  that  could  be  rendered  was  rendered  by  the  young 
people.  It  seemed  to  me  that  it  was  quite  as  glorious  a  thing  to 
have  the  children  work  for  the  cause  of  peace,  if  it  were  only  to 
fill  envelopes,  fold  papers  and  put  the  stamps  on,  as  it  would  be 
to  scrape  lint  or  roll  bandages  for  the  war  times.  They  entered 
into  the  spirit  of  the  occasion  and  they  are  proud  and  happy  to 
recall  the  time  when  they  worked  until  lo  or  ii  o'clock  at  night 
to  do  this  work. 

We  must  get  a  new  point  of  view  as  to  service.  We  must 
reinterpret  these  words  into  language  understandable  by  the  child. 
He  is  not  so  far  removed  from  us  as  we  think ;  it  is  we  teachers 
who  have  removed  ourselves  from  the  child.     We  have  got  to 


55 

go  back  and  live  in  the  child's  world,  throb  with  the  child's  world, 
and  live  outside  the  child's  world,  to  get  the  ideas  and  bring 
them  back  and  translate  them  to  that  child  in  order  that  the  child 
too  may  begin  his  service  early. 

I  remember  when  I  was  a  little  girl  how  I  used  to  go  to  the 
garret  of  our  country  home  and  weep  my  eyes  out  nearly,  because 
I  thought  all  the  heroes  were  dead  and  that  there  was  no  work- 
left  for  anybody  to  do.  That  experience  of  mine  as  a  child  has 
perhaps  brought  me  into  closer  sympathy  with  the  young  person, 
and  there  may  be  others  who,  as  I  did,  have  wept  because  there 
would  be  nothing  to  do  when  they  arrived  at  womanhood.  There 
is  plenty  to  do  and  always  will  be  plenty  to  do,  but  we  must  make 
the  child  realize  it.  The  child  cannot  realize  it  unless  the  teacher 
does.  We  must  live  with  our  children  and  live  with  the  world. 
We  must  reach  out  beyond  all  that  the  child  can  experience  and 
bring  back  such  messages  to  the  child  as  will  encourage  him  and 
fill  him  with  hope  and  joy.  We  need  joy  in  this  world  of  ours, 
and  there  is  joy  in  working  for  a  great  cause.  I  thank  you. 
(Applause.) 

After  the  recitation  of  the  poem  entitled  "O,  Mighty  Anglo- 
Saxon,"  by  Miss  Ray  Goller,  of  New  York,  the  session  adjourned. 


MASS  MEETING  IN  ORCHESTRA  HALL 

Sunday  Evening,  May  2,  at  8  o'clock 

Under  the  Auspices  of  the  Sunday  Evening  Club. 

ME.  CLIFFOED  W.  BAENES,  Presiding. 
Reading  of  Scriptures,  Mr.  David  R.  Forgan,  of  Chicago. 

Invocation,  Rt.  Rev.  Charles  P.  Anderson  : 

Oh,  Almighty  God,  King  of  kings,  Lord  of  lords,  Who 
ruleth  over  the  nations  of  the  world.  Whose  power  and  might 
none  is  able  to  withstand,  guide,  we  beseech  Thee,  the  delibera- 
tions of  this  Congress  assembled  to  promote  peace  and  righteous- 
ness throughout  all  the  world;  keep  us  from  all  error,  ignorance, 
pride  and  prejudice;  prosper  every  design  consistent  with  Thy 
will  for  making  Thy  ways  known  upon  the  earth  and  Thy  saving 
health  among  all  nations. 

Overrule  the  selfishness,  the  violence  of  man  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  Thine  own  purposes  and  to  the  extension  of  Thy 
kingdom  of  righteousness  and  peace  and  joy.  Hasten  the  time 
when  nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall 
they  learn  war  any  more.  Make  us  a  nation  mindful  of  Thy 
favor  and  always  ready  to  do  Thy  will.  Bless  our  land  with 
honorable  industry,  sound  learning  and  pure  religion.  Gather 
into  one  united  family  the  various  peoples  gathered  here  from  all 
kindreds  and  from  all  lands.  Give  the  spirit  of  wisdom  to  those 
who  are  entrusted  with  the  responsibilities  and  authority  of  gov- 
ernment, to  the  end  that  peace  may  prevail  in  this  nation  and 
that  this  nation  may  make  for  peace  amongst  all  the  nations  of 
the  world. 

In  times  of  our  prosperity  keep  us  humble ;  in  times  of 
adversity  suffer  not  our  faith  in  Thee  to  fail.  Guide  and  bless 
the  deliberations  of  this  Congress.  May  the  words  of  our  mouth 
and  the  meditations  of  our  heart  be  always  acceptable  in  Thy 
sight,  O  Lord,  our  Strength  and  our  Redeemer.  We  ask  it  in 
the  name  of  Thy  Son,  the  Prince  of  Peace.    Amen. 

56 


57 

Mr.  Clifford  W.  Barnes  : 

It  is  my  rare  privilege  tonight,  speaking  in  behalf  of  the  Sun- 
day Evening  Club,  to  welcome  to  this  service  the  delegates 
attendant  upon  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress.  We  of  Chi- 
cago, I  am  afraid,  are  an  overbusy  people,  straining  every  nerve 
ceaselessly  in  the  struggle  for  commercial  supremacy.  We  are 
building  doubtless  great  corporations ;  we  are  establishing  vast 
transcontinental  systems ;  we  are  even  planning  great  deep  water 
highways.  But  I  think  it  is  fair  to  say  that  amid  all  the  din  and 
tumult  of  our  busy  life  we  do  sometimes  catch  a  strain  of  that 
angel  chorus  singing  "Peace  On  Earth,  Good  Will  Towards 
Men." 

I  think  it  is  fair  to  say  that  we  do  sometimes  see  a  vision  of 
the  One  who  spake  as  never  man  spake ;  who  came  not  to  be 
ministered  unto,  but  to  minister ;  who  went  about  doing  good  and 
whose  life  was  a  perfect  revelation  of  infinite  love  towards  God 
and  towards  men.  And  I  think  it  is  fair  to  say  that  we  are 
struggling  to  attain  higher  and  better  things,  with  noble  purposes 
and  high  aims ;  and  for  that  reason  we  welcome  most  heartily  to 
our  city  this  National  Peace  Congress  with  its  high  purposes  and 
its  great  objects. 

If  you  and  I  and  the  others  together  can  somehow  or  other 
make  our  lives  and  the  lives  of  our  nations  fit  into  perfect  har- 
mony with  the  life  of  that  Prince  of  Peace,  then  indeed  may  we 
beat  our  swords  into  plowshares  and  our  spears  into  pruning 
hooks. 

We  wish  this  Congress  Godspeed  in  their  high  purpose,  and 
tonight  I  have  the  peculiar  pleasure  of  welcoming  to  our  platform 
one  of  the  noted  delegates  at  this  Congress,  who  is  among  us 
unexpectedly,  but  he  comes  from  the  Pacific  slope,  where  Sunday 
after  Sunday,  to  an  audience  probably  as  large  as  this,  in  his  own 
temple  he  tells  the  glad  message  of  the  One  whose  ambassador 
he  glories  himself  to  be.  We  will  be  delighted  to  have  a  few 
words  from  the  Rev.  Robert  J.  Burdette,  more  lovingly  known  as 
"Bob  Burdette." 


58 

Man  a  Fighter 

Rev.  Robert  J.  Burdette. 

I  am  invited  to  the  platform  by  the  courtesy  of  my  friend, 
and  I  shall  show  my  appreciation  by  winning  your  gratitude  by 
my  brevity.  I  am  like  the  outpost  vidette ;  I  simply  come  out  to 
fire  a  single  shot  and  let  the  army  know  the  enemy  is  advancing 
and  will  soon  be  upon  you  and  prepare  you  for  the  worst. 
(Laughter.)     I  want  to  tell  you  what  is  coming. 

This  movement  to  promote  universal  peace  is  the  most 
stupendous  undertaking  in  the  history  of  the  human  race.  I 
know  of  nothing  that  parallels  it.  It  is  an  undertaking  to  change 
human  nature,  for  we  are  the  fightingest  things  in  this  world. 
(Renewed  laughter.)  When  your  angel  Willie,  whom  you  have 
taught  so  well  and  who  you  know  is  a  child  of  peace  and  love 
and  tenderness,  comes  home  with  the  blackest  eye  that  a  Little 
Lord  Fauntleroy  face  ever  wore,  you  have  no  right  to  blame  the 
boy ;  a  thousand  generations  of  his  ancestors  put  that  eye  on  him. 
(Laughter.)  The  instinct  to  fight  has  been  in  our  lives  ever  since 
the  race  was  created.  If  Adam  had  been  a  better  fighting  man 
the  world  would  have  had  less  trouble  on  his  account.  He  allowed 
himself  to  be  downed  by  a  woman.     (Laughter.) 

Great  peacemakers  have  always  been  splendid  fighters;  they 
have  had  the  instinct  in  them.  It  is  an  amazing  thing  to  me  that 
Secretary  Trueblood  should  be  secretary  of  a  peace  society,  a 
man  big  enough  and  strong  enough  and  brave  enough  to  lick  a 
man  every  day  for  the  joy  of  it.  It  is  natural  that  I  should  be  a 
peacemaker.     (Laughter.) 

The  instinct  for  fighting  runs  all  through  the  race.  The  baby 
in  the  cradle,  your  baby,  your  dimpled  darling  whom  you  left 
home  with  the  nurse  tonight,  fought  against  having  his  face 
washed  the  first  time.  He  does  yet.  He  slapped  his  mother's 
cheek  when  dinner  was  not  ready  promptly  on  time.  When  he 
is  a  boy  he  fights  his  way  through  school.  The  fighting  spirit  is 
in  him  when  he  is  a  man ;  and  man  is  the  only  being  in  this  world 
that  loves  to  fight  and  who  goes  out  in  the  morning  to  hunt 
trouble,  to  look  for  a  fight,  and  who  does  it  with  joy.  It  is  not 
for  the  money  that  is  in  it,  nor  for  his  livelihood  alone.  The  real 
fighting  man  will  leave  his  dinner  any  time  to  get  into  a  fight. 


59 

We  are  a  fighting  people.  We  love  to  fight,  we  delight  in  it ; 
we  enjoy  it.  This  movement  is  to  turn  the  shadows  back  on  the 
dial  thousands  of  years.  It  is  to  change  human  nature.  Think 
of  that ! 

And  this  fight  habit  is  like  the  drink  habit;  it  can  only  be 
cured  by  the  co-operation  of  the  patient.  You  have  all  got  to 
work  for  this  thing.  There  is  no  other  way  in  which  this  fighting 
instinct  can  be  overcome.  It  is  a  joy  to  see  so  many  young  men 
here.  I  expected  to  see  old  fellows  like  myself.  I  expected  to  see 
a  congregation  of  gray  beards;  I  looked  for  a  great  throng  of 
men  past  the  fighting  age.  Josh  Billings  used  to  say  that  what  we 
call  virtue  many  times  is  only  vice  tired  out.  The  wolf  was  a 
member  of  the  peace  society  when  he  had  the  bone  in  his  throat. 
But  to  see  young  men  here  of  fighting  age  tonight  in  such  num- 
bers is  glorious  and  splendid,  for  we  must  remember  that  the 
fighting  instinct  has  been  kept  up  by  the  best  of  our  young  men. 

A  soldier  is  not  a  vagabond,  a  soldier  is  not  a  man  who  is  in 
the  army  today  because  he  cannot  get  into  anything  else.  It  is  a 
hard  thing  to  get  into  the  United  States  Army.  It  is  a  harder 
thing  to  get  into  the  United  States  Army  than  it  is  to  get  into 
college.  The  regulations  are  strict.  The  candidate  must  have 
splendid  physique,  he  must  have  good  character,  and,  more  than 
that,  he  has  to  know  something.  (Laughter.)  I  do  not  know  of 
anything  more  manly  in  any  trade  or  occupation  in  the  United 
States  than  a  good,  healthy,  strong,  well-disciplined,  obedient, 
well  set-up  United  States  infantry  man,  a  man  in  the  regular 
army.    They  are  fine  fellows ;  they  are  not  the  common  herd. 

We  have  got  to  gather  into  this  movement  the  best  young 
men,  the  smartest  and  the  cleverest  young  men,  and  those  with 
the  fighting  instincts,  and  get  them  to  turn  the  fighting  instinct 
to  a  fight  for  peace.  I  would  bid  you  go  in  peace,  but  it  is  early 
in  the  evening  and  you  will  go  in  pieces  by  and  by,  anyhow. 
(Laughter.) 

Chairman  Barnes  : 

To  those  of  you  who  come  from  the  outside  I  want  to  say  if 
you  desire  your  cities  better,  pleasanter  to  live  in,  more  righteous, 
with  a  higher  standing,  get  two  such  citizens  in  your  midst  as 
the  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  and  Rabbi  Hirsch.  We  will  be  glad 
to  hear  from  them. 


^         60       .  :        ; 

Chicago  and  the  Peace  Congress 

Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones. 

As  I  read  the  history  of  Chicago,  three  points  in  it  at  least 
rise  into  the  light  of  universality  and  glow  with  the  radiance  of  a 
brotherhood  more  profound  than  that  achieved  by  commerce  or 
represented  by  the  figures  of  trade.  Three  times  in  its  history 
at  least,  Chicago  has  signaled  the  bards  and  the  sages,  the  poets 
and  the  prophets  of  the  race,  quickened  their  hearts,  justified  their 
hopes,  vindicated  their  claim  to  the  nobility  of  humanity  and  its 
divine  gravitation  towards  goodi:tess  and  peace  and  beauty. 

One  of  these  points  was  when,  nearly  thirty-seven  years  ago, 
Chicago,  prostrate  in  its  ashes,  allowed  the  race  to  demonstrate 
its  humanity  and  gave  a  sublime  opportunity  to  prove  the  brother- 
hood of  man. 

The  second  point  was  when,  sixteen  years  ago,  Chicago  gave 
humanity  a  chance  to  speak  its  brotherhood  in  terms  of  universal 
faith  and  trust  and  hope  that  encircled  the  globe ;  when,  to  its  own 
surprise  and  the  disappointment  of  the  bigots  and  the  doubtful 
the  world  over,  it  gave  a  chance  for  the  noblest  of  the  race  to 
accentuate  their  faith  in  terms  that  all  could  understand  and 
endorse  in  the  great  Parliament  of  Religion. 

The  third  and  best  point  in  the  history  of  Chicago,  as  I  see  it, 
is  at  this  time  and  hour,  when  once  more  it  calls  upon  the  noble  of 
all  the  world  to  come  here  and  help  organize  the  brotherhood,  for- 
mulate it  in  law  and  embody  it  in  statecraft.  I  know  no  other 
point  in  the  history  of  Chicago  worthy  to  stand  with  these  three 
great  challenges  to  the  world,  unless  it  be  that  one  other  point, 
forty-nine  years  ago  nearly,  when,  impelled  by  a  divine  potency 
and  a  holy  spirit  of  the  times,  it  selected  one  of  its  own  children, 
the  son  of  the  prairies,  to  that  great  high  mission  for  freedom 
and  for  progress.  For  it  was  here  that  the  greatest  American,  the 
noblest  of  presidents,  the  great  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  discovered 
and  given  to  the  world. 

It  is  then  with  no  trifling  spirit,  it  is  then  with  no  passing 
curiosity,  and  it  is  then  with  no  bumptious  spirit  of  inflation  and 
display  that  Chicago  bids  you  lovers  of  peace  and  friends  of 
humanity  welcome  here  tonight.     It  is  as  to  a  holy  communion 


6i 

service  at  the  unlimited  table  of  humanity,  which  is  also  the  table 
of  God,  that  we  invite  you  to  partake  of  this  bread  and  wine,  not 
material,  that  feeds  and  nourishes  the  nation  and  advances  the 
kingdom  of  heaven.  • 

It  is  true  that  we  work  for  deep  waterways ;  it  is  true 
that  we  have  dreamed  of  the  lakes-to-the-gulf  method  of  transmit- 
ting our  wheat  and  our  grain.  Tonight  it  is  also  true  that  we 
have  at  heart  a  deeper  waterway  that  will  bear  the  good  will  of 
the  nation,  and  on  its  holy  tide  wash  away  those  most  grievous 
impediments  to  the  progress  of  the  race,  the  devil  enginery  of 
death  that  sails  our  seas,  and  the  dark,  ominous  menaces  of  life  in 
which  we  glory  with  parade  and  pomp,  with  bunting  and  with 
drum. 

On  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee,  as  its  chairman,  I 
am  asked  to  turn  over  into  your  hands,  you  delegates  from  all 
parts  of  this  country  and  from  beyond  the  sea,  and  you  citizens  of 
Chicago  who  are  as  yet  simply  waiting  to  see  what  we  could  do  and 
what  we  might  offer,  on  behalf  of  the  committee  I  submit  to  you 
tonight  this  program  which  invites  your  attention  during  the  next 
three  days,  Monday,  Tuesday  and  Wednesday.  In  this  hall,  in 
the  adjoining  Music  Hall,  in  the  Fine  Arts  building,  in  the  rooms 
of  the  Women's  Club  and  the  halls  of  the  University  of  Chicago, 
these  meetings  will  be  held  three  times  a  day,  and  on  Monday  and 
Tuesday  evenings  in  two  different  halls.  You  are  invited  to  come 
into  this  fellowship,  the  fellowship  that  successfully  defies,  over- 
looks and  absorbs  all  of  the  antagonisms  of  race  and  sect,  of  creed 
and  caste,  of  social  rank.  I  know  of  no  other  platform,  I  know 
of  no  other  cause  whose  appeal  is  more  universal  or  whose  claim 
is  more  binding  on  all  classes  and  conditions  than  this  cause  of 
peace.  In  this  cause  and  on  tjiis  program  millionaire  and  hod- 
carrier  are  alike  interested  and  represented ;  Jew  and  Gentile, 
Catholic  and  Protestant,  believer  and  heretic,  children  of  the 
East  and  children  of  the  West,  all  are  alike  interested  in  this  most 
urgent  and  impressive  demand :  the  demand  that  we  quit  the  kill- 
ing business,  the  demand  that  we  eliminate  the  barbarian. 

If  you  would  trace  the  ancestry  of  war,  don't  lay  the  burden 
on  Brother  Adam,  my  friends.  (Laughter.)  You  must  go 
farther  down,  farther  back  than  the  lowest  and  meanest  man. 
You  must  find  it  in  the  lair  of  the  lion,  in  the  trail  of  the  tiger. 


62 

You  will  find  it  in  the  tongue  of  the  serpent ;  there  lie  the  roots 
of  this  thing  which  when  gilded,  be-laced  and  be-buttoned,  we 
call  the  defense  of  the  nation.  (Applause.)  Heaven  save  the 
nation  whose  safety  rests  upon  its  battleships  and  its  soldiers 
of  war.  If  the  past  proves  anything  it  proves  that  such  nations 
have  builded  upon  the  sands  and  then  have  tottered  and  gone 
down  into  everlasting  oblivion.  Love  and  justice,  truth  and  mercy 
alone  survive  the  wreck  of  the  centuries,  alone  endure. 

Let  us  believe,  then,  that  man  is  to  leave  behind  him  his 
inheritance  from  the  brute  kingdom  and  that  he  has  in  him  ever 
and  always  the  elements  of  perennial  kinship  with  the  benignant 
forces  of  the  universe,  and  not  the  malignant,  evil  forces  that 
love  violence,  advance  destruction,  and  would  fain  champion  the 
right  with  evil  weapons. 

And  now,  my  friends,  my  neighbors  and  fellow  citizens  of 
Chicago,  we  leave  in  your  hands  the  task  of  executing  the  pro- 
gram of  this  Conference  in  a  manner  worthy  the  great  cause  and 
one  that  will  not  humiliate  the  great  city  in  which  we  delight  and 
to  which  we  belong.     (Applause.) 

The  chairman  introduced  Rev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch. 

The  Function  of  a  Peace  Congress 

Rev.  Emil  G.  Hirsch. 

Three  days  we  ask  you  to  take  out  of  your  busy  life  to  give 
to  this  Congress ;  three  days — a  capital  in  time,  for  we  are  a  busy 
people.  Is  it  worth  while?  Many  a  one  will  ask  that  question, 
and  perhaps  he  will  be  moved  to  ansAver  it  in  the  negative.  A  few 
speeches  will  be  delivered,  a  few  .resolutions  will  be  adopted,  the 
papers  will  comment  on  the  addresses  and  on  the  resolutions. 
Some  will  praise,  others  will  damn  with  faint  praise,  and  others 
will  shrug,  metaphorically  speaking,  their  shoulders.  It  is  worth 
while  to  give  three  days,  busy  as  we  are,  to  this  Congress  and  to 
the  proceedings  thereof.  What  is  the  Congress  aiming  at?  We 
are  purposing  to  create  a  new  mental  atmosphere.  In  this  age  we 
have  learned  that  thought  is  by  no  m.eans  a  negligible  quantity. 
Psychology  has  opened  to  us  the  truth  that  it  is  often  not  what 
men  know,  but  what  men  feel  and  how  they  feel  that  determines 


63 

men's  actions,  men's  physical  conditions  even ;  and  we  know  that 
the  nations  are  also  under  the  influence  of  thought  waves,  and 
we  wish  to  create  a  new  mental  atmosphere  on  this  great  question 
of  war. 

We  have  been  brought  up  on  the  idea  that  war  is  necessary, 
is  natural.  We  have  been  taught  to  believe  that  the  present  life 
has  evolved  out  of  a  universal  struggle.  Look  at  a  leaf  under  a 
microscope  and  we  have  a  battlefield,  so  they  tell  us.  Examine 
under  the  lens  a  drop  of  water  and  we  have  again  a  battlefield. 
And  so  they  have  told  us  from  the  lowest  to  the  loftiest  runs  an 
evolution  moved  and  impelled  by  struggle,  and  man  is  not  an 
exception  in  the  general  sweep  of  universal  warfare. 

Then  from  our  school  days  up  to  the  present  time  we  have 
been  led  to  believe  that  the  best  that  the  world  owns  was  laid  at 
humanity's  feet  by  the  demon  war.  What  have  we  learned  in 
our  schools  of  ancient  civilization  ?  Nothing  except  that  so  many 
generals  went  out  to  v/ar,  nothing  except  the  names  of  battles 
and  the  heroes  who  came  back  crowned  with  laurel  wreaths.  This 
we  learned,  and  nothing  else.  So  we  have  come  to  think  that  all 
progress  was  brought  about  by  the  passion  and  the  fury  of  war, 
and  that  without  war  civilization  would  not  have  come.  This  is 
what  we  want  to  counteract,  for  no  blacker  lie  was  ever  invented 
than  this.  We  have  gone  out  and  we  have  learned  that  even  in 
Babylon  and  Assyria,  those  mighty  warlike  nations  of  ancient 
days,  the  soldiers  after  all  were  not  the  determining  factor  in  the 
culture  and  civilization  of  ancient  days,  but  that  the  men  behind 
the  loom,  the  poets  and  priests  and  sages  made  their  world,  and 
not  the  men  that  went  out  with  swords  to  kill  and  to  spill  blood, 
or  went  to  spread  misery  over  another  people  whom  they  wished 
to  subjugate  and  whose  civilization  they  attempted  to  destroy.  The 
new  history  controverts  the  doctrine  which  has  stolen  into  our 
usual  textbooks  that  war  was  the  great  controlling  force  in  ancient 
times,  and  if  in  ancient  times  it  was  not,  can  it  be  in  these  modern 
days  ? 

Let  me  grant  that  w^ar  accomplished  something.  It  mixed 
the  races  of  the  world.  It  brought  the  different  nations  into  con- 
tact with  each  other.  This  admission  must  be  made.  But  is  it 
necessary  today  that  armies  shall  meet  in  order  that  the  man 
from  the  West  shall  touch  elbows  with  the  man  from  the  East? 


64 

Is  it  necessary  in  these  days  that  fleets  shall  sail  out  and  meet 
with  hostile  intent  upon  the  high  seas  when  the  peaceful  wonder- 
palaces  that  are  afloat  plow  the  ocean  and  bring  the  greeting  of 
the  rising  sun  to  the  lands  lying  under  the  sun's  western  good- 
night kiss?  I  ask,  is  it  necessary  that  navies  shall  go  and  speak 
of  the  power  and  the  might  and  the  civilization  of  a  nation  in 
these  days  when  the  public  prints  have  made  it  unnecessary,  and 
when  wireless  telegraphy  carries  across  the  distance  the  news  of 
the  busy  toil  and  the  pov^^er  and  the  strength  of  the  nation  ?  We 
do  not  need  the  navies  as  messengers  for  commerce.  Commerce 
is  independent  of  these  excursions  across  the  sea.  It  is  a  peculiar 
greeting  of  friendship  which  comes  and  says :  "Friends  we  shall 
be,  for  look,  here  are  the  mighty  engines  of  destruction !  Should 
you  refuse  the  hand  proffered  it  will  be  turned  into  a  fist,  and 
iron  will  speak  for  us  and  powder  will  bring  our  message  to 
you,"  Friendship  has  never  yet  been  made  upon  the  basis  of 
fear.  Friendship  can  only  come  on  the  basis  of  confidence  in  the 
justice  and  the  equity  and  in  the  righteousness  of  a  nation  that 
asks  for  friendship  and  returns  it.  In  these  days  war  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  men  together  is  antiquated.  We  have  discov- 
ered other  means  of  building  bridges  across  the  sea  and  passages 
over  the  dividing  mountains. 

But  we  are  told  war  is  necessary  in  order  that  the  world  may 
not  be  asphyxiated  in  commercialism.  We  must  have  war  from 
time  to  time  to  learn  that  our  life  is  not  the  sumnium  bonum,  to 
show  men  that  there  are  higher  things  than  life,  that  men  must 
lay  down  their  lives  occasionally  for  a  principle  and  for  a  cause, 
and  therefore  we  must  have  war.  What  about  the  small  nations 
on  that  theory?  Are  they  all  asphyxiated,  morally  speaking?  Is 
their  moral  fiber  weaker  than  that  of  the  giant  nations  that  can  go 
to  war  and  have  these  periodical  moral  battles  and  warlike  fever 
and  warlike  stress  and  warlike  trial,  and  then,  of  course,  warlike 
triumph?  The  smaller  nations  are  morally  as  strong  and  pure 
as  any  nation;  nations  that  never  had  a  navy,  nations  that  have 
not  a  single  regiment.  I  was  born  in  a  small  nation  of  that  kind, 
and  I  say  the  nation  on  whose  territory  I  was  born,  a  small  nation, 
not  in  population  as  large  as  Chicago,  is  as  morally  strong  as  the 
giant  nation  which  fortunately  I  have  come  now  to  regard  as  my 
own,  and  whose  prosperity  and  honor  are  as  dear  to  me  as  they 


65 

ever  may  be  to  one  native  under  this  glorious  flag  of  ours.  (Ap- 
plause.) No,  that  theory  falls  to  pieces  the  moment  we  test  it, 
the  moment  we  abandon  generalities  and  look  at  the  facts  as 
they  are. 

They  tell  us  we  need  war  to  save  us  from  being  submerged 
in  commercialism,  and  then  they  tell  us  we  need  the  navies,  for 
commerce  follows  the  flag.  On  the  one  hand,  war  is  to  save  us 
from  commerce,  and  on  the  other  hand  we  must  have  war  in 
order  to  further  commerce.  Is  that  logical?  Must  we  have  war 
to  save  us  from  commercialism  ?  Who  profits  by  war  ?  The  men 
who  control  the  money  of  the  world;  they  profit  by  war  and  no 
one  else.  (Applause.)  Today  ten  men  in  this  world  can  tell  any 
nation  to  go  to  war  or  to  sheathe  the  sword.  They  have  that 
power.  No  one  has  ever  won  except  these  ten  men  and  their 
dependents.  Commerce  has  always  profited  by  war  in  that  sense 
of  the  word  in  which  is  contained  the  proposition  that  we  must 
have  war  from  time  to  time  in  order  to  be  saved  from  moral 
asphyxiation  and  moral  stupor  and  moral  decay. 

The  facts  protest  against  this  theory.  Trade  has  not  followed 
the  flag,  and  commerce  has  increased  its  hold  upon  the  soul  of 
the  people  after  every  war.  The  evils  that  are  connected  with 
commerce  and  commercialism  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  used 
have  always  increased  the  day  after  a  victory.  Look  at  our 
recent  history  and  you  will  find  corroborating  evidence.  We 
w^anted  the  Philippines,  but  at  5  per  cent,  and  at  concessions  for 
our  investment  therein. 

So  with  Germany.  What  has  come  to  Germany  in  conse- 
q\ience  of  the  war  that  she  waged  against  France?  Nationalism 
has  come,  racial  prejudice  has  run  riot.  Before  that  war  Germany 
was  a  nation  of  thinkers,  a  nation  of  men  with  high  ideals.  Since 
that  war  the  German  has  come  to  believe  himself  to  be  the  God- 
chosen  man  of  the  world  to  whom  all  other  men  must  pay 
respect ;  and  he  has  come  to  consider  Germans  by  the  quality  of 
their  blood.  My  father  and  grandfather  and  great-grandfather 
were  German  by  birth,  they  spoke  the  German  language,  and  yet 
today  they  will  tell  me  that  I  and  they  are  not  Germans.  Because 
I  am  not  of  Teutonic  stock,  I  am  a  Semite,  I  am  a  Jew ;  therefore 
I  cannot  be  a  German.  Germany  did  not  know  anything  of  this 
pernicious  doctrine  before  her  victory  was  won. 


66 

So  this  new  nationalism  has  always  come  upon  the  nations 
in  the  hour  of  victory,  not  indeed  as  a  sign  of  moral  strength,  but 
as  a  symptom  of  moral  degeneracy.  War  is  an  unmitigated 
curse,  look  at  it  from  whatever  point  of  view  you  may.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

We  have  heard  tonight  that  we  have  a  false  idea,  that  only 
the  fighter  is  the  great  and  strong  man,  all  others  are  what  they 
call  "mollycoddles."  If  that  is  the  case,  then  I  misread  the  life 
of  the  best  man  that  ever  trod  on  earth.  He  may  be  for  you  more 
than  he  is  for  me.  For  me  he  is  the  Great  Teacher,  What  is 
the  lesson  of  his  life?  Did  he  draw  the  sword?  His  people 
did  not  greet  him  as  they  should,  because  he  did  not  come  with 
a  sword  as  they  expected  their  Messiah  to  come.  Did  he  go 
forth  with  a  lance?  He  received  the  thrust  of  a  lance  into  His 
loving  breast.  He  suffered,  but  did  not  strike,  and  the  greater 
hero  is  he  who  may  strike  if  he  must,  but  who  will  forego  strik- 
ing, not  because  he  is  a  coward  or  because  he  is  weak,  but  because 
he  is  in  the  full  consciousness  of  his  strength,  in  the  full  posses- 
sion of  his  noble  courage.  They  who  do  not  fight  are,  after  all, 
the  better  and  the  stronger  men.  What  glory  is  there  to  a  nation 
of  eighty  millions  to  have  defeated  a  weak  and  decaying  nation 
of  sixteen  millions?  You  might  as  well  say  the  bully  who  goes 
out  to  fight  the  little  boy  wins  glory  in  that  expedition.  No,  the 
greater  glory  is  with  him  who  forbears  and  forgives,  who  appeals 
to  justice  unto  all,  and  we  wish  to  create  the  impression  that  it  is 
possible  for  the  nations  of  this  world  to  create  a  court  where  all 
dissensions,  all  disputes  and  all  differences  may  be  adjudicated  by 
reason  and  by  justice,  not  by  an  appeal  to  passion  and  by  an  appeal 
to  the  greater  guns  and  the  stronger  navies.  As  far  as  navies  are 
concerned,  in  five  years  our  present  battleships  will  have  become 
antiquated  and  ready  to  be  thrown  on  the  scrap  heap.  Now  they 
are  building  airships.  Only  yesterday  I  read  a  German  article 
depicting  a  war  of  the  future  between  America  and  Germany, 
and  there  we  found  the  Americans,  of  course,  defeated.  It  was  a 
German  who  wrote  that.  If  an  American  had  written  it  the  Ger- 
mans would  have  been  defeated.  Defeated  how?  By  a  navy  of 
airships.  Our  great  Dreadnoughts  were  annihilated  by  a  navy 
of  airships.  Out  of  the  clouds,  before  they  knew  anything  about 
it,  came  dynamite  bombs  and  other  bombs  with  fearful  explo- 


67 

sions,  and  that  was  the  end  of  the  American  navy.  (Laughter.) 
And  so  we  have  to  join  in  the  mad  race  to  build  the  latest  inven- 
tions, lest  we  be  found  not  fully  equipped  for  the  contest  which 
is  to  come. 

Now,  if  you  have  navies  and  airships  you  are  just  in  the 
position  of  a  boy  that  has  a  pistol.  He  wants  to  see  it  go  ofif 
occasionally,  for  why  should  he  have  a  pistol?  If  he  carries  that 
pistol  with  him  he  is  very  apt  to  draw  the  pistol  and  shoot  it,  and 
sometimes  to  forget  that  that  pistol  is  charged.  And  so  with  the 
navy-armed  nations ;  they  must  use  that  navy  sometimes,  for 
they  are  a  fearful  investment.  They  are  sent  out  on  missions 
of  friendship,  and  suppose  they  land  in  Japan  and  some  Japanese 
takes  affront  at  the  appearance  of  the  navy,  and  he,  in  a  moment 
of  ill-considered  wrath,  proceeds  from  murmuring  to  blows.  Then 
we  will  have  international  complications,  and  then,  of  course,  we 
must  use  these  navies,  for  why  did  we  build  them?  We  have  the 
pistol  like  the  boy  has  the  pistol,  and  we  must  see  the  pistol  go 
off.  Sometimes  w^e  come  out  victoriously,  but  occasionally  the 
game  might  be  played  the  other  way  and  we  might  have  to  pay 
for  it.  It  is  a  very  dangerous  game  in  which  we  are  engaged. 
It  would  be  much  better  if  we  did  not  have  the  pistol ;  we  would 
not  get  into  all  sorts  of  complications  then,  even  at  the  risk  of 
being  called  a  nation  of  "mollycoddles."  It  is  better  to  be  a  nation 
of  mollycoddles. 

What  gives  us  our  national  strength?  Wliat  gives  us  our 
greatest  national  strength?  The  sense  of  justice,  the  devotion  to 
liberty,  the  recognition  that  we  are  rich  enough  in  this  country 
not  to  want  possession  of  other  people's  land.  We  still  have  land 
enough  and  will  have  for  many  and  many  a  decade.  There  may 
be  rivalry  in  commerce,  rivalry  in  industry,  but  the  markets  of  the 
world  will  be  open  to  us  all  the  more  readily  the  less  the  nations 
of  the  world  will  have  to  fear  that  we  shall  employ  our  resources 
to  their  undoing.  How  our  taxes  pile  up  in  consequence  of  this 
passion  for  war !  The  nations  are  groaning  under  a  load  wdiich 
they  cannot  carry  much  longer,  and  we  have  other  things  to  do. 
We  have  to  fight  the  white  plague;  we  have  to  go  into  our  slums 
and  bring  daylight  to  human  beings  that  never  had  the  oppor- 
tunity to  look  up  at  the  day  star;  we  have  to  save  little  children 
that  never  knew  the  whole  of  life ;  we  have  to  do  a  thousand  and 


68 

one  things,  but  these  things  cannot  be  done,  for  the  navies  have 
devoured  our  resources,  the  armies  have  received  large  and 
stupendous  sums,  and  in  the  meantime  men  totter  to  their  graves, 
children  go  without  their  mothers'  care,  and  thousands  and 
thousands  are  left  to  suffer,  and  the  masses  feel  that  the  blood 
tax  is,  after  all,  on  them.  Rankling  discontent  strikes  deep  root 
in  their  hearts.  They  believe  that  they  are  treated  as  though  they 
were  merely  destined  by  nature  to  be  food  for  the  cannon,  and 
that  the  pomp  and  the  glory  of  war  are  always  tracked  by  the 
wrath  and  the  fury  of  the  worst  form  of  social  disorganization, 
anarchy  in  the  truest  sense  of  the  word.  For  war  is  organized 
anarchy,  and  begets  its  own  offspring  in  individual  anarchists. 

What  is  wrong  for  an  individual  is  wrong  for  a  nation. 
(Applause.)  I  cannot  conceive  that  when  God  said,  "Thou 
shalt  not  kill,"  He  made  a  mental  reservation  in  favor  of  organ- 
ized men  as  nations,  as  regiments,  as  brigades  or  as  army  corps. 
We  have  paid  enough  for  this  worship  at  the  altar  of  this 
Moloch,  and  we  wish  by  this  Congress  to  create  a  healthier  mental 
atmosphere. 

In  one  of  the  books  which  we  of  my  religion  sometimes  read 
I  find  this  story :  It  was  the  day  after  the  defeat  of  the  Egypti- 
ans, and  Miriam  and  her  companions  had  gone  out  to  sing  of  the 
great  victory  accomplished  and  to  rejoice  in  the  extermination  of 
the  enemy ;  and  the  angels  in  heaven,  so  runs  the  legend,  took  up 
Miriam's  song  and  began  to  intone  the  jubilant  strains  within 
sound  of  the  very  walls  where  God's  own  throne  was  reared. 
Then  from  that  throne  came  a  heavenly  voice  of  reproof,  saying : 
"The  work  of  My  hands,  My  children,  have  been  drowned  in  the 
Red  Sea  and  you  would  sing  songs  of  joy  before  me !"  That  is 
in  the  old  Hebrew  book,  a  book  written,  you  say,  by  men  who  did 
not  know  how  to  fight.  It  may  be  not,  though  they  had  their  Judas 
Maccabeus ;  but  these  men  who  wrote  that  book  and  placed  on 
the  lips  of  God  that  reproof  of  the  joy  in  victory  won  from  battle- 
field knew  what  is  more  than  to  fight,  they  knew  how  to  suflFer. 
The  world  did  them  wrong.  For  fifty  centuries  the  world  lifted 
up  the  hand  against  them  and  smote  them,  but  they  were  like  the 
other  Jew  who  said :  "Offer  the  left  cheek  to  the  blow  when  the 
right  cheek  has  been  struck."  To  that  they  were  true.  They 
suffered  courageously,  heroically,  and  while  they  were  not  fighters 


69 

with  the  weapons  of  iron,  they  were  champions  of  the  right  by 
their  patience,  by  their  persistence ;  and  this  is  the  highest  glory, 
for  righteousness'  sake  you  may  suffer,  for  righteousness  will 
triumph  and  law  and  justice  are  not  empty  ideas.  They  are  the 
pillars  on  which  God's  throne  rests,  and  the  nations  may  come  to 
that  throne,  and  God,  through  law  and  justice,  will  decide  their 
disputes,  and  the  day  will  come  when  swords  will  be  turned  into 
plowshares  and  lances  into  pruning  hooks.      (Applause.) 

Chairman  Barnes: 

When  the  Cornell  University  desired  a  great  president  and 
when  the  leader  of  our  nation  in  the  time  of  a  great  peril  desired 
wise  counsel  on  one  of  the  most  important  commissions  ever 
formed,  that  of  the  Philippines ;  when  the  officers  of  the  Second 
National  Peace  Congress  wished  for  a  wise  statesman  to  express 
their  views — the  same  man  was  chosen.  The  wisdom  of  the 
choice  we  all  recognize.  It  gives  us  great  pleasure  to  listen  to 
words  from  President  Jacob  Gould  Schurman  of  Cornell  Uni- 
versity.    (Applause.) 

Forces  Which  Make  for  Peace 

President  Jacob  G.  Schurman. 

Brother  Burdette  has  already  told  you  something  about  Cor- 
nell University.  He  says — and  he  is  a  clergyman — that  it  is 
easier  to  get  into  the  army  than  into  Cornell  University,  because 
to  get  into  the  army  you  need  to  have  some  physique,  you  need  to 
know  something,  and  you  need  to  have  some  character.  Well,  if 
this  were  not  a  peace  meeting — (laughter) — all  I  can  say  is  I  am 
sorry  that  Brother  Burdette  was  never  a  member  of  the  Cornell 
athletic  team  or  worked  in  a  Cornell  class  room,  and  had  a  chance 
to  get  "busted  out,"  as  the  boys  say,  or  worked  and  prayed  in 
the  Cornell  Christian  Association.  He  perhaps  under  those  cir- 
cumstances would  have  had  a  different  idea  of  the  institution. 

But  my  own  experience,  as  suggested  by  his  remark,  con- 
vinces me  of  the  truth  of  his  saying  that  men  are  fighting  animals. 
We  are  all  fighting  animals.  He  and  Brother  Hirsch  are  right ; 
it  is  in  the  blood.  We  have  inherited  it  from  countless  generations 
of  ancestors. 


70 

Fifty  years  ago  this  spring  there  was  pubHshed  a  book  in 
which  was  written,  I  suppose,  for  all  time  the  history  of  the 
animal  world.  It  was  proved  from  a  wealth  of  knowledge  drawn 
from  many  fields  that  animal  life  was  a  series  of  struggles  and  of 
slaughter ;  struggle  for  life  and  survival  of  the  cunningest  and 
the  strongest.  And  for  my  own  part  I  have  no  doubt  that  we 
human  beings  in  our  biological  history  have  walked  the  way  of 
the  animals,  as  we  have  in  common  with  them  our  appetites  and 
our  instincts.  But  if  man  be  merely  a  higher  animal,  and  human 
history,  too,  be  merely  a  struggle  for  life  and  the  survival  of  the 
strongest  and  the  cunningest,  human  life  is  not  worth  living. 
Man  has  in  him  something  which  takes  him  beyond  the  life  of 
the  animals,  and  because  he  has  in  him  that  element  of  things 
nobler  and  diviner  it  is  possible  for  men  to  say  what  Brother 
Hirsch  and  Brother  Burdette  have  said,  that  we  need  to  change 
man  radically,  that  we  need  to  alter  his  habits  and  modes  of  look- 
ing at  history  and  of  human  life.  It  is  possible,  because  while 
man  on  the  physical  side  does  share  his  life  with  the  animals  and 
partakes  of  their  history,  on  the  moral  and  mental  side  he  is 
infinitely  above  them  and  has  kinship  with  the  divine.  All  our 
life,  whether  as  individuals  or  as  nations,  is  an  effort  to  emerge 
from  animality  and  progress  toward  divinity ;  to  "let  the  ape  and 
tiger  die  and  rise  on  steps  of  our  dead  selves  to  higher  things." 
(Applause.) 

I  therefore  feel  the  utm.ost  sympathy  with  the  work  of  this 
Peace  Congress.  I  feel  that  its  claims  have  been  adequately  pre- 
sented to  this  audience,  their  sympathies  have  been  appealed  to, 
their  sense  of  reason  challenged,  but  there  is  one  aspect  of  the 
subject  of  which  little  has  been  said,  and  to  that  I  shall  confine 
my  remarks. 

Since  our  life  is  this  progress  from  these  lower  to  these 
higher  things,  I  asked  myself  what  progress  we  are  actually  mak- 
ing toward  that  state  of  things  when  war  shall  disappear  and  the 
nations  be  brothers  all  the  world  around. 

I  think  at  the  outset  there  are  many  things  most  discouraging 
to  contemplate.  You  see  how,  in  certain  emergencies,  whole 
nations  lose  their  heads,  become  creatures  of  passion  and  rush 
unnecessarily  into  war.  In  modern  times  the  press  reflects  these 
sentiments,  and  we  have  the  assurance  of  Bismarck,  who  said  in 


71 

1877  or  1878,  that  the  three  last  great  wars  of  Europe  had  been 
caused  by  the  press.  Reference  has  been  made  tonight  to  our 
war  with  Spain.  Does  any  sane  man  doubt  that  if  we,  the 
American  people,  had  kept  our  heads  cool  and  our  consciences 
serene,  and  allowed  President  McKinley  and  his  representative  in 
Spain,  General  Woodford,  and  the  Queen  of  Spain,  those  three, 
to  have  settled  the  trouble  with  Spain  and  Cuba,  it  could  not  have 
been  settled  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  the  entire  civilized  world?     (Applause.) 

And  so  when  we  talk  of  the  glories  of  peace  and  the  horrors 
of  war,  we  may  blame  ourselves  for  our  part  in  permitting  or 
causing  some  wars.  And  so  I  turn  to  forces  in  the  world  which 
seem  to  me  to  be  making  for  peace,  sometimes  in  spite  of  the 
nations. 

Look,  for  instance,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  at  the  tremendous 
strain  which  preparations  for  war  are  today  putting  upon  all  the 
greatest  nations  of  the  world.  Senator  Hale  recently  said  in  the 
United  States  Senate  that  two-thirds  of  all  the  revenues  of  the 
United  States  were  used  to  pay  for  past  wars  or  to  prepare  for 
future  wars.  In  England  the  case  is  still  more  striking.  In  the 
last  four  or  five  years  a  British  Liberal  Government  has  paid  off 
about  one-tenth  of  the  enormous  national  debt  of  three  billion 
eight  hundred  million  dollars  :  but  within  the  last  three  days  it 
has  become  necessary  to  change  that  healthful  financiering.  Addi- 
tional supplies  for  naval  purposes  are  called  for,  and  the  British 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  said  the  other  day  in  the  House  of 
Commons  that  not  to  vote  these  munitions  for  these  supplies 
would  be  not  liberalism  but  ruination. 

And  how  is  the  money  raised  ?  The  taxes  on  incomes  are  to 
be  enormously  increased :  inheritance  taxes  and  death  duties  are 
to  be  so  raised  that  the  British  treasury  will  hereafter  take  one- 
fourth  of  the  largest  estates.  If  this  thing  goes  on  one,  two, 
three  years,  the  richest  nations  in  the  world  will  reel  and  stagger 
under  the  financial  loads,  and  I  think  of  the  text  of  Scripture, 
"God  makes  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him."  The  cost  of  war 
is  becoming  so  terrible,  falling  so  heavily  on  the  propertied 
classes,  that  these  people  who  have  been  in  the  past  pre-eminently 
the  jingoes  are  likely  to  become  champions  of  the  gospel  of  Peace. 
(Applause.) 


72 

Do  you  realize  that  in  Europe  as  a  whole  you  have  six  mil- 
lions of  men  under  arms  withdrawn  from  industrial  pursuits,  and 
that  the  cost  of  the  armies  for  Europe  alone  is  between  six  and 
seven  billions  of  dollars  a  year?  How  can  nations  stand  this 
extravagance  in  their  revenues?  The  limit  of  possibility  is  not 
only  near,  but  it  is  at  hand. 

Then,  secondly,  the  laboring  classes  are  becoming  the  cham- 
pions of  peace.  (Applause.)  And  they  become  apostles  of  peace 
more  and  more  just  in  proportion  as  their  intelligence  and  educa- 
tion grow,  and  they  see  that  the  burden  of  war  falls  pre-eminently 
on  them.  War  disorganizes  industry,  it  increases  the  number  of 
the  unemployed.  Somehow  or  other  the  people  who  have  prop- 
erty can  pull  through,  but  the  horrors  of  war  for  the  wage  earner, 
the  man  who  lives  from  hand  to  mouth.  Cannot  be  depicted  or 
often  imagined. 

Therefore,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  it  is  to  my  mind  no  strange 
thing  that  that  large  portion  of  the  wage-earning  class,  par- 
ticularly in  Germany,  who  have  become  socialists,  are  as  socialists 
wedded  to  the  doctrine  of  universal  peace.  They  are  ready  to 
renounce  nationalism  in  the  interests  of  international  peace  and 
good  will,  at  least  so  far  as  the  laboring  classes  are  concerned. 
(Applause.)  I  am  no  socialist.  In  the  economic  sphere  I  think 
socialism  has  crudities  and  impossibilities,  but  in  this  sphere  I 
recognize  it  as  a  great  international  moral  force  and  I  thank 
God  for  it. 

Thirdly,  there  is  another  reason.  There  is  another  force  at 
work  making  for  international  peace  and  good  will,  and  that  is 
the  growing  intercourse  between  the  nations.  We,  thanks  to  the 
immigrants  who  have  come  to  us  from  nearly  all  the  countries  of 
Europe,  and  thanks  also  to  the  traveling  habit  of  our  people,  are 
reasonably  acquainted  with  European  countries,  and  war  with  any 
of  them  becomes  more  and  more  impossible.  Suppose,  for  instance, 
a  trouble  arose  between  our  government  and  the  German  govern- 
ment. I  do  not  see  a  cloud  on  the  horizon,  but  imagine  such  a 
case.  Why,  the  fact  that  we  have  millions  of  Germans  under  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  would  strongly  move,  if  it  did  not  morally 
compel,  both  governments  to  find  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  ques- 
tion. The  more  you  know  of  other  people  and  other  nations  the 
better  you  understand  them,  the  keener  your  sympathy  is  with 


73 

them,  the  higher  your  appreciation  of  them,  and  the  more  impos- 
sible war  becomes,  and  I  apply  that  to  our  relations  with  the  East. 

I  know  something  of  race  antagonism.  It  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion to  speak  of  any  commingling  of  Asiatic  races  with  Americans, 
and  as  China  and  Japan  keep  their  territories  for  Chinese  and 
Japanese,  so  the  United  States  will  keep  its  territory  for  the  white 
man,  and  not  only  the  United  States,  but  all  North  America  and 
South  America,  too.  But,  given  those  limitations,  why  cannot 
each  nation  respect  the  rights  of  the  other,  and  treat  with  one 
another  as  individual  gentlemen  from  the  nations  concerned 
would  do  ?  For  my  own  part,  I  have  no  doubt  that  as  travelers 
and  missionaries  and  scholars  and  sages  go  from  one  country  to 
the  other,  they  will  come  to  get  a  new  insight  into  the  foreign 
people  and  make  the  relations  of  the  two  governments  more 
humane  than  they  have  ever  been  before.  Intercourse  at  first 
makes  us  acquainted  with  the  differences  between  other  peoples 
and  ourselves.  That  is  the  present  stage  of  our  relations  with  the 
Orient.  The  next  stage  will  be,  the  growing  intercourse  will 
make  us  more  thoroughly  acquainted  with  them  and  we  will  come 
to  appreciate  what  we  have  in  common  with  them  and  what  they 
have  in  common  with  us ;  underneath  differently  colored  skins  and 
behind  different  ideals  and  different  practices  we  will  come  to 
recognize  common  members  of  the  same  great  brotherhood  of 
mankind.     (Applause.) 

And  so,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  with  these  forces  at  work  I 
feel  the  cause  of  peace  is  being  advanced,  being  advanced  not  only 
by  peace  societies,  but  what  I  might  call  economic,  physical  and 
psychological  laws  and  forces.  But  do  not  misunderstand  me.  I 
do  not  trust  solely  to  them.  The  moral  progress  of  mankind  in 
every  sphere  is  assured  by  man's  forming  high  ideals  and  hugging 
them ;  never  letting  them  go,  warming  them  in  his  bosom,  pro- 
claiming them  in  season  and  out  of  season.  Thus  the  ideals  tend 
to  realize  themselves  in  the  facts  of  the  world ;  and  they  tend  thus 
to  realize  themselves  because  these  ideals  of  peace,  of  brotherli- 
ness,  of  justice,  of  gentlemanly  conduct,  are  in  harmony  with  the 
forces  that  hold  the  world  together  and  bind  it  to  the  throne  of 
God.     (Applause.) 

After  the  singing  of  hymns  and  the  benediction,  the  meeting 
stood  adjourned. 


THE  CONGRESS 


FIRST  SESSION 

"RETROSPECT  AND  PROSPECT" 

Monday  Afternoon,  May  3,  at  2  o'clock 
Orchestra  Hall 

HON.  EOBEET  TEEAT  PAINE,  Presiding. 
The  opening  session  of  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress 

was  called  to  order  by  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Committee.  The  audience  rose  and  joined  in  singing 
the  opening  hymn,  after  which  Hon.  Robert  Treat  Paine  took  the 
chair. 

America  Should  Lead 
Hon,  Robert  Treat  Paine. 

Some  power  which  the  world  will  heed  must  take  the  initia- 
tive in  proposing  peace  to  the  world.  We  meet  here  in  Chicago 
in  hopes  that  Chicago  will  move  the  United  States  to  take  this 
initiative,  for  which  the  whole  world  waits. 

Action  of  this  character  has  in  it  a  little  noble  audacity. 
When  the  world  was  weary  of  the  bloody  fight  between  Japan  and 
Russia,  at  last  America  made  bold  to  intervene.  Remember  how 
cordially  the  world  approved  and  how  this  intervention  was  sus- 
tained till  at  last  it  triumphed  and  Peace  triumphed  over  War. 
President  Roosevelt  felt  the  sympathy  of  the  whole  civilized  world 
rally  behind  him  in  its  support. 

Even  so  for  a  long  time  the  world  has  condemned  the  mad 
policy  of  war.  Rare  outbreaks  of  actual  war  occur,  yet  all  peoples 
are  coming  to  condemn  the  folly  of  perpetually  increasing  prep- 
aration. The  cost  of  this  annual  burden  is  bankrupting  the 
nations.  The  wealth  of  the  world  refuses  any  longer  to  be  wasted. 
Some  nation,  some  power  must  take  the  initiative  in  proposing, 
in  urging  a  scheme  by  which  peace  may  banish  war. 

74 


75 

The  Second  Hague  Conference  with  its  glorious  union  of  all 
the  forty-four  nations  on  earth  could  not  quite  agree  on  the 
details  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nations  drafted  by  Hon.  James 
Brown  Scott,  to  whom  was  entrusted  that  great  task  by  our 
American  deputation  under  the  lead  of  our  own  Joseph  H.  Choate. 
But  this  world  scheme  cannot  long  be  delayed.  With  the  concur- 
rence and  support  of  the  powers  of  the  world  a  scheme  will  soon 
be  ready. 

The  next  step  should  be  to  have  America  speak  up  and  ask 
the  concurrence  of  the  world. 

How  can  the  men  of  peace  induce  America  to  lead?  This 
is  the  task  and  privilege  of  Chicago.  Now  let  Chicago  speak. 
Let  the  power  of  Chicago  be  felt  under  a  compelling  influence 
starting  from  this  great  series  of  meetings.  Well  may  we  hope 
that  Chicago  will  incite  the  power  of  our  Nation  to  boldly  take 
the  lead  in  inducing  the  nations  of  the  world  to  unite  in  a  scheme 
of  peace  which  shall  banish  war. 

Welcome  to  the  State 

Hon.  Charles  S.  Deneen,  Governor  of  Illinois. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  me  to  welcome,  in  behalf  of  the  people  of 
Illinois,  the  delegates  to  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress.  I 
can  assure  you  that  the  interest  which  is  felt  by  enlightened  citi- 
zenship all  over  the  world  in  the  progress  of  the  movement  which 
this  Congress  represents  is  fully  shared  by  the  citizens  of  our 
state,  and  that  whatever  may  be  accomplished  here  to  realize  the 
objects  for  which  your  organization  is  laboring  will  be  regarded 
by  them  as  a  real  contribution  to  the  world's  progress. 

To  the  citizens  of  our  state,  as  to  Americans  generally,  the 
ideal  for  which  you  are  laboring,  the  settlement  of  international 
difficulties  by  arbitration  and  the  consequent  doing  away  with 
war,  is  familiar.  It  is  involved  in  the  principle  enunciated  by 
Washington  for  the  guidance  of  our  intercourse  with  other 
nations,  "Friendly  relations  with  all,  entangling  alliances  with 
none,"  and  in  that  declaration  of  national  policy  known  as  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  which  have  become  perhaps  the  most  firmly 
rooted  of  our  national  articles  of  faith  and  have  passed  into  a 
tradition  of  the  American  people. 


76 

And  our  course  as  a  nation  has  conformed  to  a  marked  degree 
to  these  principles.  While  our  history  has  not  been  free  from 
war,  I  think  it  may  be  justly  said  it  has  been  free  from  wars  of 
aggression.  The  great  wars  in  which  we  have  engaged  have  been 
wars  to  maintain  some  recognized  principle  of  civil  Hberty,  such 
as  that  for  which  our  revolutionary  fathers  struggled ;  to  maintain 
our  national  integrity,  as  in  the  Civil  War,  or  to  champion  the 
cause  of  an  oppressed  people,  as  in  the  Spanish- American  War. 

War  is  abhorrent  to  the  sense  of  civilized  humanity.  And 
yet  war  is  one  of  the  great  facts  of  the  world's  history,  and  even 
while  gatherings  like  this  are  striving  for  international  peace 
there  come  to  us  from  far-away  Turkey  echoes  of  war  and  revo- 
lution, of  the  breaking  down  of  an  old  regime  and  the  forcible 
imposition  of  a  new  order  of  things.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  the 
old  order  was  one  of  force  and  that  the  order  which  seeks  to 
displace  it  promises  to  be  one  of  comparative  enlightenment  and 
of  constitutional  government.  But  the  struggle  which  has  had  so 
happy  an  outcome  in  Turkey  illustrates  as  well  perhaps  as  any 
other  the  undeniable  truth  that  the  peace  which  is  worth  having 
may  need  to  be  fought  for  and  must  come  after,  not  before,  the 
just  recognition  of  rights  and  responsibilities.  It  is  to  this  truth 
that  history  has  so  often  owed  the  anomaly  that  the  greatest 
friends  of  peace  have  been  obliged  by  the  untoward  course  of 
events  to  wage  some  of  the  greatest  wars.  Young  as  we  are  as 
a  nation,  we  have  been  taught  that  lesson,  and  our  own  history 
furnishes  one  of  the  most  striking  and  one  of  the  most  deplorable 
examples  of  this  anomaly.  I  speak,  of  course,  of  the  Civil  War 
and  of  the  causes  which  led  the  benevolent  and  pacific  Lincoln  to 
declare  the  existence  of  war  between  the  North  and  South.  And 
yet  Lincoln,  a  martyr  to  his  country  and  to  the  cause  of  liberty, 
entered  upon  that  conflict  with  the  declaration,  "We  must  not  be 
enemies,  but  friends,"  waged  it  "with  charity  for  all,  with  malice 
toward  none,"  and  almost  with  his  latest  breath  prayed  that  "the 
mighty  scourge  of  war  might  speedily  pass  away." 

And  so  the  great  general.  Grant,  the  leader  of  our  armies, 
the  soldier  who,  so  long  as  war  lasted,  pursued  the  relentless  policy 
of  closing  in  upon  the  enemy  and  crushing  him  by  his  superior 
weight,  gave  expression,  no  doubt,  to  the  deepest  feeling  of  his 
heart  in  his  famous  utterance,  "Let  us  have  peace." 


77 

In  our  own  day  we  still  happily  find  the  great  leaders  of 
American  thought  and  statesmanship  the  friends  and  champions 
of  peace.  There  is  none  of  us  but  remembers  the  reluctance  of 
President  McKinley  to  open  hostilities  with  Spain  and  the  mani- 
fest pleasure  with  which  he  hailed  the  return  of  peace.  And  to 
no  man  in  this  generation,  perhaps,  is  the  cause  of  peace  more 
indebted  than  to  President  Roosevelt,  whose  conspicuous  services 
in  the  settlement  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  led  to  his  recognition 
throughout  the  world  as  "The  Great  Peacemaker,"  an  honor 
which  is  prized  by  his  country  as  one  of  its  noblest  distinctions. 

Undoubtedly  our  comparative  isolation  and  freedom  from 
entanglement  in  European  and  Asiatic  affairs  contributed  much 
to  the  success  of  President  Roosevelt's  intervention,  but  so  stead- 
fast has  been  our  adherence  to  a  non-aggressive  policy,  so  thor- 
oughly alien  is  the  idea  of  conquest  or  oppression  to  the  American 
temperament  and  American  statesmanship,  that  I  cannot  but 
believe  that  the  entrance  of  the  United  States  into  world  politics 
will  w^ield  a  pow^erful  influence  in  favor  of  the  peace  program. 
This,  I  think,  must  be  the  general  effect  of  our  freer  participation 
in  world  affairs  and  of  the  expansion  of  our  commerce,  every- 
where the  precursor  of  friendly  relations,  quite  aside  from  any 
effort  we  may  put  forth  for  peace  promotion. 

It  is  inspiring  to  think  that  while  all  the  silent  forces  of  prog- 
ress are  making  for  peace,  the  movement  is  given  powerful 
momentum  and  definite  direction,  aim  and  purpose  by  great  organ- 
izations like  this  which  gather  together  the  scattered  forces  and 
unite  them  in  one  mighty  effort  to  put  an  end  to  war,  to  stamp 
out  this  great  scourge  of  the  world,  and  to  recognize  in  the  settle- 
ment of  international  difficulties  the  same  equitable  and  righteous 
principles  of  justice  which  obtain  in  the  adjudication  of  difficulties 
between  man  and  man. 

I  trust  that  you  will  find  your  sojourn  in  Illinois  a  pleasant 
one,  and  that  the  labors  of  this  Congress  will  contribute  in  a  large 
measure  to  the  advancement  of  the  cause  of  peace  here  and 
elsewhere. 

Chairman  Paine: 

We  had  hoped  this  afternoon  to  have  listened  to  his  Honor, 
Fred  A.  Busse,  mayor  of  Chicago,  but  in  his  absence  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  presenting  to  you  Mr.  Edgar  A.  Bancroft. 


78 


Welcome  to  the  City  of  Chicago 
Edgar  A.  Bancroft. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Delegates  to  the  Second  National 
Peace  Congress — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  At  the  request  of 
Mayor  Busse,  and  in  his  name,  I  extend  to  you,  on  behalf  of  the 
City  of  Chicago,  most  cordial  welcome.  You  have  not  chosen 
this  city  as  your  meeting  place  because  of  its  quiet  and  peaceful 
air.  I  trust  you  have  not  selected  it  because  of  its  need  of  pacifi- 
cation. The  purpose  of  this  Congress,  I  take  it,  is  not  to  abolish 
conflict  between  either  individuals  or  nations,  but  to  lift  all  those 
conflicts  from  the  brutish  and  physical  level  to  the  mental  and 
moral  plane.  Chicago,  in  its  brief  life,  typifies  this  upward  prog- 
ress of  the  race.  Man's  original  struggle  was  to  maintain  life; 
first,  by  rude  means  and  hard  toil,  to  compass  the  bare  necessities, 
and  later,  by  skill  and  less  toil,  to  gain  more  of  comfort  and  joy. 
As  mind  came  to  play  a  larger  part  in  the  battle  of  existence, 
mental  exercises  and  pleasures  entered  more  and  more  into  life. 
Slowly  and  by  infinite  pains  the  endeavor  was  not  so  much  to 
protect  the  body  and  escape  things  feared — hunger  and  cold  and 
death — as  to  develop  the  intellect  and  obtain  things  desired — 
knowledge,  mental  power  and  the  joys  of  a  finer  and  higher  living. 
So  Chicago  has  achieved  all  that  industry  and  enterprise  and  per- 
sistence and  courage  have  ever  done  for  material  enlargement. 
She  has  won  the  fierce  battle  for  predominant  commercial  and 
industrial  power  in  the  heart  of  this  continent ;  she  has  lifted  her- 
self out  of  this  swamp  corner  of  the  lake  and  laid  abiding  foun- 
dations of  material  greatness  in  its  sands.  But  her  pride  is  not  in 
these,  because  these  have  in  them  no  self-preserving  and  self- 
perpetuating  power.  Her  pride  is  in  her  schools  of  learning  and 
art,  in  her  public  museums  and  parks  and  playgrounds,  her 
intelligent  and  patriotic  artisans  and  artists,  and  above  all — be- 
cause the  creator  of  all — in  the  alert  and  generous  public  spirit 
and  ambition  of  her  citizens.  For  them,  and  to  them,  Chicago 
bids  you  welcome.  It  wishes  the  stimulus  and  encouragement, 
the  larger  hope,  of  a  congress  of  men  and  women  who  give 
sympathetic  ears  to  the  still,  sad  music  of  humanity;  who  love 


79 

peace  because  war  is  brutal  and  inhumane,  and  lays  burdens  upon 
the  souls  of  men  as  well  as  upon  their  lives  and  property. 

We  meet  not  with  any  notion  that  all  contest  and  struggle  are 
to  end,  and  that  we  can  soon  bring  in  the  age  of  the  Golden  Rule. 
Why  should  nations  be  less  humane  and  intelligent  and  fair  than 
are  its  citizens?  Their  contests,  far  more  than  between  individ- 
uals, should  be  fought  out  with  those  fine  and  subtle  weapons  of 
mind  and  judgment  and  conscience,  and  with  better  and  kindlier 
and  more  chivalrous  motives  than  have  yet  inspired  even  the  wars 
called  glorious. 

When  wars  between  nations  end,  the  cessation  of  blood  and 
carnage  is  not  the  last  phase;  but  the  results  of  the  struggle  are 
definitely  determined  by  unarmed  men  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
conference  room.  Why  should  not  such  deliberations  precede  the 
appeal  to  arms,  and  thus  prevent  it?  You  come  as  ambassadors 
of  humanity,  as  students  of  the  vital  forces  of  civilization,  to  con- 
sider means  for  ending  the  wastefulness  of  war,  the  social,  com- 
mercial and  individual  demoralization;  and  to  give  to  the  restless 
and  aspiring  energies  of  youth  ideals  of  peace  that  challenge  and 
reward,  beyond  all  military  conflicts,  deeds  of  chivalry  and  high 
emprise.  Therefore  Chicago  gives  you  hearty  welcome  and  joins 
with  you  in  seeking  the  humane  and  uplifting  battles  and  victories 
of  peace. 

Welcome  by  the  Reception  Committee 

Rev.  a.  Eugene  Bartlett^  Chairman. 

Comrades,  journeying  toward  the  land  of  eternal  peace,  I  hail 
and  greet  you.  Good  travelers  oft  stop  upon  their  journey  to 
make  inquiry  as  to  the  roads  that  lie  before  them.  So  we  with 
the  best  of  judgment  are  pausing  here  in  this  city  of  the  Central 
West,  to  take  counsel  together  concerning  the  way  that  lies  before 
us  ere  we  reach  that  fair  land  of  brotherly  love  and  abiding  peace. 

The  reception  committee  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  the 
chairman  has  done  what  it  could  to  add  to  your  comfort  and  con- 
venience. I  remember  visiting  the  little  church  on  the  Island  of 
Marken,  that  lies  like  an  emerald  on  the  Zuyder  Zee,  and  finding 
the  seats  in  that  church  of  the  fishermen  numbered  with  such 
large  figures  that  a  man  going  to  church  could  see,  if  the  win- 


8o 

dows  happened  to  be  open,  his  own  number  as  soon  as  he  ghmpsed 
the  church  itself.  We  have  taken  a  hint  from  those  fishermen  of 
Marken  and  have  tagged  with  large  letters  all  the  things  we 
thought  you  might  desire,  so  that  you  may  quickly  find  them. 

We  have  equipped  our  Information  Bureau  not  only  to  pilot 
you  around  this  hall  but  also  to  assist  you  in  finding  your  way 
about  the  city.  We  believe  that  wars  grow  out  of  misunderstand- 
ings and  that  strife  here  at  home  may  be  traced  back  to  the  same 
cause.  We  think  that  Chicago  has  been  misunderstood.  She  has 
been  thought  of  in  some  sections  of  our  land  as  big  in  vice  and 
crude  in  manners.  If  that  is  the  impression  of  any  delegate  in 
this  Congress,  we  feel  that  it  is  a  part  of  our  duty  to  aid  in  cor- 
recting it.  We  do  not  deny  that  vice  still  exists  in  our  city,  but 
we  are  big  in  virtues  and  big  in  determination  to  be  better  than 
we  are.  You  will  find  that  we  are  growing  not  only  big  but 
beautiful,  and  that  here  there  is  a  vigorous  campaign  to  bring  in 
righteousness  and  peace. 

Our  welcome  extends  not  simply  to  the  use  of  conveniences 
here  installed  and  to  means  of  easy  access  about  the  city,  but  we 
welcome  you  also  to  the  serious  work  of  the  Congress.  Large 
have  been  the  expenditures ;  but  we  expect  you  to  do  your  work 
so  faithfully  that  the  achievements  of  this  gathering  will  be 
immeasurably  greater  than  its  expenditures.  We  want  this  meet- 
ing to  be  one  of  splendid  enthusiasm.  Again  and  again  we  want 
this  hall  to  echo  with  your  applause.  Sublime  sentiments  will  be 
voiced  here  and  they  are  worthy  of  your  heartiest  manifestations 
of  approval.  We  are  gathered  in  the  Central  West,  where  it  is 
not  a  breach  of  etiquette  to  express  one's  feelings.  There  is  a 
tendency  throughout  our  country  to  applaud  epaulets  and  brass 
bands  and  to  treat  in  cold,  inhospitable  fashion  the  great  move- 
ments that  make  for  the  redemption  of  mankind.  We  are  far 
more  likely  to  get  excited  over  a  ball  game  than  a  good  sermon. 
(I  am  a  minister,  so  I  may  make  the  comparison.)  We  prepare 
brilliant  receptions  for  our  returning  armies  and  turn  over  the 
freedom  of  our  cities  to  the  returning  fleet,  but  sadly  neglect  the 
men  and  women  of  America  who  are  fighting  the  long,  hard  bat- 
tles of  peace.  Let  the  welkin  ring  with  your  shouts  of  encour- 
agement to  these  workers  who  are  striving  to  bring  to  the  world's 


8i 

remembrance  that  command  that  God  gave  to  Moses  long  ago 
and  which  never  yet  has  been  abrogated,  "Thou  shalt  not  kill." 

Enthusiasm  is  needed  in  this  movement,  but  it  should  be 
more  than  the  expression  of  appreciation.  Enthusiasm  is  the 
power  of  God  working  in  the  lives  of  men.  It  not  only  talks ;  it 
works.  It  descends  from  head  to  hands  and  feet.  The  Fourth 
of  July  which  ends  when  the  last  rocket  goes  off  is  not  an  entire 
success.  Independence  Day  should  mean  more  patriotism  as  well 
as  more  noise.  We  welcome  you  to  a  serious  work.  Resolutions 
are  easily  written  and  promptly  passed ;  but  they  are  not  sufficient 
unto  themselves.  They  help  in  the  formulation  of  public  opinion, 
but  they  need  to  be  followed  up  with  systematic  work.  This  Con- 
gress must  be  more  than  a  spasmodic  expression  of  protest  against 
war  and  a  resolution  that  disarmament  would  be  desirable.  It 
should  inaugurate  a  still  more  effective  campaign  of  education  of 
the  people  in  the  interests  of  permanent  and  world-wide  peace. 
The  American  Peace  Society  has  long  arms  for  service,  but  it  is 
asking  a  good  deal  of  her  to  reach  across  the  continent  from 
Boston  to  San  Francisco.  There  ought  to  be  here  in  Chicago,  the 
great  radiating  center  of  the  West,  a  branch  office  of  the  Society, 
with  its  superintendent  and  clerical  force.  The  western  super- 
intendent would  go  out  to  the  cities  and  towns  and  carry  this 
message  of  peace  to  those  not  here — would  carry  the  inspiration 
of  this  Congress  to  the  scattered  communities  of  the  West.  If 
this  Congress  would  assure  the  American  Peace  Society  of  its 
support  of  such  an  office  it  would  be  practically  expressing  its 
faith  in  this  w'ork,  and  the  cause  would  be  advanced  not  only  in 
Chicago  but  throughout  America. 

The  informal  reception  which  we  have  arranged  for  this 
afternoon  is  part  of  our  welcome  for  you,  and  we  hope  that  it 
may  be  the  means  of  beginning  some  real  friendships  among  the 
lovers  of  peace.  Friendship  has  sometimes  been  dragged  in  the 
dust  of  commercialism ;  let  us  resurrect  it.  Make  yourself 
friends  among  the  workers  for  the  kingdom ;  and  through  the 
thought  of  universal  peace  come  nearer  to  each  other,  for  peace 
is  first  of  all  to  men  of  good  will. 

Roosevelt  was  once  speaking  down  on  Long  Island,  when  he 
spied  a  forlorn  little  crippled  girl  away  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
crowd.    Around  him  were  multitudes  of  men  and  boys,  jostling 


82 

each  other  for  a  chance  to  see  and  hear  him.  He  saw  the  dis- 
appointed expression  on  her  face.  What  chance  had  she  to  reach 
him  through  that  struggUng  crowd !  Then  without  a  word  to 
any  one,  Roosevelt  left  the  platform  and  pushed  his  way  through 
the  crowd  to  the  little  girl,  and  took  her  hand  in  both  his  own  and 
gave  her  a  warm-hearted  greeting.  I  want  this  afternoon  to  emu- 
late his  example  and  let  the  welcome  of  this  committee  extend  to 
all  who  have  gathered  here.  Welcome  to  the  diplomats  and 
statesmen,  to  the  foreign  envoys  and  ambassadors.  You  greatly 
honor  the  cause  as  well  as  ourselves  by  your  presence.  Lend 
always  the  weight  of  your  influence  to  this  new  and  better  way 
of  settling  disputes.  But  our  welcome  reaches  to  the  very  last 
row  of  seats ;  it  extends  to  every  plain  man  and  woman  come 
here  to  this  Congress.  The  burdens  of  war  are  borne  mostly  by 
the  common  people,  and  in  the  end  the  verdict  of  war  or  peace 
must  rest  with  the  rank  and  file  of  the  people.  No  one  is  left 
out  of  our  welcome  this  afternoon. 

There  was  a  minister  down  in  Iowa  who  began  by  preaching 
a  five-minute  sermon  to  the  children  before  his  regular  sermon, 
and  the  people  liked  them  so  well  that  they  asked  him  if  he 
wouldn't  preach  them  five-minute  sermons,  too.  I  take  a  hint 
from  the  parson  out  in  Iowa  and  close  my  address  of  welcome 
with  a  hearty  Godspeed  to  you  all. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Bartlett's  address,  the  following 
occurred : 
Mr.  Melendy: 

I  have  many  and  very  interesting  letters,  some  of  which  I 
may  take  occasion  to  read  to  you  during  the  congress,  but  just 
now  I  shall  read  one  letter,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  present, 
namely,  the  message  of  greeting  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States.    (Applause.) 

Letter  from  the  President  of  the  United  States 

The  White  House, 

Washington,  April  28,  1909. 
My  Dear  Sir: 

I  greatly  regret  that  I  am  unable  to  attend  the  coming 
National  Peace  Congress  at  Chicago  and  there  to  express  my 


83 

earnest  sympathy  with  the  object  of  the  assembHng  of  so  many 
distinguished  men  in  the  interest  of  world  peace.  That  progress 
has  been  made  in  the  matter  of  peace  everywhere  by  international 
action  and  by  the  moral  pressure  of  the  peoples  of  the  earth, 
anyone  who  has  examined  the  record  must  admit.  It  is  true 
that  armaments  go  on  increasing  in  cost,  but  it  is  also  true  that 
the  burdens  presented  by  this  competition  in  armament  are  grow- 
ing heavier  and  heavier,  and  the  problems  for  solution  consistent 
with  their  increase  become  more  and  more  difficult.  The  possi- 
bilities of  war  now  arising  come  chiefly  from  irresponsibilities  of 
government,  and  in  those  countries  where  stability  of  internal 
control  is  lacking.  The  United  States  has  contributed  much  to 
the  cause  of  peace  by  assisting  countries  weak  in  respect  to  their 
internal  government  so  as  to  strengthen  in  them  the  cause  of 
law  and  order.  This  relationship  of  guardian  and  ward  as 
between  nations  and  countries,  in  my  judgment,  helps  along  the 
cause  of  international  peace  and  indicates  progress  in  civilization. 
The  policy  of  the  United  States  in  avoiding  war  under  all  cir- 
cumstances except  those  plainly  inconsistent  with  honor  or  its 
highest  welfare  has  been  made  so  clear  to  the  world  as  hardly 
to  need  statement  at  my  hands.  I  can  only  say  that  so  far  as 
my  legitimate  influence  extends  while  at  the  head  of  this  govern- 
ment, it  will  always  be  exerted  to  the  full  in  favor  of  peace,  not 
only  as  between  this  country  and  other  countries,  but  as  between 
our  sister  nations.  William  H.  Taft. 

Letter  from  South  American  Association  of  Universal  Peace 

Buenos  Aires,  March  30,  1909. 

I  have  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  your  letter,  in  which 
you  were  kind  enough  to  invite  me  to  the  Second  Congress  which 
is  to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  the  26th  to  the  28th  of  April  next. 

I  am  very  much  impressed  by  the  honor  which  you  are 
bestowing  upon  me  by  this  invitation,  which  will  strengthen  our 
sympathies  with  the  center  of  opinion  over  there. 

I  consider  the  resolutions  which  will  be  adopted  at  this 
coming  congress,  composed  of  persons  who  are  inspired  by  the 
fruitful  results  of  peace,  of  the  highest  importance  for  the  ends 
which  we  pursue.     The  association  which  I  have  the  honor  to 


84 

preside  over  complies  with  a  duty  by  expressing  its  adherence 
to  said  principles  and  by  seconding  your  action. 

As  it  is  not  possible  for  me  to  be  present  in  your  assembly, 
I  take  the  liberty  to  offer  you  a  few  lines  which  will  express  my 
thoughts  in  its  bosom  or  in  the  minutes  of  its  sessions. 

In  my  character  as  president  and  founder  of  the  South 
American  Association  of  Universal  Peace,  as  well  as  initiator 
of  the  first  international  monument  erected  to  the  peace  of  the 
world — the  Christ  of  the  Andes — I  desire  to  express  in  the  an- 
nexed pages  my  sentiments,  which  are  those  which  animate  all 
the  members  of  this  association  and  in  general  all  the  inhabitants 
of  South  America  who  build  their  hopes  on  the  maintenance  of 
the  undisturbed  peace  of  the  nations. 

I  give  my  best  greetings  to  you,  Mr.  Secretary. 

Angela  de  Oliveira  Cezar  de  Costa, 
President  South  American  Association  of  Universal  Peace. 
To  the  Secretary  of  the  Congress  in  Chicago,  Mr.  Royal  Loren 

Melendy. 

Letter  Sent  to  the  Second  Annual  Peace  Congress  in  Chi- 
CAGO,BY  the  President  and  Founder  of  the  South  Amer- 
ican Association  of  Universal  Peace,  Senora  Angela 
de  Oliveira  Cezar  de  Costa. 

Buenos  Aires,  March  13,  1909. 
To  the  Honorable  Congress  : 

Gentlemen — "The  Utopia  of  today  will  be  the  reality  of  to- 
morrow, because  the  human  ideal  is  the  truth  seen  from  afar," 
was  said  by  a  French  thinker  when  alluding  to  the  republican 
aspirations  of  his  country,  which  now  for  over  forty  years  has 
been  an  immovable  reality  in  the  country  of  Thiers  and  Victor 
Hugo. 

The  idea  of  universal  peace  is  the  work  of  these  generous 
Utopians  who  for  nearly  half  a  century  have  been  smiled  at  with 
scorn  by  practical  men,  and  has  only  been  the  subject  of  epigram 
and  caricature,  but  at  the  bottom  of  this  poetical  ideal  there  was 
an  eternal  truth:  Human  solidarity  and  fraternity,  which  con- 
demn in  principle  the  employment  of  force  and  violence  as  a 


85 

means  for  consecrating  the  right  and  reahzing  justice  in  tiie 
world. 

The  civiHzing  progress  in  its  incessant  march  towards  abso- 
hite  truth  in  the  infinity  of  time  shows  that  the  Utopia  of  yester- 
day is  reaHzed  in  a  near  future. 

While  the  people  were  isolating  themselves  within  their 
political  and  commercial  frontiers,  the  national  sentiment  was  an 
egotistical  individualism  which  allowed  them  to  look  on  as  spec- 
tators at  the  international  duels. 

The  rapidity  of  communication  by  land  and  sea,  while  sup- 
pressing time  and  distance,  has  produced  the  solidarity  of  the 
economical  interests  and  brings  nearer  the  ideal  of  human  sol- 
idarity. 

The  nations,  brought  together  and  bound  together  by  the 
interchange  of  their  work,  live  from  each  others'  products,  so 
that  the  ruin  or  prosperity  of  any  nation  influences  the  interests 
and  the  fates  of  the  others. 

War  destroys  lives  and  wealth  and  disturbs  the  regular 
movement  of  commercial  circulation ;  it  is  a  human  calamity 
wherever  it  appears,  and  this  being  true,  it  is  the  moral  duty  of 
all  nations  to  intercede  in  international  conflicts  of  a  warlike 
character,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  war  and  its  disastrous 
evils. 

The  principle  of  arbitration,  which  is  the  practical  formula 
of  universal  peace,  has  already  been  incorporated  in  international 
law,  but  it  has  only  a  voluntary  character,  and  all  that  is  neces- 
sary to  make  universal  peace  a  complete  reality  is  that  said  arbi- 
tration be  made  obligatory  and  effective  by  the  tribunal  of  nations 
in  the  concert  of  civilization. 

The  idea  of  universal  peace,  if  it  is  not  a  perpetual  reality, 
has  at  least  ceased  to  be  a  fantastic  Utopia ;  it  occupies  and  pre- 
occupies all  thinking  people  in  the  world  as  the  highest  desider- 
atum of  the  present  time. 

The  telegraph  has  recently  communicated  to  us  the  articles 
published  in  France  by  the  ex-President,  Mr.  Loubet,  and  the 
opinions  pronounced  in  the  United  States  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  Root,  stimulating  the  zeal  of  all  men  of  good  will  in 
favor  of  a  prompt  realization  of  the  "universal  peace,"  of  which 
they  declare  the  advent  to  be  inevitable.     To  suppress  war  with 


86 

all  its  horrors — could  a  greater  and  more  transcendental  benefit 
be  conferred  on  humanity? 

Also  in  South  America  the  thought  of  peace  makes  rapid 
progress  in  public  opinion,  and  the  voluntary  arbitration  has  been 
made  a  fact  and  been  consummated  between  the  Republics  of 
Argentine  and  Chile,  the  glorious  result  being  that  we  see  placed 
on  the  dividing  line  of  these  two  countries  the  first  international 
monument  erected  for  the  peace  of  the  world. 

"The  Christ  of  the  Andes"  is  the  best  sentinel  for  guarding 
the  frontiers,  and  is  an  example  of  fraternity  and  a  perpetual 
remembrance  of  the  peace  sworn. 

This  monument,  standing  there  amongst  the  high  summits, 
solitary  amongst  the  snows,  surrounded  by  the  torches  of  the 
volcanoes,  is  an  altar  on  which  the  human  caravan  will  deposit 
its  offerings  of  hope,  love  and  peace. 

I  also  have  gone  thither,  surrounded  by  pilgrims,  to  join  in 
the  hymn  of  hope,  bearing  the  standard  ensign  of  the  "South 
American  Association  of  Universal  Peace,"  to  plant  the  same  at 
its  feet  and  consecrate  it  as  a  symbol  of  peace. 

From  these  far-away  regions  we  therefore  join  your  hon- 
orable congress  and  in  the  name  of  all  the  members  we  greet 
and  applaud  all  the  peacemakers  which  will  be  united  over  there 
for  such  humanitarian  and  great  ideas  and  lifting  up  on  high 
our  white  standard  of  peace,  we  greet  with  an  immense  hurrah, 
which  will  reach  North  America  and  reverberate  with  its  echoes 
to  the  mountains  of  the  Andes,  bringing  us  glad  tidings  of  the 
triumphs  and  conquests  which  have  been  acquired  for  the  good 
of  humanity.  Angela  de  Oliveira  Cezar  de  Costa. 

SEAL : 

SOUTH  AMERICAN  ASSOCIATION 

OF  UNIVERSAL  PEACE. 

FOUNDED  IN  BUENOS  AIRES, 

1908. 


■87 

Chairman  Paine: 

At  the  Second  Hague  Conference  a  petition  was  presented 
by  Miss  Eckstein,  of  Boston,  with  some  two  miUion  names  upon 
it.  Miss  Eckstein  has  prepared  another  petition,  which  we  hope 
will  be  very  largely  signed  and  circulated,  ready  for  the  Third 
Hague  Conference.  I  have  the  pleasure  of  presenting  Miss  Eck- 
stein.    (Applause.) 


A  World  Petition  to  the  Third  Hague  Conference 

Miss  Anna  B.  Eckstein 

The  world-petition  is  the  outcome  of  a  pressing  need,  a  demo- 
cratic duty,  a  practical  experiment  and  an  idea  concerning  national 
integrity  and  honor.  The  pressing  need  is  the  abolition  of  war 
and  substitution  of  pacific  means  for  the  settlement  of  interna- 
tional difficulties.  It  is  the  most  pressing  of  all  needs  of  today 
for  two  reasons:  First,  because  preparation  for  war  has  grown 
so  expensive  that  it  is  driving  the  nations  with  alarming  rapidity 
toward  the  abyss  of  bankruptcy ;  and,  second,  because  war  itself 
has  become  ineffective  as  a  means  of  deciding  international  con- 
troversies, since  a  war  between  two  of  the  leading  Powers  today 
would  mean  mutual  economic  ruin  before  a  decisive  victory  and 
defeat  could  be  reached. 

The  democratic  duty  is  the  duty  evolving  from  the  demo- 
cratic right  now  enjoyed  by  most  peoples,  to  have  a  voice  in  the 
shaping  of  their  national  and  international  affairs.  It  is  the  duty 
to  exercise  this  right. 

The  practical  experiment  is  the  arbitration  petition  pre- 
sented to  His  Excellency  President  Nelidow  of  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  by  the  president  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  Hon. 
Robert  T.  Paine,  and  myself  on  the  Fourth  of  July  year  before 
last.  In  the  short  time  of  hardly  five  months  that  petition  had 
two  million  signatures  from  the  United  States,  and  in  about 
five  weeks  it  had  several  hundred  thousand  from  Great 
Britain  and  Germany,  thanks  to  the  ready  and  unselfish  co-opera- 
tion of  peace  friends  here  and  abroad.  Collecting  these  signatures 
proved  that  even  the  indifferent  and  skeptics  will  see  that  the 


88 

wish  for  the  aboHtion  of  war  is  no  longer  futile,  and  once  seeing, 
they  will  do  their  duty,  which  is  to  manifest  that  wish.  In  other 
words,  collecting  these  signatures  proved  that  almost  everybody 
wishes  the  abolition  of  war,  and  that  to  obtain  an  expression  of 
this  universal  wish  is  a  thing  which  can  be  done. 

But  after  all  it  is  not  the  people  alone  who  shape  their  national 
and  international  laws,  and  therefore  another  question  is :  Are 
the  responsible  leaders  of  the  governments  in  earnest  about  the 
abolition  of  war,  when  everywhere  every  year  new  millions  upon 
millions  of  dollars  are  demanded  for  continued  preparation  for 
war?  Will  a  petition,  even  if  it  represents  a  majority  world  vote, 
do  any  good  ? 

When  I  was  at  The  Hague  to  present  the  arbitration  petition 
of  which  I  spoke,  Dr.  Hill,  now  our  United  States  Ambassador  at 
Berlin,  said  to  me :  "Your  petition  is  in  the  right  direction."  Mr. 
Nelidow,  during  the  generous  audience  he  granted  Mr.  Paine  and 
me,  said  the  same  thing,  and  further,  among  many  other  interest- 
ing things,  he  said  this :  "We  are  not  for  one  moment  losing  sight 
of  the  original  and  ultimate  object — the  reduction  of  armament — 
for  which  my  sovereign,  His  Majesty  the  Czar  of  Russia,  first 
invited  the  governments  to  meet  in  joint  consultation.  But,  as  in 
any  disease  it  is  of  little  use  to  treat  the  symptoms,  so  the  attempts 
have  shown  that  it  is  futile  to  spend  our  energies  on  plans  for  a 
simultaneous  reduction  of  armaments,  because  armaments  are 
only  the  symptoms  of  the  disease  of  civilization.  We  must  go 
deeper.  We  must  concentrate  forces  on  the  removal  of  the  cause 
of  the  disease,  which  is  war.  This  is  what  we  are  doing  now. 
And  I  wish  to  say  to  you,  and  wish  to  say  it  with  the  strongest 
emphasis,  that  every  new  day  of  the  Conference  I  see  more 
proofs  of  the  deep  and  devoted  earnestness  and  sincerity  with 
which  all  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  nations  gathered  here  are 
working  on  the  solution  of  this  great  and  difficult  problem." 

All  of  us  here,  I  am  sure,  also  remember  the  magnificent 
address  in  which  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein  announced 
that  the  German  government  will  promote,  by  all  possible  means, 
international  arbitration.  And  we  all  remember  that  the  pleni- 
potentiaries of  the  forty-four  governments  of  the  world  signed, 
before  leaving  The  Hague  a  year  ago  last  October,  the  article 
in  favor  of  the  principle  of  arbitration. 


89 

So  we  see  the  responsible  leaders  of  the  world's  governments 
are  with  us. 

And  yet,  as  the  result  of  their  ardent  and  arduous  work 
during  the  four  months  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  only 
very  few  points  were  considered  suitable  and  safe  for  settlement 
by  arbitration,  but  unsafe  all  points  of  "vital  interest  and  honor." 
And  were  these  statesmen  not  right?  Did  they  not  prove  their 
wisdom  and  sense  of  responsibility?  Indeed,  we  need  not  make  a 
profound  study  of  the  international  situation  of  today  to  perceive 
that  the  life  of  every  nation,  weak  or  strong,  civilized  or  un- 
civilized, would  be  far  from  being  securely  protected  by  interna- 
tional arbitration  in  its  present  state  of  development ;  and  we  must 
concede  that  the  life  and  honor  of  a  nation  are  as  sacred  as  the 
life  and  honor  of  the  individual.  Law  allows  the  individual  to 
kill  in  self-defense.  This  applied  to  nations  means  the  keeping 
up  of  armies  and  navies  for  the  emergency  of  national  self- 
defense.  But  does  this  mean  that  armies  and  navies  must  be  kept 
up  and  increased  indefinitely?  Docs  it  mean  that  the  abolition 
of  war  is  an  impossibility?    No,  surely  not! 

For,  while  it  is  not  as  yet  within  human  power  to  prevent 
attack  upon  the  life  of  every  individual,  it  is  a  simple  matter 
today  to  provide  absolute  immunity  from  danger  by  external 
forces  for  the  life  of  the  forty-four  nations.  All  that  is  required 
is  that  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  forty-four  nations,  when  meet- 
ing at  The  Hague  for  the  Third  Conference,  sign  a  convention 
establishing  a  universal  law  by  which  no  verdict  by  arbitration 
in  the  settlement  of  any  international  difficulty  shall  endanger  the 
self-preservation  and  just  development — in  other  words,  the  vital 
interests — of  any  nation,  nor  its  honor ;  the  honor  of  a  nation 
being  distinctly  defined  as  the  protection  by  a  nation  of  its  own 
self-preservation  and  development  without  infringing  upon  the 
conditions  necessary  for  the  self-preservation  of  other  nations. 

This  single  international  law,  which  will  be  as  reasonable 
and  easy  to  make  as  the  laws  concerning  the  international 
arrangements  for  postal  and  telegraph  service,  this  single  law 
will,  with  one  stroke,  shift  the  responsibility  for  national  life  and 
honor  from  the  shoulders  of  armies  and  navies  and  war  to 
the  shoulders  of  fair-play  statesmanship  and  jurisdiction.  And 
with  the  responsibility  must  and  will  go  what  belongs  to  it :  the 


90 

financial  and  brain  support  which  will  strengthen  and  perfect  the 
pacific  institutions  for  the  settlement  of  international  contro- 
versies; and  the  causes  of  such  controversies  must  be  minimized 
by  treaties  with  an  arbitration  clause,  so  that  the  declaration  of 
the  abolition  of  war  will  be  a  safe  thing  to  do,  and  that  each 
nation  can  safely  begin,  as  it  sees  fit  in  its  own  peculiar  case,  to 
reduce  armies  and  navies. 

This  is  the  sense  and  purport  of  the  world-petition.  It  asks 
the  governments  of  the  Third  Hague  Conference  to  sign  conven- 
tions pledging: 

1.  The  establishment  of  a  universal  law  by  which  a  decision 
by  pacific  means  of  any  international  difficulty  shall  in  no  case 
endanger  the  self-preservation  and  just  development — i.  c,  the 
vital  interests  and  honor — of  any  nation. 

2.  Removal  of  the  causes  of  war  by  regulating  in  speedy 
succession  all  international  interests  by  conventions  and  treaties, 
each  with  clause  insuring  pacific  settlement  of  any  difficulty  that 
may  arise  from  said  arrangements. 

3.  Settlement  by  pacific  means  of  all  difficulties  arising  from 
any  international  interest  not  yet  covered  by  convention  or  treaty 
with  pacific  clause. 

And  now  I  ask  you,  friends,  will  you  not  vote  for  the  reso- 
lution, which  will  be  presented  to  you  in  due  time  during  our 
Congress,  requesting  the  signatory  powers  to  the  Hague  Con- 
ventions to  place  on  the  program  of  the  Third  Hague  Conference 
these  three  points  for  consideration?  And  will  you  not  do  your 
part  to  make  the  world-petition,  which  already  has  between  four 
and  five  million  signatures,  represent  a  majority  world  vote  when 
it  is  submitted  to  the  Third  Hague  Conference  by,  as  I  trust  it 
will  be,  a  large  delegation  of  the  noblest  peace  workers  from  all 
the  lands  of  our  earth. 

You  will  find  the  world-petition  blanks,  and  "letters  to  the 
signers"  giving  directions,  in  the  reception  room.  Don't  merely 
sign  the  petition,  but  take  home  with  you  as  many  blanks  as  you 
can  place  among  your  individual  friends,  in  your  church,  clubs  or 
any  organizations  where  each  petition  blank  will  form  the  nucleus 
of  new  circles  of  signers  and  distributors. 

Just  give  your  imagination  full  rein  for  a  minute  or  two  and 
see  what  it  will  mean  when  these  three  points  shall  have  been 


91 

placed  upon  the  program  of  the  Third  Hague  Conference,  and 
when  conventions  pledging  agreement  to  these  three  points  shall 
have  been  signed  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  forty-four  nations. 

It  will  mean  the  solution  and  disappearance  of  that  whole  line 
of  subtle  questions  as  to  which  kinds  of  wholesale  murder,  cruelty 
and  piracy  shall  be  allowed  during  war  and  which  shall  be  for- 
bidden. For  what  sense  would  there  be  in  any  longer  trying  to 
regulate  and  mitigate  war  after  war  is  abolished?  It  will  put  an 
end  to  all  the  moral  mischief  done  by  duping  people  into  the 
belief  that  a  war  is  imminent  every  time  a  bill  for  building  more 
warships  or  for  increase  in  armies  is  before  a  parliament,  because 
then  all  people,  not  only  some,  will  know  better ;  it  will  mean 
that  these  bills  will  gradually  grow  fewer  and  smaller,  and 
that  in  proportion  w^ith  the  reduction  of  the  nameless  waste 
involved  by  standing  armies  and  navies,  sums  upon  sums  of  money 
and  the  physical  and  mental  power  of  thousands  and  eventually 
millions  of  the  finest  specimens  of  men  will  be  turned  from 
destructive  channels  to  help  solve  the  new  political  and  legal 
problems  and  the  problems  of  hygiene,  education  and  unemploy- 
ment; it  will  mean  the  positive  decrease  of  the  sum  total  of  suf- 
fering and  hideousness  inflicted  upon  man  by  man,  and  the  stead- 
fast increase  of  the  sum  total  of  happiness  and  beauty.  Did  ever 
tournament  of  old,  did  ever  struggle  for  national  independence 
hold  out  the  peer  of  such  a  prize  ? 

But  no  prize  of  tournament  or  struggle  for  national  liberty 
was  ever  won  without  noble  and  heroic  effort  and  sacrifice.  These 
are  needed  today.  Nothing  dies  without  making  a  last  desperate 
fight  for  existence.  The  War-Moloch,  the  mighty  ruler  of  the 
past,  is  making  this  last  desperate  fight  for  existence  now.  and 
every  man's  and  woman's  sacrifice  of  time,  strength  and  money 
is  needed ;  every  mian  and  woman  must  make  a  noble  and  heroic 
effort  if  we  would  win  the  larger  liberty  of  all  mankind  from  the 
tyranny  of  war,  if  we  would  win  the  prize  of  the  victory  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Miss  Eckstein's  paper,  Chairman  Paine 
introduced  Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Secretary  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society. 


92 


The  Present  Position  of  the  International  Peace  Movement 

Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood 

We  have  met  in  this  Second  National  Peace  Congress  in  the 
interests  not  of  an  unreahzable  dream  but  of  a  great  already 
triumphing  reform.  In  a  recent  magazine  article  ex-President 
Loubet  of  France  wrote :  "International  pacification  is  not  a 
dream,  not  an  ideal  from  cloudland,  but  a  progressive  fact  observ- 
able in  every  civilized  country." 

"A  progressive  fact,  observable  in  every  civilized  country." 
No  words  could  more  fittingly  summarize  in  a  single  phrase  the 
present  position  of  the  reform  which  has  brought  us  together. 
The  Peace  Movement  has  passed  its  theoretical  period.  It  is  far 
along  toward  the  completion  of  its  practical  stage.  It  needs  no 
more  a  Henry  the  Fourth  with  his  Great  Design,  nor  a  William 
Penn  with  his  finely  wrought  judicial  plan  for  the  peace  of 
Europe.  The  Abbe  de  St.  Pierre  with  his  scheme  for  perpetual 
peace  is  no  longer  our  instructor.  We  have  passed  Bentham,  and 
Kant  with  his  lofty  vision  of  a  world-state ;  we  have  even  left 
behind  Ladd  and  Burritt  and  Sumner  and  Jay  with  their  splendid 
dream  of  a  Congress  and  Court  of  Nations.  The  world  was 
asleep  when  these  great  pioneers  were  dreaming  their  dreams  of 
arbitration,  of  an  international  court  of  arbitral  justice,  of  a  con- 
gress of  nations,  of  perpetual  peace  and  the  true  grandeur  of 
nations.  It  is  now  awake — a  part  of  it  at  least — and  with  swift 
blows  is  carving  into  reality  what  they  saw  in  the  rough  stone  of 
humanity. 

Let  me  sketch  in  the  barest  outlines  what  has  already  been 
accomplished.    The  interpretation  will  take  care  of  itself. 

I.  The  men  and  women,  now  a  great  host,  who  believe  that 
the  day  is  past  when  blind  brute  force  should  direct  the  policies 
of  nations  and  preside  at  the  settlement  of  their  differences  are 
now  thoroughly  organized.  A  hundred  years  ago  there  was  not 
a  society  in  existence  organized  to  promote  appeal  to  the  forum 
of  reason  and  right  in  the  adjustment  of  international  contro- 
versies.    Today  there  are  more  than  five  hundred,  nearly  every 


93 

important  nation  having  its  group  of  peace  organizations.  Their 
constituents  are  numbered  by  tens  of  thousands,  from  every  rank 
and  class  in  society — philanthropists,  men  of  trade  and  commerce, 
educators  and  jurists,  workingmen,  statesmen,  rulers  even.  The 
organized  peace  party  has  its  International  Peace  Bureau  at 
Berne,  Switzerland,  binding  all  its  sections  into  one  world  body. 
It  has  its  International  Peace  Congress  which  has  held  seventeen 
meetings  in  twenty  years — congresses  over  which  statesmen  now 
feel  it  an  honor  to  preside  and  which  are  welcomed  by  kings  and 
presidents  with  a  warmth  of  interest  and  a  generousness  of  hos- 
pitality scarcely  accorded  to  any  other  organizations.  It  has  its 
great  national  congresses  in  many  countries,  like  this  present  one 
and  that  in  Carnegie  Hall,  New  York,  two  years  ago ;  and  its 
special  conferences  like  that  at  Mohonk  Lake.  It  has  its  unsur- 
passed banquets  and  festivals,  like  that  given  to  the  Seventeenth 
International  Peace  Congress  by  the  British  government  in  Lon- 
don last  July  and  those  recently  given  by  the  Peace  Society  of 
the  City  of  New  York.  It  has  its  score  and  more  of  special  organs 
of  propaganda  published  in  no  less  than  nine  different  languages. 
It  has  its  literature,  abundant  in  quantity  and  high  grade  in 
quality,  which  is  now  much  sought  after  by  intelligent  men 
and  women  of  many  callings.  In  another  direction  it  has  its 
Interparliamentary  Peace  Union,  an  organization  of  statesmen,  of 
legislators,  two  thousand  five  hundred  of  them,  many  of  them 
among  the  foremost  public  men  of  the  time,  banded  together  not 
for  any  political  purpose  but  purely  to  promote  international 
understanding,  good  feeling  and  the  pacific  settlement  of  inter- 
national controversies. 

It  is  this  far-flung  pacific  public  sentiment  of  the  world,  grow- 
ing constantly,  crossing  all  boundary  lines,  disregarding  all  lan- 
guage barriers,  organized  and  having  its  definite,  well  digested 
program,  that  constitutes  the  real  strength  and  the  promise  of  the 
peace  movement.  Out  of  this  has  come  all  the  rest — the  limita- 
tion and  restriction  of  war,  the  splendid  triumphs  of  arbitration, 
the  Hague  Conferences,  the  International  Court  of  Arbitration, 
the  beginnings  of  a  World  Parliament  and  of  a  Supreme  Court  of 
the  Nations.  It  is  on  this  intelligent  organized  public  sentiment, 
to  which  governments  are  compelled  to  listen,  that  we  must  still 
rely  absolutely  for  the  accomplishment  of  what  yet  remains  to  be 


94 

done  to  bring  the  nations  to  sane  and  rational  relations  to  each 
other  and  to  relieve  them  from  the  torturing  nightmare  of  mili- 
tarism, with  which  they  are  still  obsessed. 

2.  The  position  which  the  peace  movement  has  reached  is 
no  less  distinctly  determined  by  the  practical  attainments  of  arbi- 
tration. We  are  this  year  celebrating  what  is  really  the  one  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  the  birth  of  our  movement,  for  it  was  in 
1809  that  David  L.  Dodge,  a  Christian  merchant  of  New  York 
City,  wrote  the  pamphlet  which  brought  the  movement  into  being, 
and  led  six  years  later  to  the  organization  in  his  parlor  in  New 
York  of  the  first  Peace  Society  in  the  world.  There  had  then 
been  no  arbitrations  between  nations  in  our  modern  sense  of  the 
word  "nations."  In  the  hundred  years  since  1809  more  than  two 
hundred  and  fifty  important  controversies  have  been  settled  by 
this  means,  not  to  mention  an  even  greater  number  of  less  impor- 
tant cases,  the  settlement  of  which  involved  the  principle  of  arbi- 
tration. Within  the  past  twenty  years  so  rapid  has  been  the 
triumph  of  arbitration  that  more  than  one  hundred  international 
differences  have  been  disposed  of  by  this  means,  or  between  five 
and  six  a  year  for  the  whole  twenty  years.  Arbitration  is  no 
longer  an  experiment;  it  is  the  settled  practice  of  the  nations.  A 
score  of  disputes  today  go  naturally  to  arbitration  where  one  gives 
rise  even  to  talk  of  war. 

The  First  Hague  Conference,  ten  years  ago,  gave  us  the 
Permanent  International  Court  of  Arbitration,  which  has  now 
been  in  successful  operation  for  about  eight  years,  and  disposed 
of  several  important  controversies.  This  Court  was  strengthened 
and  improved  by  the  Second  Hague  Conference  two  years  ago, 
and  by  the  admission  of  the  South  and  Central  American  states 
to  it  has  become  the  arbitration  court  not  of  the  twenty-six  powers 
that  gathered  at  The  Hague  in  1899  but  of  the  entire  world. 
This  tribunal  is  now  taking  practically  all  the  international  differ- 
ences not  adjustable  by  diplomacy.  Within  a  year  there  have 
been  referred  to  it  the  Casa-Blanca  dispute  between  France  and 
Germany,  the  fisheries  controversy  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  certain  questions  in  controversy  between  our  gov- 
ernment and  Venezuela,  and  a  dispute  between  Norway  and 
Sweden.  It  is  not  likely  that  temporary  courts  of  arbitration, 
which  have  been  so  successful  during  the  past  century,  will  ever 


95 

be  much  used  again  in  disposing  of  differences  between  nations. 
The  Hague  Court  has  superseded  them  and  made  them  unneces- 
sary. 

Within  less  than  six  years  more  than  eighty  treaties  of  obliga- 
tory arbitration,  stipulating  reference  to  The  Hague  Court  of  all 
questions  of  a  judicial  order  and  those  arising  in  the  interpretation 
of  treaties,  have  been  concluded  between  nations  in  pairs,  twenty- 
four  of  which  were  negotiated  the  past  year  by  our  distinguished 
ex-Secretary  of  State  Root  and  ratified  by  both  the  President  and 
the  Senate.  These  three-score  treaties,  with  two  or  three  excep- 
tions, are  limited,  it  is  true,  both  in  scope  and  in  time.  But  that 
they  have  been  made  at  all,  more  than  eighty  of  them  v/ithin  the 
brief  period  of  a  little  over  five  years,  is  the  wonder.  Arbitration 
has  won  its  case.  No  one  can  doubt  this  who  takes  the  trouble 
to  acquaint  himself  with  the  facts.  There  remains,  in  fact,  but 
one  further  step  in  its  development,  and  that  is  the  conclusion  of 
a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration  to  be  signed  by  all  the 
nations  together,  stipulating  the  reference  to  the  Hague  Court  of 
all  international  differences  not  capable  of  solution  by  diplomacy. 
A  treaty  of  this  order,  limited  somewhat  in  scope,  came  much 
nearer  adoption  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference  than  is  usually 
known.  Thirty-five  of  the  forty-four  delegations  voted  for  it  and 
only  five  against  it,  a  vote  of  seven  to  one,  or,  by  the  populations 
of  the  nations  represented,  of  more  than  seven  to  one,  leaving  out 
of  account  the  four  powers  that  abstained  from  voting  and  tacitly 
gave  their  consent  to  the  proposed  convention. 

This  record  made  by  arbitration  is  unsurpassed,  probably 
unparalleled,  by  any  other  chapter  of  the  history  of  the  progress 
of  civilization  during  the  last  hundred  years,  and  before  long  the 
wise  and  learned  historians,  who  have  heretofore  so  largely  esti- 
mated history  by  its  feuds  and  battles  and  slaughters,  will  find 
it  out. 

3.  In  order  to  determine  further  the  advanced  position  w^hich 
the  peace  movement  has  attained  on  its  practical  side,  the  two 
Hague  Conferences  and  what  they  have  accomplished  must  be 
taken  into  account.  It  is  still  the  habit  of  some  persons  to  speak 
disparagingly  of  these  great  gatherings  and  their  results.  Some 
do  it  because  they  are  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  immediate 


96 

perfection ;  others  because  they  wish  the  whole  movement  for  the 
aboHtion  of  war  to  fail.    Others  do  it  purely  from  ignorance. 

What  have  the  two  Hague  Conferences  really  done  toward 
bringing  about  that  state  of  world  organization  and  co-operation, 
the  result  of  which  will,  as  is  universally  conceded,  bring  the 
general  peace  of  the  world  and  final  relief  from  the  ruinous  bur- 
dens of  "bloated  armaments,"  because  it  will  establish  the  reign 
of  law  among  the  nations  as  it  now  prevails  among  individuals 
throughout  the  civilized  world  ? 

I  must,  for  lack  of  time,  forego  the  task  of  attempting  to  inter- 
pret the  immense  significance  of  some  of  the  special  conventions 
adopted  by  the  Second  Hague  Conference  w^hich  exclude  warlike 
operations  entirely  from  certain  fields  and  make  war  in  general 
much  more  difficult  and  less  likely  to  occur  at  all.  In  this  list  fall 
the  convention  forbidding  the  bombardment  of  unfortified  coast 
cities,  towns  and  ports ;  that  prohibiting  the  collection  of  contract 
debts  from  a  debtor  nation  by  force  until  arbitration  has  first  been 
tried  or  refused;  that  rendering  the  international  mail  service 
inviolable,  fishing  vessels  and  vessels  charged  with  religious, 
scientific  and  philanthropic  missions  exempt  from  capture;  that 
prescribing  a  declaration  of  war  before  hostilities  are  begun ; 
those  concerning  the  rights  and  duties  of  neutrals  in  land  war 
and  naval  war ;  that  placing  severe  restrictions  on  the  laying  of 
submarine  mines;  that  providing  for  the  creation  of  an  inter- 
national prize  court;  and  the  declaration  prohibiting  the  dis- 
charge of  projectiles  and  explosives  from  balloons.  Most  of  these 
conventions,  while  recognizing  war  as  still,  under  international 
law,  a  legitimate  means  of  attempting  to  maintain  or  secure  justice 
in  certain  emergencies,  nevertheless  deal  it  a  heavy  blow  of  con- 
demnation as  a  wild,  lawless,  cruel  institution ;  and  they  have 
extended  the  reign  of  law  in  a  very  marked  way  into  fields  where 
heretofore  brutal  lawlessness  has  reigned.  The  world  will  never 
again  fall  below  the  level  to  which  these  conventions  have  lifted 
it.    It  is  fast  rising  to  a  very  much  higher  level. 

Now  to  the  real  point  of  the  important  work  of  the  Con- 
ferences. 

The  First  Hague  Conference  gave  us  the  Permanent  Inter- 
national Court  of  Arbitration,  to  which  twenty-five  powers  finally 
became  parties  by  ratification  of  the  convention.    This  court  has 


97 

now  for  eight  years  been  in  successful  operation,  and  not  less 
than  four  controversies  have  been  referred  to  it  during  the  past 
year.  The  Second  Hague  Conference  enlarged  and  strengthened 
the  convention  under  which  this  court  was  set  up,  and  made  the 
court  the  tribunal  not  of  twenty-five  powers  but  of  all  the  nations 
of  the  world.  Though  reference  of  disputes  to  this  tribunal  is 
still  in  general  voluntary,  a  majority  of  the  important  nations  have 
already,  by  special  treaties  with  each  other  in  pairs,  pledged  them- 
selves to  refer  to  its  jurisdiction  all  disputes  of  a  judicial  order 
and  those  arising  in  the  interpretation  of  treaties.  It  is  reason- 
able to  believe,  therefore,  that  we  have  arrived  at  a  stage  in  the 
development  of  our  movement  when  there  already  exists  among 
the  nations  a  substitute  for  war  practically,  if  not  theoretically, 
adequate  for  the  adjustment  of  all  their  disputes,  without  resort 
to  force,  in  a  way  to  conserve  the  honor  and  vital  interests  of  the 
separate  governments. 

Another  step  of  still  greater  moment  was  taken  by  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  in  the  direction  of  providing  an  adequate  sub- 
stitute for  force  in  the  settlement  of  international  differences.  It 
voted  without  a  dissenting  delegation  for  the  principle  of  an  Inter- 
national Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  with  judges  always  in  service, 
and  holding  regular  sessions.  It  failed  to  agree  upon  a  method  of 
selecting  the  judges  for  this  high  court  of  the  nations,  but  it  laid 
its  plans  for  the  court  before  the  governments  and  recommended 
to  them  the  study  of  the  question  with  a  view  to  arriving  at  a 
solution  satisfactory  alike  to  the  small  and  the  great  powers.  It 
is  safe  to  assume  that  having  agreed  so  thoroughly  upon  the  prin- 
ciple of  a  world  court  of  justice,  the  governments  will  speedily 
solve  the  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  selection  of  the  judges,  and 
that  we  shall  have  in  a  comparatively  short  time  the  august  tri- 
bunal which  will  render  war  between  the  powers  of  the  world 
scarcely  thinkable. 

I  have  already  alluded  to  the  manner  in  which  the  subject 
of  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  to  be  concluded  by  all 
the  nations  jointly,  was  treated  in  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 
and  that  such  a  treaty  failed  by  the  votes  of  only  five  of  the  powers 
there  represented.  To  understand  the  full  significance  of  what 
was  done  in  this  matter,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  Confer- 
ence voted  without  a  dissenting  voice  for  the  principle  of  obliga- 


98 

tory  arbitration,  and  declared  that  certain  disputes — those,  for 
instance,  arising  in  the  interpretation  of  treaties — may  be  sub- 
mitted to  obligatory  arbitration  without  restriction.  The  only 
cause  of  disagreement  on  this  subject  was  the  unwillingness  of 
one  or  two  powers,  notably  Germany,  to  agree  to  sign  a  treaty 
of  obligatory  arbitration  with  all  the  powers,  the  less  advanced  as 
well  as  the  more  advanced  nations.  In  this  matter,  therefore,  the 
Conference  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  failed.  The  solution  of 
the  problem  was  so  nearly  completely  successful  that  one  wonders 
how  there  was  any  failure  at  all.  It  seems  perfectly  certain,  there- 
fore, that  the  day  is  only  a  little  way  off  when  the  nations  will 
carry  out  completely  in  practice  what  they  have  most  cordially 
and  unanimously  agreed  to  in  principle,  and  that  a  general  treaty 
of  obligatory  arbitration,  pledging  the  reference  to  the  Hague 
Court  of  all  disputes  except  those  involving  the  national  life,  will 
speedily  be  placed  on  the  statute  books  of  the  world. 

The  high-water  mark  of  the  work  of  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference was  reached  in  its  action  in  regard  to  future  meetings  of 
the  Conference.  The  principle  of  periodic  meetings  of  the  Con- 
ference hereafter  was  approved  without  a  dissenting  voice.  The 
date  even  of  the  Third  Conference  was  fixed  and  the  governments 
urged  to  appoint  at  least  two  years  in  advance  an  international 
commission  to  prepare  the  program  of  the  meeting.  This  action 
means,  if  approved  by  the  several  powers,  as  it  undoubtedly  will 
be,  that  we  are  to  have  hereafter  regular  meetings  of  a  World 
Conference.  The  powers  of  the  Conference  will  at  first  be  only 
advisory,  but  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case  its  conclusions  and 
recommendations  will  be  very  largely  adopted,  and  in  this  way  it 
will,  from  the  very  start,  be  substantially  a  legislative  world  assem- 
bly. Its  powers  will  naturally  grow  and  be  extended.  Here  we 
reach  the  real  position  which  the  peace  movement  has  attained. 
The  promise,  therefore,  is  very  large  for  the  years  just  before  us ; 
for  when  the  nations  meet  representatively  at  regular  periods,  and 
men  of  the  highest  ability  and  experience  discuss  in  a  friendly  and 
frank  way  all  of  the  common  problems  of  the  world,  the  days  of 
war  will  be  numbered,  the  great  armaments  which  now  burden 
and  distract  humanity  will  tumble  to  pieces,  and  the  era  of  univer- 
sal and  perpetual  peace  will  have  begun.  It  takes  no  large  vision 
to  see  this  great  consummation  realized  at  no  distant  time. 


99 

Following  the  address  of  Dr.  Trueblood,   Chairman   Paine 
introduced  Dean  W.  P.  Rogers,  of  the  Cincinnati  Law  School. 


The  Dawn  of  Universal   Peace 

Dean  William  P.  Rogers 

We  are  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  fact  that  the  distin- 
guished Secretary  of  War  pays  to  us  the  signal  honor  of  acting 
as  president  of  this  Congress,  even  though  he  is  not  able  to  pre- 
side at  these  meetings  for  peace.  There  is  thus  suggested  to  our 
minds  the  fact  that  in  the  absence  of  war  his  appropriate  title  is 
the  Secretary  of  Peace,  a  title  which  for  unbroken  numbers  of 
years  would  be  found  suited  to  his  great  office. 

The  fact  that  this  meeting  of  the  National  Peace  Congress 
occurs  at  a  time  when  the  United  States  Congress  is  in  special 
session  struggling  to  make  such  a  revision  of  the  tarifif  laws  as 
will  produce  funds  large  enough  to  prevent  the  continued  deficits 
which  have  been  shown  in  the  recent  reports  of  the  Treasurer  of 
the  United  States  is  a  coincidence  of  much  importance. 

We  are  thus  permitted  to  receive  information  direct  and 
fresh  from  sources  which  at  other  times  would  be  difficult  to 
acquire,  and  when  secured  would  seem  less  pertinent  than  now. 
We  may  also  with  some  confidence  hope  that  a  discussion  of  such 
questions  as  the  cost  and  economic  waste  of  war  and  war  equip- 
ment will  at  this  time  meet  an  already  awakened  public  sentiment 
and  will  more  readily  find  a  response  than  at  any  other  time. 

When  the  daily  press  is  filled  with  reports  from  important 
congressional  committees  showing  the  enormous  appropriations 
made  for  naval  and  military  affairs  in  times  when  we  are  at  peace 
with  all  the  world  and  when  large  headlines  attract  our  attention 
to  the  criticisms  from  the  leading  United  States  Senators  on  the 
spending  of  more  than  $100,000,000  annually  for  our  army  and 
nearly  one-half  more  on  the  navy ;  when  "our  increased  battle- 
ship policy"  is  seen  to  impoverish  our  treasury  to  such  an  extent 
that  a  popular  uprising  against  it  is  apparent,  delegates  to  a  con- 
gress of  this  kind  may  indeed  take  courage  and  hope  for  the 
progress  of  the  cause  which  they  represent. 

The  past  year  has  been  pregnant  with  important  events  tend- 


100 

ing  to  the  establishment  of  universal  peace.  The  administration 
of  national  affairs  which  has  just  closed  has  to  its  credit  more 
important  results  looking  to  international  friendships  than  any 
preceding  administration. 

Those  which  stand  but  most  prominently  are  the  successful 
effort  of  President  Roosevelt  in  terminating  the  war  between 
Russia  and  Japan ;  the  return  to  China  of  more  than  one-half  of 
the  twenty-four  million  dollars  adjudged  in  our  favor  against  that 
nation  on  account  of  the  Boxer  uprising;  the  initiation  for  the 
call  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  and  the  consummation  of 
at  least  twenty-three  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  with  other 
powers.  Numerous  other  acts  tending  to  international  amity  have 
made  the  administration  of  Mr.  Roosevelt  distinctively  favorable 
to  the  great  peace  movement,  notwithstanding  his  urgent  effort 
for  four  battleships  and  a  greatly  enlarged  navy. 

Yet  in  the  face  of  these  things  the  chief  criticism  made  upon 
that  administration  is  that  it  has  fostered  and  encouraged  mili- 
tarism. And,  however  sanguine  our  hopes  for  the  future,  how- 
ever strong  our  belief  that  we  are  growing  out  of  the  war  habit, 
we  must  not  overlook  the  fact  that  the  passion  for  battle,  the  fas- 
cination for  things  military,  is  yet  deeply  fixed  in  the  nature  of 
man  and  cannot  be  uprooted  or  shaken  ofif  in  a  day.  Nothing 
short  of  a  long  period  of  education,  and  continued  agitation  of 
questions  such  as  we  here  discuss,  will  tend  to  lessen  the  hold 
which  the  god  of  war  has  upon  mankind. 

While  civilization  has  conquered  many  of  the  evils  which 
obstructed  its  progress,  it  still  strangely  permits  the  spirit  of  mili- 
tarism to  run  riot  in  its  midst.  The  passion  for  war  has  so  pos- 
sessed the  souls  of  men  that  the  nations  have  throughout  all  ages 
sacrificed  on  its  altars  their  richest  treasures  and  their  proudest 
sons. 

Wealth  which  by  diligent  effort  and  burdensome  toil  of  men 
and  women  has  been  carefully  accumulated  is  by  the  power  of 
government  wrung  from  its  owners  to  feed  the  battle's  flame. 
Property  and  investments  on  which  its  owners  relied  for  the  hap- 
piness and  comfort  of  old  age  are  forced  into  those  channels 
which  produce  indescribable  suiTering  in  the  horrors  of  war. 

Money  and  men  alike  are  fed  to  the  insatiate  god  of  battle, 
only  to  increase  his  clamorous  demand  for  more. 


lOI 

Of  those  slain  in  battle  throughout  the  world's  history  the 
number  is  so  vast  that  its  meaning  is  incomprehensible  to  the 
mind  of  man.  Fifteen  billions  of  men,  it  is  estimated,  have  thus 
perished  since  the  world  began.  This  is  a  greater  number  of 
people  than  all  those  who  have  occupied  the  world  within  the  past 
six  centuries.  The  number  is  so  large  that  it  staggers  the  mind, 
and  the  period  covered  is  so  long  that  we  brush  the  statement 
aside  as  relating  to  past  ages  unconnected  with  our  own. 

Yet  in  the  last  century,  in  the  midst  of  Christian  civilization's 
most  benign  influence,  the  lives  of  fourteen  millions  of  men  were 
sacrificed  in  war. 

The  Napoleonic  wars  of  nineteen  years'  duration  are  respon- 
sible for  about  eight  millions,  while,  including  those  who  died 
from  wounds  and  disease  incurred  in  service,  something  like  one 
million  may  be  attributed  to  our  Civil  War. 

Here  were  not  only  fourteen  millions  of  men,  but  they  were 
those  who  were  the  most  nearly  physically  perfect.  They  were 
the  flower  of  the  nations  and  the  pride  of  their  families.  If  bat- 
tles only  consumed  the  criminals,  if  only  the  weak  and  the  worth- 
less were  fed  to  their  fires,  the  nation's  loss  in  one  important  sense 
would  not  be  so  great ;  but  so  long  as  war  claims  the  best  blood 
of  the  nations,  the  very  choice  of  the  world's  best  manhood,  leav- 
ing the  weaker  to  survive  and  propagate  their  kind,  there  must 
necessarily  come  national  degeneracy. 

"The  final  effect  of  each  strife  for  empire,"  says  David  Starr 
Jordan,  "has  been  the  degradation  or  extinction  of  the  nation 
which  led  in  the  struggle.  Greece  died  because  the  men  who 
made  her  glory  had  all  passed  away  and  left  none  of  their  kin 
and  therefore  none  of  their  kind."  In  his  address  "The  Blood  of 
Nations"  he  quotes  many  authors  and  historians  to  establish  the 
proposition  that  nations  degenerate  or  become  extinct  because  of 
disastrous  wars  which  destroy  the  nation's  best  men.  "Send  forth 
the  best  ye  breed,"  he  says  is  the  call  on  either  side.  And  this 
call  continues  until  one  or  both  have  grown  so  weak  that  further 
resistance  is  useless ;  until  the  battle  has  swallowed  up  so  many 
of  these  best  men  that  few  remain  to  propagate  the  race.  Greece, 
Rome,  Carthage,  Spain,  Egypt  and  the  Moors  are  given  as  illus- 
trations of  those  nations  which  thus  fell  from  their  high  stations, 
never  again  to  take  their  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 


I02 

Napoleon  so  exhausted  France  that  his  army  during  the  Saxon 
campaign  was  largely  made  up  of  boys,  and  the  French  soldiers 
today  are  said  to  be  shorter  by  two  inches  than  those  of  former 
ages. 

If  it  were  possible  in  any  way  to  portray  the  sufferings  of  a 
single  battlefield  to  an  audience  like  this,  it  would  cause  your 
hearts  to  break  and  your  reason  to  be  almost  shaken  on  its  throne, 
so  horrible  would  its  scenes  appear.  All  who  have  looked  upon 
the  strife  of  battle  declare  with  General  Sherman  that  war  indeed 
is  hell. 

Pierre  Frittel  in  his  famous  painting  "The  Conquerors" 
sought  not  to  paint  a  battlefield  but  a  picture  representing  war 
and  its  products.  The  Conquerors  are  the  great  war  generals  of 
'  the  ages.  They  appear  with  magnificent  forms  and  attractive 
features,  mounted  on  splendid  steeds  or  driving  their  chariots  of 
war.  Their  resplendent  equipments,  with  swords  and  shields  and 
armor  and  all  the  paraphernalia  of  war,  make  them  appear 
attractive  indeed. 

"Caesar,  the  type  of  the  conquering  hero,  occupies  the  imme- 
diate center  of  the  picture ;  Napoleon  rides  close  in  his  shadow ; 
while  on  either  side  are  Sesostris  and  Alexander."  Then  there 
are  Charlemagne  and  Tamerlane  and  so  many  others  that  their 
arms  and  standards  stretch  away  in  long  perspective  into  the  black 
night. 

And  now  the  observer,  who  has  permitted  his  eye  to  follow 
this  long  line  of  irresistible  masters  of  nations  back  till  it  fades 
away  in  the  shadows,  is  startled  at  the  appearance  of  that  which 
before  had  escaped  his  vision.  It  is  the  picture's  background, 
consisting  on  the  right  and  on  the  left  of  long,  unending  rows  of 
dead  men.  The  Conquerors  have  marched  up  through  this  avenue 
of  uncounted  myriads  of  lifeless  forms  flanking  them  on  cither 
side  and  stretching  back  and  out  into  limitless  perspective  through 
the  "valley  of  the  shadow  of  death." 

The  whole  presentation  possesses  a  subtle  power,  causing 
you  to  see  at  a  glance  the  cruel  history  of  war's  triumphal  prog- 
ress down  the  centuries. 

And  though  we  may  regret  the  record  for  which  this  picture 
stands,  we  cannot  deny  that  it  fairly  portrays  what  the  painter 
intended.     For  from  the  beginning  of  time  the  story  of  mankind 


I03 

has  been  told  in  the  story  of  battles  and  wars.  As  the  race  grew 
strong  in  numbers  the  conflicts  were  proportionately  more  fierce. 
As  the  nations  became  enriched  more  wealth  was  lavished  upon 
armies  and  squandered  upon  navies. 

As  they  came  to  be  more  and  more  civilized  and  Christian- 
ized their  weapons  of  warfare  were  made  to  be  more  destructive 
of  life  and  property.  Their  men  of  genius  were  called  upon  to 
devote  their  powers  of  invention  to  instruments  and  vessels  of 
death.  The  modern  battleship  and  the  modern  equipment  make 
battles  brief  because  so  many  men  can  so  quickly  be  made  to  bite 
the  dust. 

The  fighting  instinct  in  man  has  prevailed  in  his  development 
through  clan,  tribe,  community,  state  and  nation.  His  rights* 
and  privileges  have  been  won  and  maintained  through  force  rather 
than  reason.  At  first  the  physical  combat  between  individuals  set- 
tled their  personal  rights  and  fixed  their  relations  with  each  other. 

Personal  liberty,  personal  rights  and  especially  property 
rights  stand  for  those  principles  for  which  men  feel  justified  in 
making  their  fiercest  contests,  and  hence  not  infrequently  arc  the 
strongholds  for  which  most  vicious  customs  retreat  for  protection. 

Because  of  the  respect  which  public  opinion  had  for  the  man 
who  claimed  the  right  personally  to  protect  the  good  name  of 
himself  or  his  family  the  duel  was  for  centuries  unmolested. 
From  the  duel  it  is  only  a  step  to  that  other  degrading  contest 
known  as  wager  of  battle. 

Wager  of  battle  with  its  legal  formalities  was  an  outgrowth 
of  a  more  brutal  form  of  combat,  when,  without  any  regulation 
whatever,  the  strong  overpowered  the  weak  and  took  from  him 
whatever  the  whim  of  the  victor  dictated.  Crude  and  barbaric 
as  was  this  custom  of  former  ages,  it  was  yet  more  refined  and 
less  objectionable  than  that  which  went  before. 

The  demands  of  enlightened  civilization  in  the  course  of 
centuries  placed  a  ban  upon  the  wager  of  battle  and  substituted 
therefor  more  peaceful  methods  of  determining  the  rights  of  con- 
tending claimants,  yet  this  law  remained  upon  the  statute  books 
of  England  until  the  beginning  of  the  last  century.  It  had  long 
been  a  dead  letter,  and  at  that  time  few  even  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession in  that  country  knew  that  it  was  still  part  of  their  juris- 
prudence. 


104 

Other  and  better  customs  and  laws  had  gradually  developed, 
and  without  repealing  practically  obliterated  this  ancient  curiosity 
in  legal  procedure.  Should  two  or  more  persons  now  agree  to 
thus  test  the  title  to  land  or  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  one  of  them 
charged  with  crime,  on  the  first  attempt  to  execute  this  agreement 
the  law  would  appear,  personified  in  a  peace  officer,  who  would 
forcibly  end  hostilities  and  point  to  the  methods  of  reason  and 
common  sense  for  the  determination  of  such  affairs. 

There  is  no  objection  presented  to  the  forcible  and  bloody 
settlement  between  citizens  in  their  private  disputes  which  does 
not  apply  equally  to  the  adoption  of  such  methods  by  nations  in 
determining  their  differences  with  each  other. 

If  we  condemn  Smith  for  striking  Jones  on  the  head  with  a 
club  because  he  did  not  promptly  pay  him  a  doubtful  debt,  what 
shall  we  say  of  the  display  of  armed  cruisers  of  the  big  nation 
threatening  destruction  at  the  port  of  the  little  nation  for  the 
same  reason? 

If  we  impose  upon  A  the  death  penalty  because  in  his  anger 
he  suddenly  took  the  life  of  B,  why  shall  the  nation  which  delib- 
erately planned  and  coolly  accomplished  her  neighbor's  destruc- 
tion go  unpunished?  Or  if  one  nation  may,  by  reason  of  her 
superior  force,  take  from  another  a  choice  stretch  of  territory 
without  the  disapproval  of  the  world,  why  shall  we  comment 
unfavorably  upon  the  land  frauds  of  the  West,  where  unoccupied 
territory  passes  into  the  hands  of  those  who  are  not  entitled  to  it  ? 

It  is  indeed  difficult  to  see  why  the  individual  and  the  nation, 
in  matters  of  principle,  in  matters  of  right  and  wrong,  should  not 
rest  their  conduct  on  the  same  general  basis. 

Yet  every  one  knows  that  throughout  modern  history  the 
rules  of  conduct  for  the  individual  have  not  only  been  widely 
different  but  often  in  direct  conflict  with  those  governing  the 
state  or  the  nation.  The  ethics  which  apply  to  the  citizen  are 
supposed  to  be  unsuited  to  the  state,  which,  after  all,  is  only  a 
combination  of  citizens. 

The  code  of  morals  which  the  state  or  nation  enacts  for  its 
subjects,  and  to  which  willingly  or  unwillingly  they  are  compelled 
to  submit,  has  no  binding  force  upon  the  nation  itself  in  its  relation 
with  equals,  inferiors  or  superiors. 

Now  what  logic  leads  any  nation,  which  so  carefully  guards 


I05 

the  life  and  property  of  the  individual  citizens,  which  fixes  about 
him  and  fastens  upon  him  all  this  network  of  laws,  to  be  so 
lavishly  reckless  with  his  rights,  his  property  and  his  life  when 
the  contest  comes  with  another  nation?  Why  is  life  then  not  as 
sweet  and  as  valuable — aye,  as  priceless — as  at  any  other  period? 
Why  should  not  those  peaceful  means  and  methods  of  settlement 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  apply  to  individuals  be  here  invoked  ? 
Wager  of  battle  involved  only  two  lives,  but  the  battles  of  con- 
tending nations  involve  the  lives  of  millions.  The  first  we  abol- 
ished because  it  was  senseless  and  abhorrent ;  the  other  we  still 
uphold,  and  foster  with  our  richest  treasures. 

The  mountainous  debts  of  the  civilized  nations  trace  their 
foundations  to  past  wars  which  those  nations  have  carried  on 
between  each  other.  The  shameful  burden  of  current  expenses 
has  for  excuse  the  danger  of  future  wars  with  these  same  friendly 
and  peaceful  neighboring  nations.  Between  the  burden  for  the 
follies  of  the  past,  and  that  which  is  imposed  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  future  indiscretions,  the  humble  citizen,  in  some  coun- 
tries at  least,  finds  the  protecting  hand  of  government  a  mere 
travesty  upon  his  rights. 

It  is  impossible  to  secure  any  accurate  estimate  of  the  cost 
of  all  the  wars  in  which  the  world  has  engaged.  The  figures 
representing  the  cost  for  the  past  century  are  so  great  that  we 
cannot  fully  grasp  their  meaning.  Dr.  Benjamin  Trueblood  says, 
"Forty  thousand  millions  of  dollars  is  a  sum  so  vast  that  the  men- 
tion of  it  leaves  only  a  confused  impression  on  the  mind ;  but  that 
is  about  what  the  nations  have  paid  in  solid  cash  in  a  single  cen- 
tury for  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  their  quarrels  and  fightings, 
their  mutual  injustices  and  slaughters." 

It  is  said  that  Russia  spends  more  than  one-third  of  all  her 
public  revenue  for  military  purposes. 

Germany,  with  a  debt  of  more  than  two  billion  marks,  spends 
annually  more  than  five  hundred  million  marks  on  her  army  and 
navy. 

France  has  a  debt  of  about  thirty-two  billion  francs,  largely 
the  cost  of  past  wars.  Great  Britain  has  a  debt  of  six  hundred 
and  twenty-one  million  pounds  and  spends  annually  more  than 
forty  million  pounds  on  her  army  and  navy. 

At  the  close  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  the  indebtedness  of 


io6 

the  United  States  was  $2,773,236,173.  This  was  gradually  reduced 
till  in  1890  it  amounted  to  $1,552,140,205,  but  on  account  of  the 
Spanish  War  and  an  increased  pension  list  it  again  passed  the 
$2,000,000,000  mark,  and  in  1904  it  was  $2,264,003,585. 

The  expense  growing  out  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  from 
July  I,  1861,  to  June  30,  1879,  was  $6,844,571,431,  or  more  than 
enough  to  have  purchased,  at  $2,000  each,  every  slave  liberated 
by  reason  of  the  war. 

Could  such  a  settlement  of  the  slave  question  have  been  made 
in  i860,  the  nation  would  have  poured  this  vast  sum  into  the  lap 
of  the  South,  and  thus  have  made  of  that  section  the  most  attract- 
ive garden  spot  of  the  continent.  It  would  now  be  preparing  to 
celebrate  a  half  century  of  unparalleled  prosperity,  with  praise  for 
the  nation  on  the  lips  of  every  inhabitant,  including  the  aged  and 
young.  There  would  be  no  national  scar  of  battle ;  no  black 
memory  of  the  past ;  no  Chickamauga,  no  Gettysburg,  no  Ander- 
sonville,  with  their  unparalleled,  indescribable  panorama  of  suffer- 
ing. There  would  have  been  no  forty  years  of  disheartened  and 
disheartening  effort  to  again  bring  to  this  desolated  section  the 
appearance  of  prosperity  before  enjoyed. 

Just  as  human  language  is  inadequate  to  describe  the  awful- 
ness  of  what  actually  occurred  during  a  four  years'  war,  so  does 
language  fail  to  portray  what  happiness  and  joy  would  have 
flowed  from  a  peaceable  settlement  of  the  questions  involved, 
based  on  a  monev  indemnitv  even  much  less  than  the  amount 
wasted  in  war. 

From  1898  to  1905  we  spent  in  military  affairs  $1,200,000,000, 
almost  enough  to  have  canceled  our  national  debt.  We  pay  out 
in  times  of  peace  for  military  and  naval  purposes  annually  more 
than  $217,000,000;  while  for  all  other  purposes  of  civil  govern- 
ment, including  the  judicial,  legislative  and  executive  branches, 
we  spend  less  than  $187,000,000. 

That  is,  while  we  in  the  United  States  boast  of  our  govern- 
ment by  law  and  our  freedom  from  the  oppression  of  militarism 
we  are  spending  annually  for  naval  and  military  purposes  in  times 
of  peace  $30,000,000  more  than  it  costs  to  run  the  three  great 
departments  of  our  civil  government. 

As  a  result  our  taxes  arc  more  burdensome,  our  debts  are 
increased  and  our  disbursements  are  greater  than  our  receipts. 


I07 

The  financial  statement  currently  relied  upon  indicates  a  deficit 
of  about  $89,000,000,000  for  the  year  ending-  in  July,  1909. 

For  the  last  fifteen  years  the  world  has  spent  annually  one 
thousand  millions  of  dollars  in  sustaining  war  equipments.  Sup- 
pose this  were  spent  for  uplifting  humanity  and  bettering  the 
conditions  of  the  world.  It  would  build  and  operate  all  the  great 
waterways  and  canals  which  have  heretofore  been  projected  but 
which  have  failed  for  lack  of  financial  support.  It  would  tunnel 
our  mountains  for  their  hidden  gems ;  it  would  build  in  the  moun- 
tain gorges  immense  reservoirs  from  which  the  parched  plains  and 
deserts  might  be  irrigated  and  transformed  into  vast  rich  fields, 
doubling  the  nation's  agricultural  products.  It  would  build  all 
the  needed  highways  for  j^rivate  and  public  commerce ;  it  would 
endow  hospitals,  churches,  schools  and  colleges,  and  place  their 
blessings  within  the  reach  of  every  individual. 

"Give  me  the  money  which  has  been  spent  in  war,"  said  a 
recent  speaker,  "and  I  will  purchase  every  foot  of  land  upon  the 
globe ;  I  will  clothe  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  attire  of 
which  kings  and  queens  might  be  proud ;  I  will  build  a  school- 
house  on  every  hillside  and  in  every  valley  over  the  whole  earth ; 
I  will  build  an  academy  in  every  town  and  endow  it ;  a  college  in 
every  state  and  fill  it  with  able  professors ;  I  will  crown  every  hill 
with  a  place  of  worship  consecrated  to  the  promulgation  of  the 
gospel  of  peace." 

The  cost  of  war  runs  into  figures  so  large  that  the  mind 
cannot  comprehend  them.  England's  recent  Boer  war.  which 
seems  only  an  incident  when  compared  with  the  great  wars 
recorded  in  history,  was  nevertheless  an  expensive  affair.  It 
cost  her  more  than  $1,100,000,000  in  money,  not  to  mention  the 
loss  otherwise  sustained.  The  value  of  the  nation  of  this  money 
has  been  pointedly  illustrated  by  a  writer  who  says:  "It  would^ 
have  furnished  England's  needy  with  the  following  things : 

100  old  people's  homes,  at  $100,000  each. 
1,000  public  playgrounds,  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  public  libraries,  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  trade  schools,  at  $200,000  each. 

500  hospitals,  at  $200,000  each. 
3,000  public  schools,  at  $100,000  each. 
150.000  workingmen's  homes,  at  $2,000  each." 


io8 

If  this  estimate  is  correct,  can  any  one  even  attempt  to  meas- 
ure the  blessings  which  might  be  purchased  with  the  money  which 
has  been  spent  in  even  a  few  of  the  world's  greatest  wars  ? 

"It  is  startling  to  think,"  says  Dr.  Trueblood,  "what  the  world 
might  have  been  economically  at  the  opening  of  the  present  cen- 
tury if  the  war  system  could  have  been  done  away  with  a  hundred 
years  ago,  a  system  of  pacific  settlement  of  disputes  and  of  gen- 
eral international  co-operation  adopted  and  the  14,000,000  young 
men  slain  in  the  wars  of  the  century  saved  to  their  different 
countries.  Their  earning  power,  at  $300  each  per  year,  would 
have  been  $5,000,000,000,  a  sum  equal  to  nearly  twice  the  entire 
estimated  wealth  of  the  United  States,  and  fully  equal  to  the 
combined  wealth  of  Great  Britain  (colonies  excluded),  France, 
Germany,  Russia  and  Austria-Hungary." 

In  the  past  half  century  the  world  has  doubled  in  population, 
but  the  expenditures  for  war  purposes  and  its  indebtedness  attribu- 
table to  wars  have  quadrupled.  The  various  nations  of  the  world 
have  now  by  far  the  greatest  and  most  expensive  naval  and 
military  organizations  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

Shall  civilization,  which  dared  to  grapple  to  the  death  all 
these  other  evils,  shrink  from  her  duty  here  and  now  ?  Shall  war 
at  last  prove  conqueror  and  the  god  of  battle  ever  rule  the  hearts 
of  men  ?  However  fierce  war  is,  can  we  not  find  a  greater  power 
wherewith  to  conquer?  Every  established  evil  which  has  been 
suppressed  has  been  compelled  to  yield  to  a  more  powerful 
influence. 

The  influence  which  is  destined  to  undermine  militarism  and 
the  spirit  of  war  is  that  of  arbitration.  That  war  is  unnecessary  is 
becoming  a  universal  sentiment.  That  it  may  be  obviated  by 
arbitration  has  been  repeatedly  illustrated.  Today  as  never  before 
the  world  is  not  only  thinking  and  talking  arbitration,  but  is 
exercising  it  in  settling  national  disputes.  Arbitration  in  inter- 
national matters  has  within  the  past  few  years  moved  forward 
with  rapid  strides. 

A  recent  issue  of  The  Advocate  of  Peace  makes  the  following 
important  statement  concerning  arbitration  : 

"Since  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent.  1814,  about  two 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  international  controversies  have  been 
settled,  or  an  average  of  three  a  year  for  the  whole  period  of 


109 

ninety  years.  More  than  sixty  of  these  were  in  the  decade  from 
1890  to  1900,  and  twenty-one  of  them  have  occurred  since  the 
twentieth  century  opened.  So  common  has  the  practice  of  arbi- 
tration become  in  recent  years  that  cases  are  nowadays  constantly 
pending  between  some  of  the  nations,  there  being  several  at  the 
present  time. 

"The  United  States  has  been  a  party  to  nearly  sixty  of  these 
settlements,  Great  Britain  to  more  than  seventy,  while  fourteen 
of  the  cases  have  been  between  these  two  English-speaking  nations 
alone. 

"France,  Spain,  Germany,  Portugal,  Italy,  Holland,  Den- 
mark, Belgium,  Greece,  Turkey,  Russia,  Switzerland,  Japan, 
Afghanistan,  Persia,  China,  Morocco,  Mexico  and  Liberia  have 
each  been  parties  to  one  or  more  of  these  settlements,  France 
with  over  thirty  cases  coming  next  to  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  Nearly  all  the  South  and  Central  American  States  have 
had  arbitrations." 

Again  in  a  later  issue  it  is  said :  "The  treaties  of  obligatory 
arbitration  signed  by  ex-Secretary  Root  during  1908- 1909  were 
with  France,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Mexico,  Great  Britain,  Norway, 
Portugal,  Spain,  The  Netherlands,  Sweden,  Japan,  China,  Peru, 
Salvador,  the  Argentine  Republic,  Bolivia,  Ecuador,  Haiti,  Uru- 
guay, Chile,  Costa  Rica,  Austria-Hungary  and  Brazil,  twenty- 
three  in  all,  and  signed  in  the  order  given  above.  Two  of  them 
were  signed  in  February,  1908,  two  in  March,  four  in  April,  three 
in  May,  one  in  October,  three  in  December  and  eight  in  January 
this  year.  Of  these  treaties,  the  first  eleven  have  been  ratified  by 
both  the  Senate  and  the  President,  and  ratifications  exchanged 
with  the  foreign  powers  and  the  treaties  proclaimed.  The  remain- 
ing twelve  have  been  ratified  by  the  President  and  the  Senate,  but 
ratifications  have  not  yet  been  exchanged.  These  twelve  treaties 
were  ratified  by  President  Roosevelt  on  March  i,  three  days 
before  his  term  of  office  expired. 

"It  is  expected  that  the  ratifications  will  be  exchanged  and 
the  treaties  proclaimed  by  President  Taft  at  an  early  date.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  as  yet  no  treaties  have  been  concluded  with 
Russia  and  Germany,  though  it  is  expected  that  a  treaty  with 
Germany  will  be  announced  at  an  early  date." 

These  numerous  arbitrations  and  peaceful  settlements,  embody- 


no 

ing  as  they  did  such  questions  as  had  so  often  involved  nations  in 
war,  prepared  the  civiHzed  world  for  the  great  Hague  Conference 
on  the  i8th  of  May,  1899.  In  this  peace  conference  twenty-six 
nations  were  represented.  For  more  than  three  months  the  dele- 
gates of  these  countries  were  in  session  considering  the  questions 
of  disarmament,  arbitration  and  peaceful  settlements  of  interna- 
tional disputes. 

It  began  the  establishment  of  an  International  Court  of  Arbi- 
tration which  was  finally  concluded  in  1901  as  a  permanent  tribu- 
nal. Splendid  quarters  have  already  been  provided,  to  be  occupied 
until  the  Temple  of  Peace,  for  which  Mr.  Carnegie  has  so  liber- 
ally provided,  shall  be  erected  and  equipped.  It  will  then  occupy 
a  home  unsurpassed  by  any  judicial  temple  in  the  world,  with 
appointments  suited  to  a  court  sitting  to  try  the  disputes  of  the 
world. 

This  court  is  now  ready  to  take  up  all  questions  submitted  to 
it.  In  May,  1902,  the  United  States  and  Mexico  submitted  to  a 
tribunal  of  five  members  of  this  court  a  controversy  concerning 
what  is  known  as  the  Pius  funds,  which  had  for  many  years  been 
in  dispute.  The  court  took  evidence  and  heard  argument  in  this 
matter  and  finally  decided  it  in  favor  of  the  United  States.  This 
decision  was  readily  accepted,  the  money  paid  and  the  matter 
ended.  A  number  of  other  international  controversies  have  been 
submitted  to  this  court. 

The  tribunal's  decisions  have  always  been  regarded  as  final, 
forever  settling  the  questions  in  dispute. 

It  needs  only  that  which  is  sure  to  follow,  treaties  between 
the  various  nations,  binding  themselves  to  submit  for  settlement 
questions  which  arise  between  them.  Such  treaties  have  already 
been  made  between  a  number  of  nations.  Treaties  pledging  arbi- 
tration of  all  disputes  have  been  signed  by  Holland  and  Denmark, 
Italy  and  Denmark,  and  all  the  Central  American  states  with  each 
other.  More  than  sixty  treaties  of  arbitration  have  recently  been 
made  between  various  nations.  Our  own  country  has  signed  such 
treaties  with  twelve  other  nations.  The  friendly  relations  thus 
encouraged  and  cemented,  it  is  reasonably  believed,  will  finally 
attract  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth  to  enter  into  compacts 
of  this  nature,  which  will  ultimately  result  in  practical  disarma- 
ment of  the  world. 


Ill 

If  any  one  hesitates  to  believe  that  international  arbitration  is 
growing  in  popularity  and  is  even  now  one  of  the  most  vital  ques- 
tions of  the  day,  his  attention  need  only  be  directed  to  the  fact 
that  the  great  political  parties  in  their  platforms  are  giving  it 
important  space  and  prominence.  At  the  recent  National  Repub- 
lican Convention  in  Chicago  the  following  plank  was  adopted  in 
their  platform  of  principles : 

"The  conspicuous  contributions  of  American  statesmanship 
to  the  great  cause  of  international  peace,  so  signally  advanced  in 
The  Hague  Conference,  are  an  occasion  for  just  pride  and  grati- 
fication. 

"At  the  last  session  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  eleven 
Hague  conventions  were  ratified,  establishing  the  rights  of  neu- 
trals, laws  of  war  on  land,  restrictions  of  submarine  mines,  limit- 
ing the  use  of  force  for  the  collection  of  contractual  debts,  govern- 
ing the  opening  of  hostilities,  extending  the  application  of  Geneva 
principles,  and  in  many  ways  lessening  the  evils  of  war  and  pro- 
moting the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  controversies. 

"At  the  same  session  twelve  arbitration  conventions  with 
great  nations  were  confirmed,  and  extradition,  boundary  and  neu- 
tralization treaties  of  supreme  importance  were  ratified. 

"We  endorse  such  achievements  as  the  highest  duty  a  people 
can  perform,  and  proclaim  the  obligation  of  further  strengthen- 
ing the  bonds  of  friendship,  and  believe  that  already  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  hopes  of  centuries  has  come  within  the  vision  of  the 
near  future." 

President  Taft  in  his  inaugural  address  sounded  what  we 
hope  is  the  keynote  of  his  administration  on  this  subject,  when  he 
said  "that  our  international  policy  is  always  to  promote  peace. 
We  shall  make  every  effort  consistent  with  national  honor  and 
the  highest  national  interest  to  avoid  a  resort  to  arms.  We  favor 
every  instrumentality,  like  that  of  the  Hague  tribunal  and  arbi- 
tration treaties  made  with  a  view  to  its  use  in  all  international 
controversies,  in  order  to  maintain  peace  and  to  avoid  war." 

And  thus  indeed  do  Ave  see  a  successful  advance  being  made 
upon  the  world's  most  monstrous  evil.  Even  those  intelligent 
statesmen  who  advocate  increased  armaments,  and  who  are  will- 
ing to  expend  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in  armies  and 
navies,  insist  that  it  is  only  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  peace. 


112 

He  is  a  rash  man  who  will  now  contend  for  a  battleship  or  an 
appropriation  for  the  purpose  of  making  war  on  another  nation. 
Such  a  proposition  would  find  no  support  in  times  of  peace. 

Why  will  men  not  learn  that  our  strength  lies  more  in  edu- 
cated conscience,  in  the  world's  great  moral  and  intellectual 
forces,  than  in  physical  forces  represented  in  battleships  and  in 
armies  and  navies? 

If  our  Congress  would  within  the  next  year  expend  the  cost 
of  one  battleship  in  teaching  our  people  the  value  of  peace  and 
arbitration  it  would  thereby  more  nearly  establish  permanent 
peace  than  by  the  erection  of  four  or  even  twenty  battleships.  If 
the  civilized  governments  of  the  world  would  expend  a  portion  of 
their  military  and  naval  funds  thus  till  the  minds  of  the  youth  are 
filled  with  a  love  of  peace  instead  of  being  inflamed  with  a  pas- 
sion for  war,  the  world's  security  against  this  monstrous  evil 
would  soon  be  established. 

Can  our  statesmen  not  see  the  hand  upon  the  wall  ?  Do  they 
not  know  that  a  conference  of  forty-six  nations  for  the  purpose 
of  in  some  way  finally  establishing  peace,  and  an  adjournment  to 
again  meet  to  further  advance  this  end,  must  result  in  such 
friendly  relations  and  acquaintanceship  that  war  equipments  are 
less  important  and  the  cultivation  of  international  friendships  of 
much  more  value? 

The  Second  Hague  Conference,  which  was  suggested  by 
President  Roosevelt,  called  by  the  Czar  of  all  the  Russias  and 
actually  convened  by  the  Queen  of  the  Netherlands  on  June  15, 
1907,  was  the  most  important  world  meeting  ever  held  in  human 
history.  First  of  all  it  was  a  meeting,  and  the  first  meeting,  of 
all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  assembled  to  discuss  the 
great  subject  of  universal  peace.  They  were  in  session  for  four 
months.  If  nothing  else  had  been  accomplished,  this  fact  in 
itself  would  still  have  been  one  of  the  most  momentous  in  history. 
But  it  did  more  than  meet  and  discuss  questions  touching  inter- 
national peace.  It  confirmed  and  strengthened  all  which  the  con- 
ference of  1899  had  established.     It  took  no  backward  step. 

In  this  conference  it  was  agreed  that  no  nation  shall  have 
recourse  to  armed  force  against  another  nation  for  the  purpose 
of  collecting  contract  debts  without  first  offering  to  submit  the 
matter  for  arbitration  to  The  Hague  tribunal.     If  the  debtor  na- 


"3 

tion  is  willing  to  arbitrate,  then  all  such  matters  everywhere  in 
the  world  must  be  arbitrated.  They  can  no  longer  anywhere  be 
the  basis  of  war.  Here  is  a  step  accomplished  worthy  of  the 
world's  applause. 

Again,  it  was  agreed  that  no  unfortified  city  shall  be  bom- 
barded. So  now  in  time  of  war  if  a  city  does  not  wish  to  be 
bombarded  by  the  enemies'  guns,  she  only  needs  to  save  herself 
the  cost  of  expensive  fortifications. 

But  by  far  the  most  important  convention  adopted  by  the 
conference  was  that  of  establishing  a  permanent  court  of  arbitral 
justice.  While  this  court  was  not  actually  formed,  all  the  assem- 
bled nations  agreed  that  it  should  be  established ;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  those  most  thoroughly  posted  on  the  sub- 
ject that  it  will  be  established  before  another  meeting  of  The 
Hague  Conference. 

Such  a  court  diflfers  materially  from  the  court  of  arbitration 
which  the  former  conference  inaugurated.  The  former  court  has 
no  permanency  and  consists  in  fact  of  only  a  list  of  eminent  gen- 
tlemen from  whom  arbitrators  may  be  selected.  But  the  latter 
when  established  will  be  fixed  upon  a  basis  as  complete  and  per- 
manent as  any  of  our  state  or  federal  courts.  Judges  will  be 
selected  for  the  purpose  of  trying  international  disputes  and  their 
time  will  be  devoted  wholly  to  these  matters.  They  will  establish 
a  code  of  procedure  not  unlike  that  to  which  litigants  in  other 
courts  must  conform.  It  will  be  in  fact  a  great  international 
court  dealing  exclusively  with  international  disputes,  an  appeal 
to  which  will  take  the  place  of  the  former  appeal  to  arms. 

The  fact  is,  my  friends,  you  are  today  standing  much  nearer 
the  period  of  universal  peace  than  most  of  you  had  dreamed 
would  be  reached  by  your  children's  children.  When  you  and  all 
other  good  citizens  take  a  stand  against  war  and  determine  that 
international  disputes  shall  and  must  be  submitted  to  arbitration 
for  settlement ;  when  there  is  a  united  resolve  that  the  yellow 
journals,  the  jingo  statesmen,  the  money  lenders  and  all  those 
whose  voices  are  first  in  war  but  whose  persons  are  always  at  a 
safe  distance  from  it,  shall  not  govern  in  national  crises,  then  will 
the  great  movement  for  permanent  peace  and  world  disarmament 
go  forward  toward  final  success. 

Let  each  citizen  who  believes  in  this  movement  freely  express 


114 

his  sentiments  on  all  proper  occasions.  Let  the  governments  take 
five  percent — yes,  one  percent — of  what  is  now  spent  in  naval 
and  military  affairs  and  with  this  aid  in  the  promulgation  of  the 
doctrine  of  arbitration  and  peace  till  this  sentiment  everywhere 
predominates,  and  the  necessity  for  forts,  arsenals  and  battleships 
will  fade  away. 

Education  along  this  line  will  establish  a  system  of  interna- 
tional ethics  not  unlike  that  which  prevails  between  individuals. 
It  will  finally  produce  a  conscience  among  nations  which  will  make 
unpopular,  if  not  impossible,  a  great  international  war. 

Let  us  each  here  and  now  resolve  to  cast  our  influence  for 
peace  and  arbitration  of  disputes,  and  to  frown  upon  and  if  pos- 
sible prevent  the  recurrence  of  war.  When  all  the  men  and  wo- 
men of  the  civilized  nations  who  believe  in  these  principles  thus 
resolve,  there  will  indeed  be  no  more  wars.  Then  there  shall  be 
"peace  on  earth,  good  will  among  men." 

At  the  conclusion  of  Dr.  Rogers's  address  the  session  stood 
adjourned. 


RECEPTION 


At  the  close  of  the  afternoon  session  of  the  Congress,  a 
reception  was  tendered  the  delegates  in  the  Grand  Foyer  of 
Orchestra  Hall. 


SECOND  SESSION 
THE  DRAWING  TOGETHER  OF  THE  NATIONS 

Monday  Evening,  May  3,  at  8  o'clock 

ORCHESTRA  HALL 

DE.   EMIL  G.  HIKSCH,  Presiding 
Dr.  Hirsch  : 

The  subject  for  tonight's  discussion  is  "The  Drawing  To- 
gether of  the  Nations."  "Interdependence  versus  Independence 
of  Nations"  is  the  first  chapter  in  this  book,  and  that  chapter  will 
be  presented  to  us  by  Professor  Paul  S.  Reinsch,  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wisconsin.    (Applause.) 

Interdependence  versus  Independence  of  National  States 

Professor  Paul  S.  Reinsch. 

It  is  one  of  the  laws  of  human  being  that,  scarce  achieving 
what  we  have  striven  for  with  might  and  main,  we  are  again 
beckoned  farther  by  new  goals  and  more  distant  aims.  For  the 
past  six  centuries  humanity  has  been  working  to  establish  nation- 
alism— to  found  nations,  to  cement  their  elements  into  a  potent 
unity,  to  concentrate  their  forces,  to  build  up  in  all  their  majesty 
the  powerful  societies  of  today,  which  are  the  protectors  of  all 
we  hold  dear  in  civilization.  It  is  not  surprising  that  achieve- 
ments demanding  such  efforts  and  sacrifices  should  be  looked  upon 
as  the  ultimate  form  of  society.  They  render  life  rich  and  colored 
through  the  variety  of  customs  and  ideas  which  they  maintain. 
They  prevent  dull  uniformity ;  they  give  the  human  spirit  a 
chance  to  manifest  all  its  inherent  possibilities  of  expression  and 
hfe  and  art.  Small  wonder  that  conservative  spirits  look  upon 
national  life  and  independence  as  the  last  word  of  civilization. 
And  yet  we  are  on  all  hands  surrounded  by  the  unmistakable  evi- 
dences that  this  too  is  a  transitory  stage — that  civilization  cannot 

11=^ 


ii6 

content  itself  with  a  partial  organization,  but  is  tending  irresistibly 
towards  universalism. 

The  generous  ideal  of  world  unity  and  peace  is  still  looked 
upon  by  many  practical  men  as  a  golden  dream.  Even  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference  spoke  of  it  as  "the 
bright  star  of  universal  peace  which  we  shall  never  reach,  but 
which  will  always  guide  us."  The  cosmopolitan  ideal  has  indeed 
in  the  past  been  often  displayed  in  a  form  that  had  little  connec- 
tion with  living  men  and  institutions.  It  has  set  up  an  abstract 
concept  of  humanity  by  which  men  were  supposed  to  be  directly 
impelled  and  actuated  towards  world  unity.  The  national  state 
was  looked  upon  as  an  obstacle.  War  was  personified  into  an  evil 
entity  that  must  be  combated  directly  and  subdued  by  inhibition 
as  demons  and  monsters  were  exorcised  in  ages  past.  Such 
abstractions  may  indeed  have  a  prophetic  force;  they  may  fore- 
cast the  future  of  our  race.  Yet  by  men  of  affairs  they  are  looked 
upon  as  fanciful,  until  the  detailed  forces  can  be  pointed  out  by 
which  we  may  approach  ourselves  to  the  ideal  conditions  thus 
foreshadowed.  Our  age  is  realistic  and  practical ;  so  our  cosmo- 
politanism has  become  concrete.  It  rests  upon  the  idea  of  co-oper- 
ation in  constantly  widening  circles.  Universal  co-operation  is 
the  watchword  which  stands  for  positive  action,  for  the  develop- 
ment of  concrete  facts  in  human  life  which  correspond  to  the 
actual  needs  in  our  economic  and  social  order.  For  this  purpose 
adequate  institutions  are  to  be  created  so  as  to  take  international 
action  out  of  the  field  of  resolutions  and  to  make  it  a  part  of  the 
realities  of  human  life.  The  void  which  the  old  cosmopolitan  ideal 
left  between  the  individual  and  humanity  is  being  filled  up  by  the 
creation  of  institutions  through  which  the  individual  may  grad- 
ually be  raised,  by  almost  imperceptible  degrees,  from  the  narrow 
limits  of  personality  to  the  broad  aims  of  civilization. 

The  most  important  fact  which  we  have  become  conscious  of 
in  our  generation  is  that  the  unity  of  the  world  is  real.  The  most 
remote  parts  of  the  earth  are  being  made  accessible.  The  great 
economic  and  financial  system  by  which  the  resources  of  the  earth 
are  being  developed  is  centralized.  Our  destiny  is  a  common 
one ;  whatever  happens  to  the  nations  of  Africa  and  Asia  affects 
our  life.  Should  great  material  disaster  devastate  or  wars  dis- 
organize these  distant  societies,  we  ourselves  must  bear  a  part  of 


117 

the  burden.  Nor  is  there  any  development  or  advance  in  the  per- 
fected arts  of  civiHzation,  the  conditions  and  processes  which 
make  industry  profitable  and  life  agreeable,  but  that  we  ourselves 
shall  share  in  the  benefits.  Science  knows  no  national  boundaries. 
What  is  achieved  in  Berlin,  Paris  or  Rome  today  is  tomorrow  a 
part  of  the  scientific  capital  of  all  the  world.  The  positive  ideal 
of  the  world  today  is  undoubtedly  that  the  whole  earth  shall 
become  a  field  of  action  open  to  every  man  and  that  all  the  advan- 
tages which  may  be  secured  by  the  efforts  of  humanity  throughout 
the  world  must  accrue  to  the  citizens  of  each  individual  nation. 
In  this  new  grouping  of  social  and  economic  life  the  national  state 
will  indeed  continue  to  hold  a  prominent  place,  but  public  and 
associative  action  will  dominate  by  forces  and  considerations 
which  are  broader  than  national  life.  Co-operation  is  the  key  to 
life  and  society.  Neither  the  individual  nor  the  nation  is  self- 
sufficing.  There  is  a  broader  life;  there  are  broader  interests 
and  more  far-reaching  activities  surrounding  national  life  in 
which  it  must  participate  in  order  to  develop  to  the  full  its  own 
nature  and  satisfy  completely  its  many  needs.  Even  as  the  indi- 
vidual receives  from  society  both  protection  and  stimulus,  so  the 
nation  would  suffer  intolerable  disadvantages  were  it  to  exclude 
itself  from  world  intercourse. 

Numerous  public  unions  and  associations  have  recently  been 
created  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  interests  which  transcended 
the  boundaries  of  national  states.  The  absolute  necessity  of 
mutual  intercourse  and  communication  has  led  to  the  founding 
of  unions  for  postal,  telegraphic  and  railway  communication,  and 
for  the  protection  of  the  means  and  metho<ls  employed  by  these. 
No  state  can  completely  protect  itself  against  the  inroads  of  epi- 
demic disease  nor  against  the  plottings  of  criminals  without  the 
co-operation  of  other  governments.  Unions  have  thus  been  estab- 
lished for  mutual  police  assistance  and  for  the  development  of 
international  sanitation.  In  order  that  industrial  competition  may 
be  raised  to  a  plane  where  the  individual  laborer  or  manufacturer 
is  protected  against  intolerable  conditions,  nations  unite  and  fol- 
low a  common  plan  of  economic  and  labor  legislation.  For  the 
common  development  of  such  interests  there  have  been  founded 
the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture,  the  International  Asso- 
ciation of  Labor  Legislation  and  many  semi-public  associations 


ii8 

designed  to  realize  the  idea  of  a  world  unity  in  the  great  field  of 
economic  life.  But  we  must  not  proceed  to  an  enumeration.  It 
is  only  our  purpose  to  point  out  the  significance  of  these  great 
positive  movements.  When  we  once  appreciate  the  sweep  of  the 
forces  involved,  we  are  impelled  to  the  conclusion  that  world 
organization  is  no  longer  an  ideal  but  is  an  accomplished  fact. 
The  foundations  in  international  life  have  been  laid  by  the  slow 
working  of  economic  and  social  causes ;  not  guided  by  the  con- 
scious will  of  man,  but  responding  and  logically  expressing  the 
deepest  needs  of  human  life. 

The  international  organization  of  today  respects  ethnic  enti- 
ties as  essential  forms  of  social  organization  within  their  proper 
limits,  just  as  the  modern  state  respects  the  autonomy  of  towns, 
provinces  and  member  states.  We  are  not  able  to  dispense  with 
the  psychic  unities  which  at  the  present  time  lie  back  of  sov- 
ereignty and  give  it  force.  While  the  internationalism  of  today 
looks  far  beyond  the  narrow  ideal  of  exclusive  and  independent 
national  sovereignty,  it  is  no  less  hostile  to  an  artificial  world 
state,  the  fruit  of  military  conquest,  forcing  upon  the  world  a 
rigid  uniformity,  a  dull  and  deadening  monotony.  Instead  of 
this,  it  would  develop  international  life  through  the  fostering  of 
actual  forces  that  manifest  themselves  and  secure  an  expression 
broader  than  national  life.  Where  men  are  impelled  to  co-operate, 
organizations  will  be  constructed  to  make  their  co-operation  easy 
and  regular.  Upon  this  foundation  the  great  meetings  of  the 
Hague  Conference  will  most  readily  be  successful  in  building  leg- 
islation and  adjudicature  of  world-wide  application.  Let  us  aban- 
don theoretical  construction.  We  shall  not  have  far  to  seek  for 
positive  interests,  in  all  the  many  occupations  of  human  life, 
which  feel  the  inherent  need  of  a  strong  international  organiza- 
tion. Building  up  from  the  ground,  we  shall  thus  erect  a  struc- 
ture upon  whose  unshaken  support  the  general  ideal  of  interna- 
tionalism may  be  reposed. 

The  development  we  are  considering  will  exercise  a  profound 
influence  upon  the  attitude  of  mankind  toward  war.  The  warlike 
spirit  presupposes  a  misunderstanding  of  the  aims  of  othei* 
nations.  How  can  we  key  up  ourselves  to  the  dread  purpose  of 
taking  the  life  of  fellow  beings,  unless  our  feelings  are  worked 
upon  by  the  idea  that  they  are  anti-religious,  despotic,  immoral, 


119 

cruel — in  a  word,  enemies  of  civilization?  But  will  such  designs 
be  conceived  by  a  merchant  against  those  with  whom  he  has  met 
in  an  international  body  discussing  the  interests  of  commerce 
and  industry?  Will  a  physician  desire  to  kill  the  sanitary  official 
of  another  nation  who  is  protecting  us  from  the  inroads  of  epi- 
demic and  plague?  Will  the  man  of  science  conceive  a  murderous 
desire  to  take  the  life  of  those  who  are  searching  for  the  truth  in 
the  laboratories  of  Germany  or  of  France?  War  becomes  crim- 
inal, a  perversion  of  humanity,  in  such  cases.  No  higher  ideal 
can  be  appealed  to  for  the  killing  of  those  with  whom  we  co-oper- 
ate for  the  ideals  of  humanity. 

The  older  pacifism  was  purely  negative  in  character.  It 
looked  upon  war  as  an  evil  being  to  be  combated  directly.  Yet 
war  is  only  the  symptom  of  a  general  condition  in  which  too 
great  emphasis  is  still  laid  upon  local  interests,  'It  is  evident  that 
the  only  effective  manner  to  remove  the  conditions  to  which  the 
occurrence  of  war  is  due  lies  in  the  building  up  of  an  international 
consciousness ;  but  such  a  consciousness  cannot  be  arrived  at  out 
of  nothing — there  must  be  back  of  it  a  development  of  a  real  unity 
of  interest  and  feeling.  We  must  realize  our  interdependence  in 
practical  affairs.  It  is  through  the  creation  of  international  organ- 
izations for  all  the  interests  of  human  life  that  a  positive  content 
of  the  feeling  of  a  common  humanity  is  being  provided.  The 
incentive  to  war  will  become  weaker  and  weaker  as  the  bonds  of 
community  between  nations  increase,  such  as  are  provided  by 
communication  agencies,  by  economic  and  industrial  ties  or  by 
scientific  co-operation.  How  intolerably  painful  will  be  the  ruth- 
less interruption  of  all  such  relations  and  activities !  There  are 
only  two  alternatives.  Either  the  ties  which  are  thus  being  created 
will  in  time  become  so  strong  that  no  nation  will  think  of  inter- 
rupting them  by  war,  or,  should  war  continue,  these  relations  will 
have  to  be  exempted  from  its  operations.  Such  an  exemption 
would  tend  to  confine  the  sufferings  and  dangers  of  war  more  and 
more,  and  would  thus  be  in  accord  with  the  dictates  of  humanity. 

Universal  co-operation  is  a  future  ideal.  The  v^rorld  is  full 
of  conditions  and  activities  in  which  nations  are  not  self-sufficing 
— in  which  we  instinctively  look  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the 
national  state.  The  nation  that  would  be  independent  in  isolation 
will  condemn  itself  to  be  a  Venezuela — will  cut  itself  and  its  citi- 


I20 

zens  off  from  the  advantages  of  civilization  to  which  all  human 
beings  are  entitled.  By  realizing  its  interdependence  with  the 
other  civilized  nations  of  the  world  it  will  only  strengthen  itself 
as  does  the  individual  who  plunges  with  full  energy  into  the  life 
of  his  society,  being  stimulated  thereby  and  having  all  his  facul- 
ties developed.  The  great  fact  that  the  world  is  a  unit  rests  upon 
the  underlying  conditions  of  modern  invention  and  science  which 
the  dictum  of  no  national  government  can  destroy.  International 
co-operation  points  the  only  way  in  which  humanity  may  con- 
tinue to  develop  without  wasting  its  energy  and  ultimately  falling 
prey  to  triumphant  militarism.  Between  such  alternatives  it  is 
not  difficult  to  choose,  but  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  humanity 
should  be  so  perverse  and  misguided  as  to  prefer  the  waste  and 
suffering  of  military  competition  to  the  joy  of  normal  activity — 
the  development  of  all  that  is  great  and  strong  through  interna- 
tional co-operation.  On  the  one  hand  lies  barbarism,  on  the  other 
the  hope  of  continued  progress. 

■) 

Dr.  Hirsch  : 

We  have  learned  just  now  that  our  internationalism  is  not 
meant  to  obliterate  nationalism.  The  nation  is  regarded  as  a 
means  to  an  end.  The  old  question  was  whether  men  as  individ- 
uals shall  develop  themselves  or  shall  obliterate  themselves.  There 
was  a  time  when  a  system  of  ethics  was  proclaimed  insisting  upon 
his  effacement.  The  modern  world  has  learned  to  know  that  he 
who  effaces  himself  renders  very  little  service  to  humanity,  and 
that  the  very  first  step  to  the  utility  of  many  is  to  develop  one's 
self  in  order  that  one  may  be  a  servant,  strong  and  capable  in  the 
work  of  the  community  when  occasions  shall  develop  themselves, 
but  in  their  development  shall  remember  that  they  should  be  fac- 
tors in  the  large  world  of  the  universe.  Now  the  modern  nation- 
alism of  this  positive  kind  has  to  learn  one  other  lesson :  national- 
ism generally  operates  with  the  idea  that  nations  must  be  of  one 
racial  texture.  They  have  invented  a  theory  of  race  for  which 
science  has  offered  no  proof,  and  they  have  told  us  that  the  des- 
tiny of  the  world  depends  upon  the  purity  of  certain  races.  The 
Germans  speak  of  the  Teutonic  racial  quality  and  they  believe  the 
German  nationality  is  involved  in  Teutonic  racial  distinction. 
And  the  others  speak  of  Slavonic  racial  affinities,  and  philosophize 


121 

about  the  civilization  that  is  inherent  in  the  Slavonic  racial  fiber. 

Of  course,  in  America  we  cannot  well  speak  of  an  American 
racial  fiber,  for  the  present  American  nation  is  really  a  nation  of 
foreigners.  If  we  were  Americans  simply,  all  of  us  here  of  white 
color  would  have  to  acknowledge  that  we  are  intruders  here  in 
this  land. 

Still  others  even  in  America  now  have  set  up  the  cry  that 
the  foreigner  must  be  kept  out,  though  we  are  all  foreigners,  and 
it  all  depends  only  upon  the  degree  in  which  we  are  removed  from 
the  original  foreigner  from  whose  loins  we  have  sprung.  But 
still  we  speak  of  an  American  race  and  look  askance  at  others 
whose  type  of  Americanism  is  perhaps  just  as  good  as  our  own, 
simply  because  in  some  cases  the  nose  has  a  certain  curvature  and 
in  the  other  cases  the  skin  has  a  certain  tinge.  (Laughter  and 
applause.) 

And  then  we  have  developed  the  theory  of  the  white  man's 
burden,  and  generally  the  white  man's  burden  is  not  to  lift  up ; 
it  is  but  to  put  a  very  heavy  load  on  the  others  (laughter  and 
applause),  and  the  others  have  to  carry  the  white  man's  burden. 

We  must  get  out  of  narrow  nationalism  which  does  not  oblit- 
erate the  destinies  of  the  nation,  which  does  not  interfere  with 
the  independence  of  the  nation,  but  leaves  the  independence  to  the 
high  potency  of  interdependence;  and  then  we  must  get  up  out 
of  our  racialism,  and  while  we  must  acknowledge  that  there  are 
certain  distinctions,  distinctions  which  are  perhaps  essential  and 
not  accidental,  still  we  must  get  out  of  this  one-sided  racial  pre- 
sumption of  the  endowing  one  race  with  all  the  virtues  and  charg- 
ing one  race  with  all  the  vices ;  and  we  must  leave  out  our  racial 
unities  to  the  potencies  of  inter-racial  co-operation.    (Applause.) 

And  it  affords  me  great  pleasure  to  present  to  you,  ladies  and 
gentlemen,  Mr.  H.  T.  Kealing,  Nashville,  Tennessee.  He  is  not 
colored,  but  he  was  born  that  way.    (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Racial  Progress  Towards  Universal   Peace 
H.  T.  Kealing. 

No  government  today  is  homogeneous  as  to  race  varieties 
that  owe  it  allegiance.  Name  and  nation  no  longer  have  a  single 
ethnic  meaning. 


122 

An  American  may  never  have  seen  America ;  an  English  sub- 
ject may  never  have  seen  an  EngHshman;  a  French  subject  may 
not  understand  a  word  of  French;  a  German  subject  know  no 
German  ;  yet  in  each  case  all  are  one  in  government.  As  in  race, 
so  in  religion ;   within  each  nation  are  many  diverse  faiths. 

England  extends  sway  over  Hindoo,  Arabian,  Negro,  Egyp- 
tian ;  Russia  has  Cossack,  Lap,  Finn  and  Mongol  in  her  family ; 
France,  Negro  and  Malagasy ;  Germany,  the  Ethiopian ;  while 
America  extends  its  aegis  over  Filipino,  Hawaiian,  Indian,  and, 
with  true  Yankee  originality,  imports  its  African  bodily  to  the 
United  States  and  then  puts  a  prohibitive  tariff  on  wool.  It  must 
be  evident,  therefore,  that  since  a  national  entity  is  often  a  racial 
congeries  of  varying  advancement,  a  psychic  constitution,  religion 
and  custom,  internal  harmony,  understanding  and  good  will  are 
no  less  necessary  to  the  strength,  happiness  and  peace  of  a  nation 
than  harmonious  adjustment  of  its  international  relations. 

I  am  well  aware  that  the  direct  work  and  purpose  of  this 
great  organization  is  to  promote  peace  by  arbitration  between 
nations  and  not  within  nations ;  but  while  the  latter  is  without  the 
province  of  formal  consideration,  international  morals  must  look 
with  sympathy  upon  the  coming  of  peace  and  good  will  between 
the  race  elements  within  the  nation  also,  because  the  larger  aim 
of  all  altruism  is  for  righteousness  everywhere,  within  as  well  as 
without. 

What  will  it  profit  civilization  if  Russia  and  Japan  arbitrate 
while  Slav  slays  Russian  Jew?  or  to  stay  the  sword  of  Ottoman 
against  Servian,  if  the  Armenian  is  butchered  in  thousands  by 
maddened  Turks?  or  England  to  adjust  her  interests  peacefully 
with  Germany,  while  India  breaks  forth  in  another  Sepoy  rebel- 
lion? Futile  achievement  indeed  would  it  be  to  bring  peace 
between  thrones  and  let  anarchy  work  unhindered  in  the  homes 
of  the  land. 

Such  internecine  strife  (and  who  understands  it  better  than 
we?)  resembles  nothing  so  much  as  the  old  duels  that  used  to  be 
fought  by  deadly  enemies  in  a  dark  room. 

The  two  adversaries  are  placed  on  opposite  sides  of  the 
room,  bowie  knives  in  hand ;  the  light  is  withdrawn,  the  door  is 
locked  and  they  are  left  alone.  There  they  stand,  half  crouching, 
with  every  sense  abnormally  alert ;    then  they  stealthily  begin  to 


123 

creep  about  in  search  of  each  other.  A  slight  sound  is  heard ; 
both  kmge  forward  with  bHnd  but  murderous  stroke.  They  elude 
each  other  perhaps  for  hours,  but  they  must  meet  at  last,  and 
then — loud  imprecations,  a  scuffling,  two  heavy  falls,  and  all  is 
still.  Admonished  by  the  silence,  friends  throw  open  the  door, 
and  the  bloodless,  lifeless  bodies  of  two  brothers  who  had  been 
producers  and  constructive  forces  in  the  community  lie  prostrate 
on  the  floor;  or  perhaps  one  crawls  forth  slashed,  maimed  and 
conscience-stricken  for  life,  to  apologize  for  the  brutal  thing  his 
friends  tell  him  is  a  victory.  How  long  shall  such  gruesome 
tragedies  be  enacted  beneath  the  same  government  roof,  between 
brothers  whose  casus  belli  is  an  esthetic  dispute  over  the  dye  in  a 
pigment  cell? 

No  greater  wonder  has  happened  on  earth  than  the  conquests 
of  the  peace  sentiment  during  the  last  century.  It  has  ridden  over 
jousting  war-lords  till,  extricating  themselves  from  their  Don 
Quixotic  misfortunes,  they  have  come  ambling  in  on  war-horses 
turned  to  palfreys ;  it  has  sent  battleships,  like  merchantmen,  to 
carry  grain  to  the  famished  of  sister  nations ;  it  has  set  san- 
guinary soldiers  to  pitching  hospital  tents  for  the  plague-stricken ; 
it  has  lifted  the  red  cross  above  the  red  field  and  made  litters  of 
crossed  muskets ;  it  has  made  conquering  generals  refuse  a 
Caesarian  triumph,  and  cry  from  highest  civic  seat,  "Let  us  have 
peace !"  But  no  glory  has  been  greater  than  the  reflex  influence 
this  international  movement  has  exerted  in  abating  race  and  class 
hatred  among  the  factions  and  sections  of  a  common  country. 

There  never  were  so  many  men  pleading  for  fraternalism 
among  compatriots  as  now ;  most  of  them  led  to  their  mood  by 
the  paths  of  international  peace. 

If  any  one  is  surprised  at  this  domestic  effect  of  international 
peace  movements,  it  is  because  he  has  not  realized  the  unity  of 
moral  improvement.  Peace  between  any  two  helps  peace  between 
every  two ;  peace  abroad  spreads  peace  at  home.  Righteousness  can 
neither  be  kept  abroad  nor  confined  at  home.  It  is  the  true  citizen 
of  the  world,  and  is  as  elusive  of  localization  and  decanting  as 
gravity  or  ether.  It  knows  no  lines  of  distinction  such  as  national 
and  international ;   it  is  simply  for  men. 

International  arbitration  for  international  diflferences  is  a 
certainty  in  the  near  future.    It  is  being  surely  brought  about  by 


124 

the  growing  altruism  and  the  more  and  more  refined  ethical  per- 
ceptions and  sensibilities  of  the  world. 

This  is  altogether  a  triumph  of  morals  and  religion.  There 
has  been  no  other  achieving  power  save  conscience.  This  alone 
is  leading  the  people  to  seek  redress  through  the  open  doors  of 
the  temple  of  Justice  rather  than  through  those  of  Janus.  But 
when  the  consummation  shall  be  attained,  will  that  alone  bring 
peace  to  our  homes  and  prosperity  to  our  hearths?  No.  Shall 
we  have  banished  that  equally  brutal  but  more  subtle  specter  from 
our  land — race  conflict  and  race  hatred  ?  No.  When  Latin  state 
and  Teuton  nation  shall  no  longer  strive,  shall  Latin  or  Teuton 
nation  be  at  peace  with  itself  ?  No.  What  then  ?  This  is  the  next 
work — intranational  peace.  We  must  learn  to  love,  respect,  help 
and  encourage  every  class,  clan  and  color  of  men ;  to  believe  in 
the  equal  rights  of  all  men,  without  physical  qualification  as  to 
races  any  more  than  as  to  men  of  the  same  race. 

Men  are  more  alike  than  they  look.  Most  race  problems  are 
things  of  surface,  convention  or  cultivation.  Hate  is  no  more 
innate  than  love ;  neither  exists  till  it  has  been  given  beginning. 
Radical  religious  differences  intensify  race  problems.  With  these, 
as  well  as  race  variations,  England,  Russia,  Turkey  and  other 
European  governments  have  to  deal.  We  in  America  are  largely 
spared  that  element  of  discord  and  that  simplifies  our  problem 
mightily. 

We  find  our  situation  as  to  the  Negro  race  element  caused  by 
the  initial  inconsistency  of  engrafting  slavery  upon  free  institu- 
tions, and  of  framing  a  constitution  recognizing  human  servitude 
in  the  face  of  a  declaration  that  all  men  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

The  way  out  is  by  retracing  our  steps,  and  this  we  have 
begun ;  indeed,  we  have  gone  a  long  way  on  the  backward  track 
already  and  are  now  ready  to  start  right  once  more.  By  general 
education  and  the  doctrine  of  human  brotherhood  we  shall  arrive. 
Laggards  there  may  be  and  reluctant  travelers  in  the  way,  but  our 
guides  are  true  and  the  lettering  is  plain :  "This  way  out."  Our 
Indian  problems  are  the  heritage  of  our  early  violence  with  the 
native  American.  The  moral  development  of  those  early  days 
made  any  means  seem  right  in  attaining  what  was  plainly  a 
desirable  end ;   but  that  this  reasoning  was  at  fault,  and  that  all 


125 

we  have  might  have  been  gained  without  injustice,  is  shown  by 
the  present  greatness  of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania, 
secured  by  the  just  and  peaceful  negotiations  of  William  Penn 
with  the  Indians.  With  our  moral  growth  have  come  juster  meth- 
ods with  the  Indians  and,  in  consequence,  friendlier  feeling.  This 
nation,  now  in  {\ux,  must  become  confluent  in  the  common  patriot- 
ism, common  interests,  common  aims,  common  ideals  and  inter- 
dependence of  all  its  units,  racial  and  sectional. 

Americans  all,  we  must  learn  to  give  as  well  as  take ;  con- 
cede as  well  as  claim  ;  delimit  boundaries  as  well  as  extend  them ; 
nor  should  it  be  in  the  heart  of  any  to  see  any  man  fixed  in  an 
inferiority  that  is  removable. 

I  see  increasing  evidence  of  this  desirable  change  in  the 
American  mind  every  day,  and  I  believe  much  of  it  comes  as  a 
plain  corollary  to  the  proposition  that  justice,  with  peace,  should 
rule  out  strife  and  bloodshed  among  nations.  Righteousness  is 
the  basis  of  the  international  Peace  Movement ;  it  is  no  less  the 
basis  of  the  inter-racial  peace  movement.  Under  this  beneficent 
principle  there  are  no  weak  and  no  strong ;  only  the  right  and  the 
wrong.  Righteousness  is  fundamental,  ultimate  and  knows  no 
moods.  It  is  as  indivisible  as  an  atom.  No  nation  can  consist- 
ently take  a  righteous  attitude  towards  another  without  also  tak- 
ing it  towards  all  parts  of  its  own.  The  common  sense  of  the 
American  people  sees  this  and  their  conscience  approves  it ;  hence 
it  is  that  this  international  movement  has  been  the  mightiest  moral 
force  of  the  century  for  domestic  peace  also.  It  has  come  by 
induction,  and  it  appeals  to  men  by  easy  suggestion. 

Is  there  any  evidence,  you  ask,  that  an  awakened  conscience  is 
making  for  racial  peace  within  the  nations?  I  think  so.  It  was 
the  sense  of  our  inconsistency  in  founding  a  land  of  liberty  and 
then  binding  millions  to  slavery  in  it  that  brought  emancipation ; 
it  was  the  standing  rebuke  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence  to 
the  prevailing  thought  that  some  men  had  no  rights  that  others 
were  bound  to  respect,  that  enacted  laws  respecting  those  rights.  In 
our  own  day  we  see  the  workings  of  the  world's  conscience  in  many 
ways.  The  Congo  Free  State  atrocities  are  everywhere  denounced ; 
there  is  a  growing  boldness  in  denouncing  internal  lawlessness  in 
any  country ;    a  greater  willingness  to  educate  the  under  man ; 


126 

a  stronger  disposition  to  administer  laws  in  their  true  spirit  of 
impartiality. 

It  is  to  be  seen  in  our  gratuitous  chaperoning  of  Cuba;  our 
friendly  guidance  of  San  Dominican  finances ;  the  review  of  the 
black  soldiers'  case  in  equity;  the  increased  appropriations  for 
both  primary  and  secondary  schools  for  Negroes ;  the  acceptance 
by  a  representative  Southern  educator  of  the  management  of  the 
Jeanes  Fund ;  the  co-operation  of  patriotic  Southern  men  with 
the  Southern  Education  Board ;  and  in  a  score  of  other  instances. 
Tennessee  has  just  appropriated  $20,000  for  a  Negro  normal  and 
industrial  school ;  Kansas  has  given  $67,000  to  a  college  under 
Negro  management;  Alabama  appropriates  public  funds  to  three 
Negro  normal  schools.  Everywhere  are  to  be  found  men  in  the 
South  to  stand  against  the  reactionaries.  Mississippi  has  its  Gal- 
loway ;  Louisiana,  its  Ouincy  Ewing ;  Georgia,  its  Chancellor 
Hill ;  Alabama,  its  Hobson ;  Virginia,  its  Mitchell,  x^lmost  faster 
than  we  can  realize,  a  respectable,  rising,  progressive,  property- 
holding  class  of  Negroes  is  being  met  with  friendly  hand-shakes 
from  fair-minded  and  clear-speaking  men  of  the  other  race  who 
want  to  stand  out  of  a  struggling  people's  sunshine.  I  believe 
these  men  are  rising  in  response  to  that  growing  national  spirit 
which  is  a  legitimate  by-product  of  the  world  movement  for  which 
you  stand.  Almost  every  one  of  them  is  an  advocate  of  inter- 
national peace  by  arbitration. 

What  if  there  are  thousands  not  yet  reached  by  these  better 
influences?  Is  it  wise  to  stop  the  revival  because  there  are  sin- 
ners present?  It  takes  time  to  do  things.  Progress  is  the  thing 
we  praise ;  let  it  continue.  It  need  not  reach  complete  entelechy 
in  my  day  or  yours ;  it  is  certain  it  will  not ;  but  why  should  it  ? 
Every  day  and  any  day  is  God's  day.  Time  is  simply  His  account- 
ant whose  computations  do  not  create  the  business  He  books.  It 
is  well  to  get  a  good  day's  work  from  the  accountant,  but  the  firm 
will  not  fail  if  he  should  oversleep  himself.  I  speak  here  a  little 
more  at  length  of  the  relations  of  the  races  in  America  than  else- 
where, not  because  our  internal  peace  is  more  important  than 
others,  but  because  our  questions  are  typical  of  all,  and  because  a 
larger  body  of  diverse  races  is  affected,  perhaps.  I  find  that  the 
remarkable  business  growth  of  the  Negro,  leading  to  increased 
business  contact  with  the  white  man,  is  bringing  about  closer  and 


127 

friendlier  feelings.  Not  long  ago,  in  my  town,  I  went  down  to 
the  Negro  bank  in  which  I  deposit,  and  found  this  notice  on  the 
door:  "Holiday:  Closed  by  Clearing  House  Agreement."  When 
before  this  day  did  the  Negro  ever  do  anything  by  clearing  house 
agreement  ?    It  is  significant  of  the  new  relation. 

We  do  not  all  know  what  a  change  is  coming  over  the  spirit 
of  the  land.  There  is  a  clearer  and  more  philosophical  apprecia- 
tion of  the  true  grounds  for  universal  education.  There  is  a 
growing  tendency  towards  larger  appropriations  for  public 
schools.  The  old  idea,  recently  exploited  so  loudly,  that  Negro 
education  is  a  burden  upon  the  white  people,  is  not  so  often  heard 
now.  Indeed,  it  has  remained  for  a  southern  superintendent  of 
education,  in  a  state  where  some  of  the  most  serious  race  riots 
have  occurred,  to  advance  the  argument,  backed  by  figures,  that 
the  Negro  is  no  burden  at  all,  but  is  paying  for  his  own  education. 
Taking  into  account  the  property  and  poll  tax  paid  by  the  Negro, 
his  share  of  the  railroad  and  corporation  taxes,  and  of  the  per- 
manent school  fund,  he  finds  that  the  Negro  pays  in  more  than 
he  gets. 

The  South  is  spending  $32,068,851  on  her  public  schools; 
$4,736,375  of  this  is  for  Negro  education.  This  is  only  14.8  per 
cent,  while  the  Negro  constitutes  40  per  cent  of  the  total  popula- 
tion of  the  states  considered — Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Texas,  Arkansas  and  Tennessee. 

In  the  three  states  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
where  complete  separate  statistics  are  kept,  the  following  taxes 
paid  by  the  Negro  and  the  educational  appropriations  made  to 
him  shows  that  he  receives  less  than  he  pays : 


Virginia 

Negro  taxes  $507^305 

Negro  appropriation 489,228 

Tax  excess $  18,077 


128 

North  Carolina 

Negro  taxes $429,197 

Negro  appropriation 402,658 

Tax  excess $  26,539 

Georgia 

Negro  taxes $647,852 

Negro  appropriation 506,170 


Tax  excess $141,682 


Such  figures  as  these  will  go  a  long  way  to  prevent  the  sep- 
aration of  taxes  on  race  lines,  as  has  been  proposed. 

The  individual  instances  of  the  increasing  friendliness  be- 
tween races  are  numerous.  Just  two  weeks  ago  the  agent  of  the 
Carnegie  Hero  Fund  was  called  to  a  Southern  town  by  its  white 
citizens  to  investigate  the  claims  of  a  Negro  to  a  medal  for  heroic 
action.  In  Nashville  last  week  a  Negro  was  followed  to  the  grave 
by  a  company  of  Confederate  Veterans  who  fired  a  military  salute 
over  his  body  as  it  was  lowered  to  its  last  resting  place. 

What  think  you  of  these  words :  "Mr.  Speaker,  I  saw  black 
men  on  San  Juan  Hill.  I  have  seen  them  before  Manila.  A  black 
man  took  my  father,  wounded,  from  the  field  of  Chancellorsville. 
Black  men  remained  on  my  father's  plantation  after  the  proclama- 
tion of  emancipation  and  took  care  of  my  mother  and  grand- 
mother. The  white  man  is  supreme  in  this  country;  he  will 
remain  supreme.  That  makes  it  only  the  more  imperative  that 
he  should  give  absolute  justice  to  the  black  man,  and  we  ought 
not  to  make  a  party  measure  of  this." 

This  is  the  deliverance  of  a  southern  congressman  on  the 
floor  of  Congress  amid  the  applause  of  his  fellows.  But  why 
multiply  instances?  In  the  midst  of  much  that  is  to  be  depre- 
cated, the  significant  fact  is  that  the  good  is  growing  and  the  bad 
is  waning.    But  best  of  all,  this  race  peace  is  a  universal  tendency. 

Sir  Henry  Johnson,  English  governor  of  a  colony  in  West 
Africa,  and  Lord  Selborne,  commissioner  in  South  Africa,  are 


129 

reported  as  speaking  out  bravely  for  the  native  and  expressing 
faith  in  his  future. 

Nor  is  this  tendency  confined  to  the  case  of  the  black  man; 
no  such  pent-up  Utica  should  contract  our  vision  in  this  matter. 
China  was  protected  from  partition  and  spoliation  by  Caucasian 
people ;  Japan  receives  full  honor  for  its  progressiveness  from 
white  nations ;  Filipinos  are  sustained  in  their  efforts  to  attain 
self-government  and  given  participation  in  local  affairs ;  restricted 
suffrage  is  given  to  some  of  the  natives  of  South  Africa.  Do  not 
these  things  mean  better  race  conditions?  If  not,  what  do  they 
mean? 

I  know,  as  regards  our  own  country  and  our  own  problems, 
there  are  some  of  both  races  who  lose  sight  of  the  good  to  rail  at 
the  bad.  But  is  this  wise  ?  Is  it  helpful  ?  Is  it  in  the  spirit  of  love  ? 
It  is  never  wise  to  make  it  hard  for  a  man  to  do  one  right  thing 
because  he  does  not  agree  to  do  all  things  right.  Nations  must 
have  time  to  grow  in  grace. 

There  will  always  be  pessimists  who  gaze  gloomily  at  the 
hole  in  the  doughnut ;  but  there  will  be  also  optimists  to  fix  their 
gratified  eyes  on  the  doughnut  itself.  It  is  well  so.  As  with  us, 
so  with  others.  Every  nation  has  its  ethnic  problems,  but  the 
extirpation  of  war  between  nations  will  hasten  the  time,  by 
quickening  the  desire,  for  brotherhood  among  races. 

In  the  days  to  come,  when  the  old  man  of  Russia,  now  garbed 
as  a  peasant  and  sitting  by  the  bank  waiting  for  the  last  boat, 
shall  be  crowned  with  laurel  and  olive  for  teaching  that  men 
should  not  fight ;  and  when,  of  all  that  money  has  ever  wrought, 
the  Temple  of  Peace  raised  in  Holland  by  the  munificence  of  one 
who  has  caught  the  long-sought  secret  of  transmuting  iron  to 
gold  and  gold  to  true  glory,  shall  tower  above  every  other  fane 
on  earth,  because  men  love  each  other  and  worship  peace;  then 
shall  sons  stir  uneasily  as  they  hear  the  war-like  deeds  of  their 
sires  recited,  and  shall  say,  "They  wrought  in  the  twilight,  but  we 
in  the  full  day." 

Then  shall  the  American  nation,  forgetting  the  apostasy  of 
barnyard  struggles  for  prey,  like  a  mighty  Dantean  eagle  on  lofty 
wings,  hover  above  all  the  weak  and  defenseless  of  earth  and 
drop  the  white  plumes  of  peace  among  them  and  their  foes. 


I30 

War  and  Manhood 

President  David  Starr  Jordan. 

Schiller  a  hundred  years  ago  gave  the  text  for  my  discourse, 
"Ja,  der  Krieg  verschlingt  immer  die  Besten."  ("Ever  the  war 
devours  the  best.")  It  is  through  selection  that  all  race  progress 
comes.    War  means  always  the  reversal  of  selection. 

It  is  recognized  that  the  blood  of  a  nation  in  a  large  degree 
determines  its  history.  Knowing  the  nature  of  a  race  we  can  fore- 
cast its  achievements.  The  Saxon  will  make  Saxon  history  wher- 
ever he  goes,  the  Jew  will  make  Jewish  history,  and  the  Negro 
wherever  he  goes  will  do  deeds  after  his  kind. 

I  wish  to  show  that  in  similar  fashion  the  history  of  a  nation 
determines  its  blood.  The  word  "blood"  in  this  sense  is  a  figure 
of  speech,  meaning  heredity,  for  we  know  that  the  basis  of  hered- 
ity is  in  germ  plasm  and  not  in  literal  blood.  But  the  old  word 
will  serve  our  purposes.  The  blood  which  is  thicker  than  water 
is  the  expression  for  race  unity.  The  nature  of  a  race  is  deter- 
mined by  the  qualities  of  those  of  its  members  who  leave  offspring. 
If  any  class  of  men  is  destroyed  by  the  action  of  social  or  political 
forces,  these  leave  no  offspring,  and  their  kind  in  time  fails  to 
appear. 

In  a  herd  of  cattle,  to  destroy  the  strongest  bulls,  the  fairest 
cows,  the  most  promising  calves,  is  to  leave  the  others  to  become 
the  parents  of  the  coming  herd.  This  we  call  degeneration,  and  it 
is  the  only  kind  of  race  degeneration  we  know,  yet  the  scrawny, 
lean,  infertile  herd  which  results  is  of  the  same  type  as  its  actual 
parents.  If  on  the  other  hand  we  sell  or  destroy  the  rough  calves, 
the  lean,  poor,  or  ineffective,  we  shall  have  a  herd  descended  from 
the  best.  These  facts  are  the  basis  of  selective  breeding,  "the 
magician's  wand"  which  summons  up  any  form  of  animal  or  plant 
useful  to  man  or  pleasing  to  his  fancy. 

The  same  facts  are  fundamental  in  human  history.  Viewed 
in  the  large  sense,  a  race  of  men  is  essentially  like  a  herd  of  ani- 
mals. If  similar  processes  are  followed  its  nature  is  changed  in 
the  same  way  and  the  same  degree. 

The  only  way  in  which  any  race  as  a  whole  has  improved  has 
been  through  its  preservation  of  its  best  and  the  loss  of  its  worst 


131 

examples.  The  condition  which  favors  this  is  democracy,  equality 
before  the  law,  the  condition  which  equalizes  opportunity  and 
gives  each  man  the  right  to  stand  or  fall  on  the  powers  God  has 
given  him. 

The  only  race  decline  ever  known  is  that  produced  by  those 
forces  which  destroy  the  best,  leaving  for  the  fathers  of  the  future 
those  who  could  not  be  used  in  the  business  of  war  or  in  that  of 
colonization. 

Degeneracy  of  the  individual  is  quite  another  thing,  and  has 
its  own  series  of  causes.  But  such  degeneracy  is  not  inherited. 
Unless  entangled  in  the  meshes  of  disease,  every  child  is  free  born, 
the  son  of  what  his  father  and  mother  ought  to  have  been.  Neither 
education,  indolence,  nor  oppression  can  be  inherited.  They 
affect  the  individual  life,  but  they  cannot  tarnish  the  blood. 

In  the  early  days,  when  Romans  were  men,  when  Rome  was 
small,  without  glory,  without  riches,  without  colonies  and  without 
slaves,  these  were  the  days  of  Roman  greatness. 

Then  the  spirit  of  freedom  little  by  little  gave  way  to  the 
spirit  of  domination.  Conscious  of  power,  men  sought  to  exercise 
it,  not  on  themselves  but  on  one  another.  Little  by  little,  this 
meant  banding  together,  aggression,  suppression,  plunder,  strug- 
gle, glory  and  all  that  goes  with  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of 
war.  The  individuality  of  men  was  lost  in  the  aggrandizement  of 
the  few.  Independence  was  swallowed  up  in  ambition,  patriotism 
came  to  have  a  new  meaning.  It  was  transferred  from  the  hearth 
and  home  to  the  trail  of  the  army. 

It  does  not  matter  to  us  now  what  were  the  details  of  the 
subsequent  history  of  Rome.  We  have  now  to  consider  only  a 
single  factor.  In  science  this  factor  is  known  as  "reversal  of  selec- 
tion." "Send  forth  the  best  ye  breed !"  That  was  the  word  of  the 
Roman  war-call.  And  the  spirit  of  domination  took  these  words 
literally,  and  the  best  were  sent  forth.  In  the  conquests  of  Rome, 
Vir,  the  real  man,  went  forth  to  battle  and  to  the  work  of  foreign 
invasion ;  Homo,  the  human  being,  remained  in  the  farm  and  the 
workshop  and  begat  the  new  generations.  Thus  "Vir  gave  place 
to  Homo."  The  sons  of  real  men  gave  place  to  the  sons  of  scul- 
lions, stable  boys,  slaves,  camp  followers,  and  the  riff-raff  of  those 
the  great  victorious  army  does  not  want. 

The  fall  of  Rome  was  not  due  to  luxury,  effeminacy,  corrup- 


132 

tion,  the  wickedness  of  Nero  and  Caligula,  the  weakness  of  the 
train  of  Constantine's  worthless  descendants.  It  was  fixed  at 
Philippi,  when  the  spirit  of  domination  was  victorious  over  the 
spirit  of  freedom.  It  was  fixed  still  earlier,  in  the  rise  of  consuls 
and  triumvirates  and  the  fall  of  the  simple,  sturdy,  self-sufficient 
race  who  would  brook  no  arbitrary  ruler.  When  the  real  men  fell 
in  war,  or  were  left  in  far-away  colonies,  the  life  of  Rome  still 
went  on.  But  it  was  a  different  type  of  Roman  which  continued, 
and  this  new  type  repeated  in  Roman  history  its  weakling  par- 
entage. 

Thus  we  read  in  Roman  history  the  rise  of  the  mob  and  of 
the  emperor  who  is  the  mob's  exponent.  It  is  not  the  presence  of 
the  emperor  which  makes  imperialism.  It  is  the  absence  of  the 
people,  the  want  of  men.  Babies  in  their  day  have  been  emperors. 
A  wooden  image  would  serve  the  same  purpose.  More  than 
once  it  has  served  it.  The  decline  of  a  people  can  have  but  one 
cause :  the  decline  in  the  type  from  which  it  draws  its  sires.  A 
herd  of  cattle  can  deteriorate  in  no  other  way  than  this,  and  a 
race  of  men  is  under  the  same  laws.  By  the  rise  in  absolute 
power,  as  a  sort  of  historical  barometer,  we  may  mark  the  decline 
in  the  breed  of  the  people.  We  see  this  in  the  history  of  Rome. 
The  conditional  power  of  Julius  Caesar,  resting  on  his  own  tre- 
mendous personality,  showed  that  the  days  were  past  of  Cincin- 
natus  and  of  Junius  Brutus.  The  power  of  Augustus  showed  the 
same.  But  the  decline  went  on.  It  is  written  that  "the  little  finger 
of  Constantine  was  thicker  than  the  loins  of  Augustus."  The 
emperor  in  the  time  of  Claudius  and  Caligula  was  not  the  strong 
man  who  held  in  check  all  lesser  men  and  organizations.  He  was 
the  creature  of  the  mob,  and  the  mob,  intoxicated  with  its  own 
work,  worshiped  him  as  divine.  Doubtless  the  last  emperor, 
Augustulus  Romulus,  before  he  was  thrown  into  the  scrap-heap 
of  history,  was  regarded  in  the  mob's  eyes  and  his  own  as  the 
most  godlike  of  them  all. 

What  have  the  historians  to  say  of  these  matters  ?  Very  few 
have  grasped  the  full  significance  of  their  own  words,  for  very 
few  have  looked  on  men  as  organisms,  and  on  nations  as  depend- 
ent on  the  specific  character  of  the  organisms  destined  for  their 
reproduction. 

So  far  as  I  know,  Benjamin  Franklin  was  the  first  to  think 


133 

of  man  thus  as  an  inhabitant,  a  species  in  nature  among  other 
species,  and  dependent  on  nature's  forces  as  other  animals  and 
other  inhabitants  must  be. 

Franklin  said: 

"If  one  power  singly  were  to  reduce  its  standing  army  it 
would  be  instantly  overrun  by  other  nations.  Yet  I  think  there 
is  one  effect  of  a  standing  army  which  must  in  time  be  felt  so  as 
to  bring  about  the  abolition  of  the  system.  A  standing  army  not 
only  diminishes  the  population  of  a  country,  but  even  the  size  and 
breed  of  the  human  species.  For  an  army  is  the  flower  of  the 
nation.  All  the  most  vigorous,  stout  and  well-made  men  in  a 
kingdom  are  to  be  found  in  the  army,  and  these  men  in  general 
cannot  marry." 

What  is  true  of  standing  armies  is  far  more  true  of  armies 
that  fight  and  fall,  for,  as  Franklin  said  again,  "Wars  are  not 
paid  for  in  war  times ;  the  bill  comes  later." 

In  Otto  Seeck's  great  history  of  "The  Downfall  of  the 
Ancient  World"  ("Der  Untergang  der  Antiken  Welt"),  he  finds 
this  downfall  due  solely  to  the  rotting  out  of  the  best  ("Die  Aus- 
rottung  der  Besten").  The  historian  of  the  "Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  Roman  Empire"  or  any  other  empire  is  engaged  solely  with 
the  details  of  the  process  by  which  the  best  men  are  exterminated. 
Speaking  of  Greece,  Dr.  Seeck  says,  "A  wealth  of  force  of  spirit 
went  down  in  the  suicidal  wars."  "In  Rome,  Marius  and  Cinna 
slew  the  aristocrats  by  hundreds  and  thousands.  Sulla  destroyed 
the  democrats,  and  not  less  thoroughly.  Whatever  of  strong  blood 
survived,  fell  as  an  offering  to  the  proscription  of  the  Trium- 
virate." "The  Romans  had  less  of  spontaneous  force  to  lose  than 
the  Greeks.  Thus  desolation  came  to  them  sooner.  Whoever 
was  bold  enough  to  rise  politically  in  Rome  was  almost  without 
exception  thrown  to  the  ground.  Only  cowards  remained,  and 
from  their  brood  came  forward  the  new  generations.  Cowardice 
showed  itself  in  lack  of  originality  and  in  slavish  following  of 
masters  and  traditions." 

The  Romans  of  the  Republic  could  not  have  made  the  his- 
tory of  the  Roman  Empire.  In  their  hands  it  would  have  been 
still  a  republic.  Could  they  have  held  aloof  from  w^orld-conquer- 
ing  schemes,  Rome  might  have  remained  a  republic,  enduring 


u  134 

even  to  our  own  day.  The  seeds  of  destruction  lie  not  in  the 
race  nor  in  the  form  of  government,  but  in  the  influences  by  which 
the  best  men  are  cut  off  from  the  work  of  parenthood. 

"The  Roman  Empire,"  says  Seeley,  "perished  for  want  of 
men."  The  dire  scarcity  of  men  is  noted  even  by  JuHus  Csesar. 
And  at  the  same  time  it  is  noted  that  there  are  men  enough.  Rome 
was  fining  up  Hke  an  overflowing  marsh.  Men  of  a  certain  type 
were  plenty,  "people  with  guano  in  their  composition,"  to  use 
Emerson's  striking  phrase,  but  the  self-reliant  farmers,  the  hardy 
dwellers  on  the  flanks  of  the  Apennines,  the  Roman  men  of  the 
early  Roman  days,  these  were  fast  going,  and  with  the  change  in 
the  breed  came  the  change  in  Roman  history. 

"The  mainspring  of  the  Roman  army  for  centuries  had  been 
the  patient  strength  and  courage,  capacity  for  enduring  hardships, 
instinctive  submission  to  military  discipline  of  the  population  that 
lined  the  Apennines." 

With  the  Antonines  came  "a  period  of  sterility  and  barren- 
ness in  human  beings."  "The  human  harvest  was  bad."  Bounties 
were  offered  for  marriage.  Penalties  were  devised  against  race 
suicide.  "Marriage,"  says  Metellus,  "is  a  duty  which,  however 
painful,  every  citizen  ought  manfully  to  discharge."  Wars  were 
conducted  in  the  face  of  a  declining  birth  rate,  and  this  decline  in 
quality  and  quantity  of  the  human  harvest  engaged  very  early 
the  attention  of  the  wise  men  of  Rome. 

"The  effect  of  the  wars  was  that  the  ranks  of  the  small 
farmers  were  decimated,  while  the  number  of  slaves  who  did  not 
serve  in  the  army  multiplied." 

Thus  "Vir  gave  place  to  Homo,"  real  men  to  mere  human 
beings.  There  were  always  men  enough  such  as  they  were.  "A 
hencoop  will  be  filled,  whatever  the  (original)  number  of  hens," 
said  Benjamin  Franklin.  And  thus  the  mob  filled  Rome.  No 
wonder  the  mob  leader,  the  mob  hero,  rose  in  relative  importance. 
No  wonder  "the  little  finger  of  Constantine  was  thicker  than  the 
loins  of  Augustus."  No  wonder  that  "if  Tiberius  chastised  his 
subjects  with  whips,  Valentinian  chastised  them  with  scorpions." 

"Government  having  assumed  godhead,  took  at  the  same  time 
the  appurtenances  of  it.  Officials  multiplied.  Subjects  lost  their 
rights.  Abject  fear  paralyzed  the  people  and  those  that  ruled 
were  intoxicated  with  insolence  and  cruelty."     "The  worst  gov- 


135 

ernment  is  that  which  is  most  worshiped  as  divine."  "The  emperor 
possessed  in  the  army  an  overwhelming  force  over  which  citizens 
had  no  influence,  which  was  totally  deaf  to  reason  or  eloquence, 
which  had  no  patriotism  because  it  had  no  country,  which  had  no 
humanity  because  it  had  no  domestic  ties."  "There  runs  through 
Roman  literature  a  brigand's  and  a  barbarian's  contempt  for  hon- 
est industry."  "Roman  civilization  was  not  a  creative  kind;  it 
was  military — that  is,  destructive."  What  was  the  end  of  it  all? 
The  nation  bred  real  men  no  more.  To  cultivate  the  Roman  fields 
"whole  tribes  were  borrowed."  The  man  of  the  quick  eye  and 
the  strong  arm  gave  place  to  the  slave,  the  scullion,  the  pariah,  the 
man  with  the  hoe,  the  man  whose  lot  does  not  change  because  in 
him  there  lies  no  power  to  change  it.  "Slaves  have  wrongs,  but 
freemen  alone  have  rights."  So  at  the  end  the  Roman  world 
yielded  to  the  barbaric,  because  it  was  weaker  in  force.  "The 
barbarians  settled  and  peopled  the  barbaric  rather  than  conquered 
it."    And  the  process  is  recorded  in  history  as  the  fall  of  Rome. 

"Out  of  every  hundred  thousand  strong  men  eighty  thousand 
were  slain.  Out  of  every  hundred  thousand  weaklings  ninety  to 
ninety-five  thousand  were  left  to  survive."  This  is  Dr.  Seeck's 
calculation,  and  the  biological  significance  of  such  mathematics 
must  be  evident  at  once.  Dr.  Seeck  speaks  with  scorn  of  the  idea 
that  Rome  fell  from  the  decay  of  old  age,  from  the  corruption  of 
luxury,  from  neglect  of  military  tactics,  or  from  the  overdiffusion 
of  culture. 

"It  is  inconceivable  that  the  mass  of  Romans  suffered  from 
overculture."  "In  condemning  the  sinful  luxury  of  wealthy 
Romans,  w^e  forget  that  the  trade  lords  of  the  fifteenth  and  six- 
teenth centuries  were  scarcely  inferior  in  this  regard  to  Lucullus 
and  Apicius,  their  waste  and  luxury  not  constituting  the  slightest 
check  to  the  advance  of  the  nations  to  which  these  men  belonged. 
The  people  who  lived  in  luxury  in  Rome  were  scattered  more 
thinly  than  in  any  modern  state  of  Europe.  The  masses  lived  at 
all  times  more  poorly  and  frugally  because  they  could  do  nothing 
else.  Can  we  conceive  that  a  war  force  of  untold  millions  of  people 
is  rendered  effeminate  by  the  luxury  of  a  few  hundreds?" 

"Too  long  have  historians  looked  on  the  rich  and  noble  as 
marking  the  fate  of  the  world.     Half  the  Roman  Empire  was 


136 

made  up  of  rough  barbarians  untouched  by  Greek  or  Roman 
culture." 

"Whatever  the  remote  and  ultimate  cause  may  have  been,  the 
immediate  cause  to  which  the  fall  of  the  empire  can  be  traced  is 
a  physical,  not  a  moral,  decay.  In  valor,  discipline  and  science 
the  Roman  armies  remained  what  they  had  always  been  and  the 
peasant  emperors  of  Illyricum  were  worthy  successors  of  Cincin- 
natus  and  Caius  Marius.  But  the  problem  was,  how  to  replenish 
those  armies.  Men  were  wanting.  The  empire  perished  for  want 
of  men." 

Does  history  ever  repeat  itself?  It  always  does  if  it  is  true 
history.  If  it  does  not,  we  are  dealing  not  with  history  but  with 
mere  succession  of  incidents.  Like  causes  produce  like  •  effects, 
just  as  often  as  we  may  choose  to  test  them.  Whenever  men  use 
a  nation  for  the  test,  poor  seed  yields  a  poor  fruition.  Where  the 
weakling  and  the  coward  survives  in  human  history,  there  "the 
human  harvest  is  bad,"  and  it  can  never  be  otherwise. 

Noblest  of  Roman  provinces  was  Gallia,  the  favored  land,  in 
which  the  best  of  the  Romans,  the  Franks  and  the  Northmen 
have  mingled  their  blood  to  produce  a  nation  of  men  hopefully 
leaders  in  the  arts  of  peace,  fatally  leaders  also  in  the  arts  of  war. 

Not  long  ago  I  visited  the  city  of  Novara,  in  northern  Italy. 
There,  just  to  the  south  of  the  town,  in  a  wheat  field,  the  farmers 
have  plowed  up  skulls  of  men  till  they  have  piled  up  a  pyramid  ten 
or  twelve  feet  high.  Over  this  pyramid  some  one  has  built  a 
canopy  to  keep  off  the  rain.  These  were  the  skulls  of  young  men 
of  Savoy,  Sardinia  and  Austria — men  of  eighteen  to  thirty-five 
years  of  age,  without  physical  blemish  so  far  as  may  be — peasants 
from  the  farms  and  workmen  from  the  shops,  who  met  at  Novara 
to  kill  each  other  over  a  matter  in  which  they  had  very  little  con- 
cern. Should  Charles  Albert,  the  Prince  of  Savoy,  sit  on  his 
unstable  throne  or  must  he  yield  it  to  some  one  else?  This  was 
the  question,  and  this  question  the  battle  of  Novara  tried  to  decide. 
It  matters  not  what  this  decision  was.  History  records  it,  as  she 
does  many  matters  of  less  moment.  But  this  fact  concerns  us — 
here  in  thousands  they  died.  Farther  on,  Frenchmen,  Austrians 
and  Italians  fell  together  at  Magenta  in  the  same  cause.  You 
know  the  color  that  we  call  Magenta,  the  hue  of  the  blood  that 
flowed  out  under  the  olive  trees.     Solferino — once  that  battlefield 


137 

gave  its  name  to  scarlet  ribbons,  the  hue  of  the  blood  that  stained 
her  orange  groves.  It  was  at  Solferino  that  the  Red  Cross  Society 
had  its  origin,  in  the  sympathy  for  the  sufferings  of  wounded  men 
left  for  five  days  unaided  on  the  field  when  they  fell.  Lodi,  Ma- 
rengo— all  these  names  call  up  memories  of  idle  carnage,  of  wasted 
life.  Go  over  Italy  as  you  will,  there  is  scarcely  a  spot  not  crimsoned 
by  the  blood  of  France,  scarcely  a  railway  station  without  its  pile 
of  French  skulls.  You  can  trace  them  across  to  Egypt,  to  the  foot  of 
the  pyramids.  You  will  find  them  in  Germany — at  Ulm  and  Wag- 
ram,  at  Jena  and  Leipzig,  at  Liitzen  and  Bautzen,  at  Hohenlinden 
and  at  Austerlitz.  You  will  find  them  in  Russia,  at  Moscow ;  in 
Belgium,  at  Waterloo.  "A  boy  can  stop  a  bullet  as  well  as  a  man," 
said  Napoleon.  And  with  the  rest  are  the  skulls  and  bones  of  boys, 
"ere  evening  to  be  trodden  like  the  grass."  "Born  to  be  food  for 
powder"  was  the  grim  epigram  of  the  day,  summing  up  the  life 
of  the  French  peasant.  Read  the  dreary  record  of  the  glory  of 
France,  the  slaughter  at  Waterloo,  the  wretched  failure  of  Mos- 
cow, the  miserable  deeds  of  Sedan,  the  waste  of  Algiers,  the 
poison  of  Madagascar,  the  crimes  of  Indo-China,  the  hideous 
results  of  barrack  vice  and  its  entail  of  disease  and  sterility,  and 
you  will  understand  the  "Man  of  the  Hoe."  The  man  who  is 
left,  the  man  whom  glory  cannot  use,  becomes  the  father  of  the 
future  men  of  France.  As  the  long-horn  aboriginal  type  reappears 
in  a  neglected  or  abused  herd  of  high-bred  cattle,  so  comes  forth 
the  aboriginal  man,  the  "Man  of  the  Hoe,"  in  a  wasted  race 
of  men. 

In  the  loss  of  war  we  count  not  alone  the  man  who  falls  or 
whose  life  is  tainted  with  disease.  There  is  more  than  one  in 
the  man's  life.  The  bullet  that  pierces  his  heart  goes  to  the  heart 
of  at  least  one  other.  For  each  soldier  has  a  sweetheart ;  and  if 
she  remain  single  for  his  sake,  so  far  as  the  race  is  concerned, 
the  one  is  lost  as  well  as  the  other. 

Today  we  are  told  by  Frenchmen  that  France  is  a  decadent 
nation.  This  is  a  confession  of  judgment,  not  an  accusation  of 
hostile  rivals.  It  does  not  mean  that  the  slums  of  Paris  are 
destructive  of  human  life.  That  we  know  elsewhere.  Each  great 
city  has  its  great  burdens,  and  these  fall  hard  on  those  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  layers  of  society.  There  is  degradation  in  all  great  cities, 
but  the  great  cities  are  not  the  whole  of  France.    It  does  not  mean 


138 

that  the  intellectual  lights  of  France  are  less  bright,  or  the  glory 
of  French  civilization  extinguished.  If  it  is  true,  it  means  only 
that  the  nation  is  crippled.  If  we  cut  the  roots  of  a  growing  tree, 
we  do  not  impair  its  fruits  or  its  flowers.  We  strike  at  its  future. 
It  is  claimed  that  the  change,  whatever  it  may  be,  is  deep-seated, 
not  individual.  It  is  said  that  the  birth  rate  is  steadily  falling,  that 
the  average  stature  of  men  is  lower  by  two  inches  at  least  than  it 
was  a  century  ago,  that  the  physical  force  is  less  among  the  peas- 
ants at  their  homes.  Legoyt  tells  us  that  "it  will  take  long  periods  of 
peace  and  plenty  before  France  can  recover  the  tall  statures  mowed 
down  in  the  wars  of  the  Republic  and  the  First  Empire."  What 
is  the  cause  of  all  this  ?  Intemperance,  vice,  misdirected  education, 
bureaucracy  and  the  rush  toward  ready-made  careers  ?  These  may 
be  symptoms.  They  are  not  causes.  Demolins  asks  in  that  clever 
volume  of  his :  "In  what  constitutes  the  superiority  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  ?"  Before  we  answer  this  let  us  inquire  in  what  constitutes 
the  inferiority  of  the  Latin  races?  If  we  admit  this  inferiority 
exists  in  any  degree,  and  if  we  answer  it  in  any  degree  we  find  in 
the  background  the  causes  of  the  fall  of  Greece,  the  fall  of  Rome, 
the  fall  of  Spain.  It  is  not  an  inferiority  of  race,  but  the  severity 
of  race  experience.  We  find  the  spirit  of  domination,  the  spirit  of 
glory,  the  spirit  of  war,  the  final  survival  of  subserviency,  of 
cowardice  and  of  sterility.  The  man  who  is  left  holds  in  his 
grasp  the  history  of  the  future.  The  evolution  of  a  race  is  always 
selective,  never  collective.  Collective  evolution  among  men  or 
beasts,  the  movements  upward  or  downward  of  the  whole  as  a 
whole,  irrespective  of  training  or  selection,  does  not  exist.  As 
Lepouge  has  said,  "It  exists  in  rhetoric,  not  in  truth  nor  in 
history." 

The  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle  for  existence  is  the 
primal  moving  cause  of  race  progress  and  of  race  changes.  In 
the  red  stress  of  human  history,  this  natural  process  of  selection 
is  sometimes  reversed.  A  reversal  of  selection  is  the  beginning 
of  failure.  Can  we  see  this  in  the  fall  of  Rome  or  the  downfall  of 
France  ?  Let  us  look  again  at  the  history.  A  single  short  part  of 
it  will  be  enough.    It  will  give  us  the  clue  to  the  rest. 

In  the  Wiertz  gallery  in  Brussels  is  a  wonderful  painting, 
dating  from  the  time  of  Waterloo,  called  "Napoleon  in  Hell." 
It    represents    the   great    marshal    with    folded    arms    and    face 


139 

unmoved  descending  slowly  to  the  land  of  the  shades.  Before 
him,  filling-  all  the  backgrovmd  of  the  picture,  with  every  expres- 
sion of  countenance,  are  the  men  sent  before  him  by  the  unbridled 
ambition  of  Napoleon.  Three  millions  and  seventy  thousand 
there  were  in  all,  so  history  tells  us,  more  than  half  of  them 
Frenchmen.  They  are  not  all  shown  in  one  picture.  They  are 
only  hinted  at.  And  behind  the  millions  shown  or  hinted  at  are 
the  millions  on  millions  of  men  who  might  have  been  and  are  not — 
the  huge  widening  human  wedge  of  the  possible  descendants  of  the 
men  who  fell  in  battle.  These  men  of  Napoleon's  armies  were  the 
youth  without  blemish,  "the  best  that  the  nation  could  bring," 
chosen  as  "food  for  powder,"  "ere  evening  to  be  trampled  like 
the  grass"  in  the  rush  of  Napoleon's  great  battles.  These  men 
came  from  the  plow,  from  the  workshop,  from  the  school,  the 
best  there  were — those  from  eighteen  to  thirty-five  years  of  age 
at  first,  but  afterwards  the  older  and  the  younger.  "The  more 
vigorous  and  well  born  a  young  man  is,"  says  Novicow,  "the 
more  normally  constituted,  the  greater  his  chance  to  be  slain  by 
musket  or  magazine,  the  rifled  cannon  and  other  similar  engines 
of  civilization."  Among  those  destroyed  by  Napoleon  were  "the 
elite  of  Europe."  "Napoleon,"  says  Otto  Seeck,  "in  a  series  of 
years  seized  all  the  youth  of  high  stature  and  left  them  scattered 
over  many  battlefields,  so  that  the  French  people  who  followed 
them  are  mostly  men  of  smaller  stature.  More  than  once  in 
France  since  Napoleon's  time  has  the  military  limit  been  lowered." 

I  need  not  tell  again  the  story  of  Napoleon's  campaigns.  It 
began  with  the  First  Consulate,  the  justice  and  helpfulness  of  the 
Code  Napoleon,  the  prowess  of  the  brave  lieutenant  whose  mili- 
tary skill  and  intrepidity  had  caused  him  to  deserve  w^ell  of  his 
nation. 

The  spirit  of  freedom  gave  way  to  the  spirit  of  domination. 
The  path  of  glory  is  one  which  descends  easily.  Campaign  fol- 
lowed campaign,  against  enemies,  against  neutrals,  against  friends. 
The  trail  of  glory  crossed  the  Alps  to  Italy  and  to  Egypt,  crossed 
Switzerland  to  Austria,  crossed  Germany  to  Russia.  Conscrip- 
tion followed  victory,  and  victory  and  conscription  debased  the 
human  species.  "The  human  harvest  was  bad."  The  First  Con- 
sul became  the  Emperor.  The  servant  of  the  people  became  the 
founder  of  the  dynasty.     Again  conscription  after  conscription. 


140 

"Let  them  die  with  their  arms  in  their  hands.  Their  death  is 
glorious,  and  it  will  be  avenged.  You  can  always  fill  the  places 
of  soldiers."  These  were  Napoleon's  words  when  Dupont  sur- 
rendered his  army  in  Spain  to  save  the  lives  of  a  doomed  battalion. 

More  conscription.  After  the  battle  of  Wagram,  we  are  told, 
the  French  began  to  feel  their  weakness ;  the  Grand  Army  was 
not  the  army  which  fought  at  Ulm  and  Jena.  "Raw  conscripts 
raised  before  their  time  and  hurriedly  drafted  into  the  line  had 
impaired  its  steadiness." 

On  to  Moscow,  "amidst  ever-deepening  misery  they  strug- 
gled .  .  .  until  of  the  six  hundred  thousand  men  who  had 
proudly  crossed  the  Niemen  for  the  conquest  of  Russia,  only 
twenty  thousand  famished,  frost-bitten,  unarmed  specters  stag- 
gered across  the  bridge  of  Lorno  in  the  middle  of  December." 

Despite  the  loss  of  the  most  splendid  army  marshaled  by 
man.  Napoleon  abated  no  whit  of  his  resolve  to  dominate  Ger- 
many and  discipline  Russia.  "He  strained  every  effort  to  call 
the  youth  of  the  empire  to  arms  .  .  .  and  three  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  conscripts  were  promised  by  the  Senate.  The 
mighty  swirl  of  the  Moscow  campaign  sucked  in  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  lads  of  under  twenty  years  of  age  into  the 
devouring  vortex."  "The  peasantry  gave  up  their  sons  as  food 
for  cannon."  But  "many  were  appalled  at  the  frightful  drain  on 
the  nation's  strength."  "In  less  than  half  a  year  after  the  loss  of 
half  a  million  men  a  new  army  nearly  as  numerous  was  marshaled 
under  the  imperial  eagles.  But  the  majority  were  young,  untrained 
troops,  and  it  was  remarked  that  the  conscripts  born  in  the  year 
of  Terror  had  not  the  stamina  of  the  earlier  levies.  Brave  they 
were,  superbly  brave,  and  the  emperor  sought  by  every  means  to 
breathe  into  them  his  indomitable  spirit."  "Truly  the  emperor 
could  make  boys  heroes,  but  he  could  never  repair  the  losses  of 
1812."  "Soldiers  were  wanting,  youths  were  dragged  forth."  The 
human  harvest  was  at  its  very  worst. 

The  effects  of  emigration  run  parallel  with  the  effects  of  war, 
but  with  this  enormous  difference :  the  strong  men  who  emigrate 
are  not  lost  to  the  world.  The  loss  of  one  region  is  the  gain  of 
another.    But  the  losses  in  war  can  yield  no  corresponding  gain. 

The  eft'ects  of  emigration  can  be  well  studied  in  England. 
From  Devon  and  Somerset  arose  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 


141 

Bay.  From  the  loins  of  Old  England  arose  our  New  England, 
and  from  the  germ  of  self-governing  New  England  arose  the 
United  States.  The  counties  of  Devon  and  Somerset  have  no 
importance  in  the  England  of  today  comparable  with  the  part  they 
played  in  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Their  influence  is  over 
the  seas,  with  the  young  men  who  carried  with  them  the  names 
of  Plymouth  and  Dartmouth,  of  Exeter  and  Taunton,  of  Bristol 
and  Bath  and  Barnstable. 

If  we  could  imagine  this  New  England  stock  in  all  its  ramifi- 
cations restored  to  its  hold  home  in  Devon  and  Somerset,  what  a 
wonderful  storehouse  of  active  life  these  sleepy  old  counties  would 
become !  From  every  county  of  England  strong  men  have  gone 
out  to  conquer  and  populate  the  world.  The  influence  of  this 
greater  England  on  the  movement  of  civilization  in  our  day  far 
exceeds  that  of  the  England  at  home.  "What  does  he  know  of 
England  who  only  England  knows?" 

No  stronger  line  than  this  was  ever  written  in  definition  of 
England's  greatness. 

Switzerland  is  the  land  of  freedom,  the  land  of  peace.  But 
in  earlier  times  some  of  the  thrifty  cantons  sent  forth  their  men 
as  hireling  soldiers  to  serve  for  pay  under  the  flag  of  whosover 
might  pay  their  cost.  There  was  once  a  proverb  in  the  French 
court,  "Pas  d'argent,  pas  de  Suisses"  (No  money,  no  Swiss)  ; 
for  the  agents  of  the  free  republic  drove  a  close  bargain. 

In  Lucerne  stands  the  noblest  of  all  monuments  in  all  the  world, 
the  memorial  of  the  Swiss  guard  of  Louis  XVI,  killed  by  the  mob 
at  the  palace  of  Versailles.  It  is  carved  in  the  solid  rock  of  a 
vertical  cliff  above  a  great  spring  in  the  outskirts  of  the  city — a 
lion  of  heroic  size,  a  spear  thrust  through  its  body,  guarding  in 
its  dying  paws  the  Bourbon  lilies  and  the  shield  of  France.  And 
the  traveler,  Carlyle  tells  us,  should  visit  Lucerne  and  her  monu- 
ment, "not  for  Thorwaldsen's  sake  alone,  but  for  the  sake  of  the 
German  Biederkeit  and  Tapferkeit,  the  valor  of  which  is  worth 
and  truth,  be  it  Saxon,  be  it  Swiss." 

Beneath  the  lion  are  the  names  of  those  whose  devotion  it 
commemorates.  And  with  the  thought  of  their  courage  comes  the 
thought  of  the  pity  of  it,  the  waste  of  brave  life  in  a  world  that  has 
need  for  it  all.  "Sons  of  the  men  who  knelt  at  Sempach,  but 
not  to  thee,  O  Burgundy."    Switzerland  has  need  of  more  such 


142 

sons.  It  may  be  fancy,  but  it  seems  to  me  that,  as  I  go  about  in 
Switzerland,  I  can  distinguish  by  the  character  of  the  men  who 
remain  those  cantons  who  sent  forth  mercenary  troops  from  those 
who  kept  their  own  for  their  own  upbuilding.  Perhaps  for  other 
reasons  than  this  Lucerne  is  weaker  than  Graubiinden,  and  Unter- 
walden  less  virile  than  little  Appenzell.  In  any  event,  this  is  abso- 
lutely certain:  just  in  proportion  to  its  extent  and  thoroughness 
is  military  selection  a  cause  of  national  decline.* 

Spain  died  of  empire  centuries  ago.  It  was  only  her  ghost 
which  walked  at  Manila  and  Santiago.  In  1630  the  Augustinian 
friar  La  Puente  thus  wrote  of  the  fate  of  Spain :  "Against  the 
credit  for  redeemed  souls  I  set  the  cost  of  armadas  and  the  sacri- 
fices of  soldiers  and  friars  sent  to  the  Philippines.  And  this  I 
count  the  chief  loss ;  for  mines  give  silver,  and  forests  give  tim- 
ber, but  only  Spain  gives  Spaniards,  and  she  may  give  so  many 
that  she  may  be  left  desolate,  and  constrained  to  bring  up  stran- 
gers' children  instead  of  her  own."  "This  is  Castile,"  said  a 
Spanish  knight ;  "she  makes  men  and  wastes  them."  "This  sub- 
lime and  terrible  phrase,"  says  Captain  Carlos  Oilman  Calkins, 
from  whom  I  have  received  both  these  quotations,  "sums  up 
Spanish  history." 

The  warlike  nation  of  today  is  the  decadent  nation  of  tomor- 
row. It  has  ever  been  so,  and  in  the  nature  of  things  it  must 
ever  be. 

In  his  charming  studies  of  "Feudal  and  Modern  Japan,"  Mr. 
Arthur  Knapp,  of  Yokohama,  returns  again  and  again  to  the 
great  marvel  of  Japan's  military  prowess  after  more  than  two 
hundred  years  of  peace.  This  was  shown  in  the  Chinese  war. 
It  has  been  more  conclusively  shown  on  the  fields  of  Manchuria 
since  Mr.  Knapp's  book  was  written.  It  is  astonishing  to  him 
that,  after  more  than  six  generations  in  which  physical  courage 
has  not  been  demanded,  these  virile  virtues  should  be  found  unim- 
paired. We  can  readily  see  that  this  is  just  what  we  should 
expect.  In  times  of  peace  there  is  no  slaughter  of  the  strong,  no 
sacrifice  of  the  courageous.  In  the  peaceful  struggle  for  exist- 
ence there  is  a  premium  placed  on  these  virtues.  The  virile  and 
the  brave  survive.    The  idle,  weak  and  dissipated  go  to  the  wall. 


*  "Lots  de  la  guerre  de  Paraguay  la  population  virile  disparut  presque 
completement,  et  il  ne  resta  que  les  nialades  et  les  infirmes. "     (E.  Keclus.) 


143 

"What  won  the  battles  on  the  Yalu,  in  Korea  or  Manchuria," 
says  the  Japanese  Nitobe,  "was  the  ghosts  of  our  fathers  guiding 
our  hands  and  beating  in  our  hearts.  They  are  not  dead,  these 
ghosts,  those  spirits  of  our  warhke  ancestors.  Scratch  a  Japa- 
nese, even  one  of  the  most  advanced  ideas,  and  you  will  find  a 
Samurai."  If  we  translate  this  from  the  language  of  Shintoism 
to  that  of  science  we  find  it  a  testimony  to  the  strength  of  race 
heredity,  the  survival  of  the  ways  of  the  strong  in  the  lives  of  the 
self-reliant. 

If  after  two  hundred  years  of  incessant  battle  Japan  still 
remained  virile  and  warlike,  that  would  indeed  be  the  marvel.  But 
that  marvel  no  nation  has  ever  seen.  It  is  doubtless  true  that 
warlike  traditions  are  most  persistent  with  nations  most  fre- 
quently engaged  in  war.  But  the  traditions  of  war  and  the  physi- 
cal strength  to  gain  victories  are  very  different  things.  Other 
things  being  equal,  the  nation  which  has  known  least  of  war  is 
the  one  most  likely  to  develop  the  "strong  battalions"  with  whom 
victory  must  rest. 

As  Americans  we  are  more  deeply  interested  in  the  fate  of 
our  mother  country  than  in  that  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe. 

What  shall  we  say  of  England  and  of  her  relation  to  the 
reversed  selection  of  war?  Statistics  we  have  none  and  no  evi- 
dence of  tangible  decline  that  Englishmen  will  not  indignantly 
repudiate.  When  the  London  press  in  the  vacation  season  fills 
its  columns  with  editorials  on  English  degeneration,  it  is  to  some- 
thing else  to  which  these  journalists  refer.  Their  problem  is  that 
of  the  London  slums,  of  sweatshops  and  child  labor,  of  wasting 
overwork  and  of  lack  of  nutrition,  of  premature  old  age  and  of 
sodden  drunkenness — influences  which  bring  about  the  degenera- 
tion of  the  individual,  the  inefficiency  of  the  social  group,  but 
which  for  the  most  part  leave  no  trace  in  heredity  and  are  there- 
fore no  factor  in  the  decline  of  the  race.  Such  decline  is  at  once 
cause,  effect  and  symptom — a  sign  of  racial  inadequacy,  a  cause 
of  further  enfeeblement  and  an  effect  of  unjust  and  injurious 
social,  political  and  industrial  conditions  in  the  past. 

But  the  problem  before  us  is  not  the  problem  of  the  slums. 
What  mark  has  been  left  on  England  by  her  great  struggles  for 
freedom  and  by  the  thousand  petty  struggles  to  impose  on  the 


144 

world  the  semblance  of  order  called  "Pax  Britannica,"  the  British 
peace  ? 

To  one  who  travels  widely  through  the  counties  of  England 
some  part  of  the  cost  is  plain. 

"There's  a  widow  in  sleepy  Chester 
Who  mourns  for  her  only  son ; 
There's  a  grave  by  the  Pabeng  River — 
A  grave  which  the  Burmans  shun." 

This  is  a  condition  repeated  in  every  village  in  England,  and 
its  history  is  recorded  on  the  walls  of  every  parish  church.  Every- 
where can  be  seen  tablets  in  memory  of  young  men — gentlemen's 
sons  from  Eton  and  Rugby  and  Winchester  and  Harrow,  scholars 
from  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  who  have  given  up  their  lives  in 
some  far-off  petty  war.  Their  bodies  rest  in  Zululand,  in  Cam- 
bodia, in  the  Gold  Coast,  in  the  Transvaal.  In  England  only  they 
are  remembered.  In  the  parish  churches  these  records  are  num- 
bered by  the  score.  In  the  cathedrals  they  are  recorded  by  the 
thousand.  Go  from  one  cathedral  town  to  another — Canterbury, 
Winchester,  Chichester,  Exeter,  Salisbury,  Wells,  Ely,  York,  Lin- 
coln, Durham,  Litchfield,  Chester  (what  a  wonderful  series  of  pic- 
tures this  list  of  names  calls  up!),  and  you  will  find  always  the 
same  story,  the  same  sad  array  of  memorials  to  young  men.  What 
would  be  the  effect  on  England  if  all  of  these  "unreturning  brave" 
and  all  that  should  have  been  their  descendants  could  be  num- 
bered among  her  sons  today?  Doubtless  not  all  of  these  were 
young  men  of  character.  Doubtless  not  all  are  worthy  even  of 
the  scant  glory  of  a  memorial  tablet.  But  most  of  them  were 
worthy.  Most  of  them  were  brave  and  true,  and  most  of  them 
looked  out  on  life  with  "frank  blue  British  eyes." 

This  too  we  may  admit,  that  war  is  not  the  only  destructive 
agency  in  modern  society,  and  that  in  the  struggle  for  existence 
the  England  of  today  has  had  many  advantages  which  must  hide 
or  neutralize  the  waste  of  war. 

In  default  of  facts  unquestioned  we  may  appeal  to  the  poets, 
letting  their  testimony  as  to  the  reversal  of  selection  stand  for 
what  it  is  worth. 

Rudyard  Kipling  is  the  poet  of  imperialism;    and  as  to  the 


145 

cost  of  it  all  we  may  well  heed  his  testimony.    This  he  says  of  the 
rule  of  the  sea : 

"We  have  fed  our  sea  for  a  thousand  years, 
And  she'  calls  us,  still  unfed ; 
Though  there's  never  a  wave  of  all  her  waves 
But  marks  our  English  dead." 

Again,  referring  to  dominion  on  land,  Kipling  warns  the 
British  soldier: 

"Walk  wide  o'  the  widow  at  Windsor, 

For  'alf  o'  creation  she  owns : 
We  'ave  bought  'er  the  same  with  the  sword  an'  the  flame. 
An'  we've  salted  it  down  with  our  bones. 
(Poor  beggars ! — it's  blue  with  our  bones !)." 

Through  all  this  we  have  the  same  refrain,  the  minor  chord 
of  victory,  the  hidden  lesson  of  war. 

"The  brightest  are  gone  before  us, 
The  dullest  are  left  behind." 

"The  living  are  brave  and  noble, 
The  dead  were  bravest  of  all !" 

"The  kindly  seasons  love  us. 

They  smile  over  trench  and  clod ; 
Where  we  left  the  bravest  of  us 
There's  a  deeper  green  of  the  sod." 

"Set  in  this  stormy  northern  sea, 

Queen  of  these  restless  fields  of  tide, 
England !   what  shall  men  say  of  thee, 
Before  whose  feet  the  worlds  divide?" 

"And  thou  whose  wounds  are  never  healed, 
Whose  weary  race  is  never  won, 
O  Cromwell's  England !  must  thou  yield 
For  every  inch  of  ground  a  son  ?" 


146 

"What  profit  that  our  galleys  ride. 
Pine-forest-like,  on  every  main? 
Ruin  and  wreck  are  at  our  side, 

Grim  warders  of  the  House  of  Pain. 

"Where  are  the  brave,  the  strong,  the  fleet? 
Where  is  our  English  chivalry? 
Wild  grasses  are  their  burial-sheet. 
And  sobbing  waves  their  threnody." 

"Peace,  peace !   we  wrong  the  noble  dead 

To  vex  their  solemn  slumber  so : 
Though  childless,  and  with  thorn-crowned  head. 

Up  the  steep  road  must  England  go." 

It  suggests  the  inevitable  end  of  all  empire,  of  all  dominion 
of  man  over  man  by  force  of  arms.  More  than  all  who  fall  in 
battle  or  are  wasted  in  the  camps,  the  nation  misses  the  "fair 
women  and  brave  men"  who  should  have  been  the  descendants  of 
the  strong  and  the  manly.  If  we  may  personify  the  spirit  of 
the  nation,  it  grieves  most  not  over  its  "unreturning  brave,"  but 
over  those  who  might  have  been  but  never  were,  and  who,  so  long 
as  history  lasts,  can  never  be. 

It  was  at  Lexington  that  "the  embattled  farmers"  "fired  the 
shot  heard  round  the  world."  To  them  life  was  of  less  value  than 
a  principle,  the  principle  written  by  Cromwell  on  the  statute  book 
of  Parliament:  "All  just  powers  under  God  are  derived  from  the 
consent  of  the  people."  Since  the  war  of  the  Revolution  many 
patriotic  societies  have  arisen  in  the  United  States.  These  may 
be  typified  by  the  association  of  the  "Sons  of  the  Revolution" 
and  of  the  "Sons  of  American  Wars,"  societies  which  find  their 
inspiration  in  the  personal  descent  of  their  members  from  those 
who  fought  for  American  independence.  The  assumption,  well 
justified  by  facts,  is  that  Revolutionary  fathers  were  a  superior 
type  of  man,  and  that  to  have  had  such  names  in  our  personal 
ancestry  is  of  itself  a  cause  for  thinking  more  highly  of  our- 
selves. In  our  little  private  round  of  peaceful  duties  we  feel 
that  we  might  have  wrought  the  deeds  of  Putnam  and  Allen,  of 
Marion   and   Greene,  of  our  Revolutionary  ancestors,   whoever 


147 

they  may  have  been.  But  if  those  who  survived  were  nobler  than 
the  mass,  so  also  were  those  who  fell.  If  we  go  over  the  record 
of  brave  men  and  wise  women  whose  fathers  fought  at  Lexington, 
we  must  think  also  of  the  men  and  women  who  shall  never  be, 
whose  right  to  exist  was  cut  short  at  this  same  battle.  It  is  a 
costly  thing  to  kill  off  men,  for  in  men  alone  and  the  sons  of 
men  can  national  greatness  consist. 

But  sometimes  there  is  no  other  alternative.  War  is  some- 
times inevitable.  It  is  sometimes  necessary,  sometimes  even 
righteous.  It  happened  once  in  our  history  that  for  "every  drop 
of  blood  drawn  by  the  lash  another  must  be  drawn  by  the  sword." 
It  cost  us  six  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  lives  to  get  rid  of  slav- 
ery. And  this  number,  almost  a  million,  North  and  South,  was 
the  "best  that  the  nation  could  bring."  North  and  South,  the 
nation  was  impoverished  by  the  loss.  The  gaps  they  left  are 
filled,  to  all  appearance.  There  are  relatively  few  of  us  left  today 
in  whose  hearts  the  scars  of  forty  years  ago  are  still  unhealing. 
But  a  new  generation  has  grown  up  of  men  and  women  born  since 
the  war.  They  have  taken  the  nation's  problems  into  their  hands, 
but  theirs  are  hands  not  so  strong  or  so  clean  as  though  the  men 
that  are  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the  men  that  might  have 
been.  The  men  that  died  in  "the  weary  time"  had  better  stuff  in 
them  than  the  father  of  the  average  man  of  today, 

"Ware  are  not  paid  for  in  war  times :  the  bill  comes  later." 

By  the  law  of  probabilities  as  developed  by  Quetelet,  there 
will  appear  in  each  generation  the  same  number  of  potential  poets, 
artists,  investigators,  patriots,  athletes  and  superior  men  of  each 
degree. 

But  this  law  involves  the  theory  of  continuity  of  paternity, 
that  in  each  generation  a  percentage  practically  equal  of  men  of 
superior  force  or  superior  mentality  should  survive  to  take  the 
responsibilities  of  parenthood.  Otherwise  Quetelet's  law  becomes 
subject  to  the  operation  of  another  law,  the  operation  of  reversed 
selection,  or  the  biological  "law  of  diminishing  returns."  In  other 
words,  breeding  from  an  inferior  stock  is  the  sole  agency  in  race 
deterioration,  as  selection  natural  or  artificial  along  one  line  or 
another  is  the  sole  agency  in  race  progress. 

And  all  laws  of  probabilities  and  of  averages  are  subject  to 
a  still  higher  law,  the  primal  law  of  biology,  which  no  cross- 


148 

current  of  life  can  overrule  or  modify:    Like  the  seed  is   the 
harvest. 

It  is  related  that  Guizot  once  asked  this  question  of  James 
Russell  Lowell :  "How  long  will  the  republic  endure?"  "So  long 
as  the  ideas  of  its  founders  remain  dominant,"  was  the  answer. 
But  again  we  have  this  question:  "How  long  will  the  ideas  of 
its  founders  remain  dominant?"  Just  so  long  as  the  blood  of  the 
founders  remains  dominant  in  the  blood  of  its  people.  Not  neces- 
sarily the  blood  of  the  Puritans  and  the  Virginians  alone,  the 
original  creators  of  the  land  of  free  states.  We  must  not  read  our 
history  so  narrowly  as  that.  It  is  the  blood  of  free-born  men, 
be  they  Roman,  Frank,  Saxon,  Norman,  Dane,  Goth  or  Samurai. 
It  is  a  free  stock  which  creates  a  free  nation.  Our  republic 
shall  endure  so  long  as  the  human  harvest  is  good,  so  long  as 
the  movement  of  history,  the  progress  of  peace  and  industry  leaves 
for  the  future  not  the  worst  but  the  best  of  each  generation.  The 
Republic  of  Rome  lasted  so  long  as  there  were  Romans;  the 
Republic  of  America  will  last  so  long  as  its  people,  in  blood  and  in 
spirit,  remain  free  men. 

At  the  close  of  President  Jordan's  address,  the  session  ad- 
journed. 


THIRD  SESSION 

SOME  PEACEMAKING  FACTORS  IN  MODERN 

SOCIETY 

Monday  Evening,  May  3,  at  8  o'clock 

Music  Hall,  Fine  Arts  Building. 

MISS  JANE  ADDAMS,  Fresiding 
Miss  Addams: 

There  are  a  great  many  forces  working  for  peace  outside  of 
the  American  Peace  Society  and  the  International  Peace  Society. 
Perhaps  one  of  the  strongest  of  these  is  the  many  fraternal 
organizations  and  others  which  we  find  throughout  the  civilized 
world,  the  members  of  which  try  to  keep  war  at  least  outside  of 
their  own  organization  and  to  live  within  that  organization  as 
we  hope  after  awhile  all  the  world  will  live  together.  Mr.  Burtt, 
who  has  been  most  active  in  bringing  together  the  various  fra- 
ternal orders  of  Chicago,  will  speak  to  us  this  evening  on  the 
fraternal  orders  and  peace.  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  intro- 
duce Mr.  Joseph  B.  Burtt. 

Fraternal  Orders  and  Peace 

Mr.  Joseph  B.  Burtt 

When  a  famous  general  of  our  country  was  discussing  the 
subject  of  war,  he  bluntly  and  tersely  said,  "War  is  hell,"  and 
every  sane  man  in  the  United  States  fully  understood  this  defini- 
tion. And  well  they  might  understand  it,  for  Masons  had  been 
shooting  Masons,  Odd  Fellows  had  been  shooting  Odd  Fellows, 
Catholics  had  been  shooting  Catholics,  and  Protestants  had  been 
shooting  Protestants.  War  had  changed  the  freedom  and  hap- 
piness of  a  peaceful  and  prosperous  nation  into  a  hell  of  carnage 
and  crime. 

When  our  Civil  War  began  the  Masons  and  Odd  Fellows 

149 


I50 

were  practically  the  only  fraternal  orders  in  this  country.  Mem- 
bers of  each  of  these  orders  were  on  both  sides  in  this  war  and 
were  engaged  in  filling  each  other  with  bullets  and  not  with 
fraternity.  Near  the  close  of  the  war  a  new  fraternal  order  was 
started  in  the  City  of  Washington  which  had  for  one  of  its 
objects  the  reuniting  of  the  men  in  the  North  with  the  men  in 
the  South  in  the  bonds  of  brotherly  love.  This  fraternal  order 
has  now  grown  to  nearly  a  million  members.  Each  of  the  two 
fraternal  orders  which  existed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  now 
has  over  a  million  members  in  the  United  States.  Fraternal 
orders  in  this  country  have  grown  from  two  in  number  to  more 
than  six  hundred  in  forty-five  years  and  have  a  lodge  in  nearly 
every  town  and  hamlet  in  this  nation.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the 
fraternal  orders  now  have  included  in  their  membership  over  one- 
third  of  the  voting  population  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  no  breach  of  confidence  to  say  that  all  of  these  orders 
stand  for  peace.  Fraternal  orders  have  been  teaching  peace  for 
nearly  a  century.  Notwithstanding  this  fact,  perhaps  this  is  the 
first  Peace  Conference  in  which  fraternal  orders  and  peace  have 
been  discussed.  It  is  therefore  proper  at  this  Conference  to  dis- 
cuss the  question,  "What  have  these  fraternal  orders  to  do  with 
peace  on  earth  and  good  will  toward  all  men  ?" 

Perhaps  the  greatest  guarantee  against  another  civil  war  in 
this  country  lies  in  the  fact  that  over  one-third  of  our  men  belong 
to  these  orders  and  are  taught  to  regard  their  fellowmen  as 
brothers.  The  members  of  nearly  all  these  orders  have  never 
charged  each  other  with  bayonets  or  killed  each  other  with 
bullets. 

We  may  ask  ourselves  whether  the  human  race  has  advanced 
far  enough  to  practice  peace  truly,  as  well  as  to  preach  it.  The 
old  tribal  feeling  that  it  is  wrong  to  kill  a  fellow  tribesman,  but 
that  one  is  justified  in  killing  his  fellowman  who  belongs  to 
another  tribe,  has  been  handed  down  to  us  from  generation  to 
generation.  It  will  take  generations  yet  to  come  for  the  members 
of  the  human  race  to  educate  themselves  away  from  this  tribal 
training  of  the  past.  This  Peace  Conference,  as  well  as  others 
of  its  kind,  will  hasten  the  day  when  all  men  will  realize  that  they 
should  do  no  man  wrong  and  that  human  life  should  be  held 
sacred. 


151 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  go  into  figures  to  prove  the  useless- 
ness  of  war  and  the  loss  to  the  nation  of  human  hfe  which  all 
wars  entail.  This  field  has  been  covered  by  others.  Neither  is  it 
my  purpose  to  try  to  prove  that  fraternal  orders  are  altogether 
right  in  their  methods  of  teaching  peace.  I  merely  wish  to 
record  the  fact  that  members  of  fraternal  orders  do  teach  peace 
and  they  do  discourage  war.  They  are  factors  in  our  present- 
day  civilization  and  should  be  considered  by  this  and  other  peace 
conferences.  They  are  agencies  of  brotherly  love  and  not  of 
bullets.  They  stand  for  friendship  and  not  for  fighting.  They 
stand  for  truth  and  not  for  treachery. 

How  are  these  fraternal  orders  promoting  peace?  If  it  will 
promote  peace  to  teach  men  the  brotherhood  of  man,  the  Father- 
hood of  God,  love,  kindness,  fraternity,  friendship,  charity,  benev- 
olence, truth  and  justice,  then  these  six  hundred  fraternal  orders 
with  their  thousands  of  lodges  and  millions  of  members  in  the 
United  States  are  promoting  peace,  and  our  nation  in  years  to 
come  will  be  known  as  a  fraternal  nation. 

Some  men  may  say  that  the  foregoing  principles  have  long 
been  the  dream  of  dreamers,  poets  and  women,  but  that  these 
principles  will  never  be  practiced  by  business  men  and  politicians. 
But  there  were  many  things  called  business  and  politics  ten  years 
ago,  which  already  have  passed  away. 

It  has  been  said  that  you  have  only  to  break  the  skin  of  the 
average  man  to  find  a  savage.  Wars  make  men  more  savage,  so 
that  you  do  not  have  to  break  their  skins  to  find  the  real  animal. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  try  to  paint  in  words  the  beauty  and 
glory  of  the  principles  of  fraternity,  but  I  desire  to  state  some  of 
the  practical  principles  of  fraternal  orders  which  can  help  educate 
our  men  for  better  citizenship  and  make  them  better  husbands  and 
fathers  and  thus  promote  the  peace  of  our  nation. 

Most  of  these  fraternal  orders  proclaim  the  doctrine  that 
a  man  cannot  be  true  to  his  fraternity  and  at  the  same  time 
violate  the  law  of  the  land.  In  other  words,  these  orders  have 
laws  which  provide  for  the  discipline  of  a  member  if  he  violates 
the  law  of  the  land.  A  violation  of  the  law  of  the  land  is  a 
violation  of  the  laws  of  the  order  of  which  he  is  a  member.  At 
least  one  of  these  orders  in  Illinois  is  now  seriously  trying  to 
expel  from  membership  some  of  its  members  who  openly  and 


152 

persistently  violate  the  criminal  code  of  the  State  of  Illinois  by 
keeping  their  saloons  open  on  Sunday.  This  order  is  rapidly 
taking  an  advanced  stand  in  educating  its  members  away  from 
the  old  tribal  feeling  of  the  past  that  it  is  right  to  protect  a 
fellow  tribesman  although  he  is  in  the  wrong.  It  is  the  duty  of 
all  fraternal  men  to  expose  all  lawbreakers  in  these  fraternal 
orders.  Fraternity  and  open  lawlessness  cannot  flourish  in  the 
same  household  or  in  the  same  nation.  When  fraternal  education 
advances  to  that  point  where  the  members  of  these  orders  fully 
realize  that  open  lawlessness  means  death  to  true  fraternity  much 
of  our  present  lawlessness  will  disappear  and  the  peace  of  the 
world  will  thereby  be  better  secured. 

As  lawlessness  decreases  in  a  nation,  so  wars  decrease  in  that 
nation.  It  was  the  lawlessness  of  the  abolitionists  of  the  North, 
as  well  as  the  lawlessness  of  the  slaveholders  of  the  South,  that 
brought  on  our  Civil  War.  The  abolitionists  did  not  recognize 
the  legal  right  of  one  man  to  have  property  in  another  man, 
although  the  Constitution  at  that  time  guaranteed  it.  These  men 
often  violated  the  law  of  the  land  by  helping  to  deprive  slave- 
holders of  their  property.  The  slaveholders  often  violated  the 
law  of  the  land  in  trying  forcibly  to  extend  slavery  into  forbidden 
territory.  Thus  lawlessness  grew  to  wholesale  proportions  and 
we  had  war. 

War  is  wholesale  lawlessness.  Warlike  people  are  lawless 
people  and  lawless  people  are  warlike  people.  In  order  to  avoid 
war  we  must  educate  ourselves  to  be  a  law-abiding  people.  Until 
we  are  a  law-abiding  people  we  are  in  danger  of  civil  wars  as 
well  as  foreign  wars.  If  we  are  not  just  and  humane  at  home, 
how  can  we  be  just  and  humane  with  foreign  nations? 

The  members  of  fraternal  orders  are  taught  to  be  just  and 
humane  to  all  men.  They  are  taught  to  respect  the  feelings  and 
opinions  of  others.  While  it  is  true  that  all  members  of  these 
orders  do  not  always  practice  what  they  preach,  yet  the  great 
majority  of  them  make  their  promise  their  performance.  Their 
motto  is.  In  times  of  peace  fraternally  educate  for  more  peace. 

If  working  men  and  capitalists  could  meet  as  lodge  men 
meet,  they  could  settle  their  difficulties  without  murder.  In  1905, 
during  the  strike  in  Chicago,  we  saw  a  sad  illustration  of  this 
want  of  fraternal  feeling  between  the  representatives  of  capital 


153 

and  the  representatives  of  labor.  Both  sides  violated  the  laws 
of  Illinois  in  trying  to  bluff  and  bulldoze  the  other  side.  The 
free  use  of  the  streets  was  denied  the  citizens  of  this  city,  and 
lawbreakers  from  other  cities  were  imported  into  Chicago  and 
armed  with  deadly  weapons,  contrary  to  law.  The  law,  which  is 
the  only  protection  capital  and  labor  have,  was  defied  by  the 
representatives  of  both  sides  until  open  warfare  prevailed. 

Our  Civil  War  resulted  from  a  breakdown  of  the  religious 
and  moral  forces  in  our  country,  as  well  as  from  a  conflict  over 
slavery.  Another  civil  war  may  occur  in  this  country  unless  we 
encourage  all  religious  and  moral  organizations  of  our  land  to 
practice  what  they  preach  among  their  fellowmen.  It  may  have 
been  regarded  in  the  past  as  a  religious  duty  to  kill  one's  fellow- 
men,  but  that  is  not  the  case  now  in  this  country.  It  never  was 
regarded  as  a  fraternal  duty  for  men  to  kill  their  fellowmen. 

Peace  cannot  be  secured  by  legislation ;  it  can  be  secured  only 
by  education.  The  educational  forces  of  our  nation  along  fra- 
ternal lines  should,  therefore,  be  analyzed  and  understood  by  all 
men.  The  silent  forces  of  a  nation  go  to  make  up  the  greatness 
of  that  nation.  It  is  not  necessary  for  us  at  this  Peace  Confer- 
ence to  single  out  any  one  agency  of  peace  and  to  label  all  peace 
movements  with  the  name  of  this  particular  agency,  but  we  should 
at  this  Conference  endeavor  to  establish  more  permanently  a  clear- 
ing house  or  bureau  of  information  for  all  agencies  which  are 
teaching  peace.  Different  agencies  for  peace  must  be  permitted 
to  teach  peace  in  their  own  way.  Publicity  of  the  methods  of 
preaching  and  practicing  peace  by  these  various  agencies  is  the 
only  safety  for  the  peace  of  future  generations.  Every  right- 
minded  citizen  should  consider  himself  a  partner  in  all  peace 
agencies.  They  need  the  personality  of  every  law-abiding  and 
peaceable  citizen.  Publicity,  partnership  and  personality  are  the 
general  lines  along  which  the  human  race  must  progress  in  order 
to  obtain  peace.  The  three  great  obstacles  to  the  progress  of  the 
human  race  always  have  been  and  always  will  be  jealousy,  preju- 
dice and  ignorance.  When  one  agency  for  peace  becomes  jealous 
of  another  agency  it  uses  its  force  in  fighting  that  other  agency 
and  in  many  instances  fails  to  add  anything  to  the  sum  total 
making  for  peace.  When  one  agency  for  peace  is  prejudiced 
against  another  agency  for  peace,  then  that  agency  has  outlived 


154 

its  usefulness.  Prejudice  is  the  mother  of  ignorance,  and  ignor- 
ance has  never  contributed  anything  to  the  progress  of  mankind. 

Fraternal  orders  are  doing  their  part  in  breaking  down  these 
great  barriers  to  the  progress  of  the  human  race.  Practically  no 
jealousy  exists  between  the  men  in  one  order  and  the  men  in 
another  order.  Oftentimes  one  man  belongs  to  several  different 
orders.  Prejudice  against  men  or  organizations  of  men  must  not 
be  exhibited  in  the  lodge  room.  Outside  criticism  of  the  fraternal 
orders  must  remain  unanswered  in  the  lodge  room.  Lodge  men 
have  long  since  learned  that  their  danger  does  not  lie  without 
the  lodge,  but  that  their  real  danger  lies  within  the  lodge.  If 
the  lodge  permits  the  personality  of  its  membership  to  deteriorate, 
then  its  membership  disintegrates.  Men  engaged  in  occupations 
which  tolerate  lawlessness  are  now  excluded  from  all  but  one  of 
the  fraternal  orders  in  the  United  States.  There  is  an  unwritten 
law  in  many  lodges  that  a  member  shall  not  solicit  the  member- 
ship of  any  man.  The  application  of  a  new  member  should  mean 
that  the  applicant  has  not  only  preached,  but  that  he  desires  to 
practice  the  principles  of  fraternity. 

Some,  not  all,  members  of  peace  agencies  are  ready  to  con- 
demn other  peace  agencies  without  knowing  the  real  facts  con- 
cerning the  condemned  agencies;  such  condemnation  is  unjust  and 
unfraternal.  Honest  criticism,  on  the  other  hand,  is  not  con- 
demnation ;  every  man  and  every  agency  of  men  need  criticism. 
Strong  men  and  strong  agencies  of  men  encourage  criticism  and 
thereby  gain  much  of  their  strength.  Men  and  agencies  of  men 
who  are  afraid  of  criticism  will  cover  up  the  truth,  and  the  truth 
about  ourselves  is  the  only  thing  which  will  make  us  free  from 
the  ravages  of  war. 

The  twentieth  century  method  of  promoting  peace  is  for  men 
who  have  differences  to  sit  down  and  reason  with  each  other  and 
not  to  try  to  reform  each  other.  Reasoning  together  will  educate 
the  persons  concerned  and  will  make  the  one-half  of  the  world 
know  and  understand  the  other  half  better.  Wars  in  many 
instances  are  caused  by  the  one-half  of  the  world  not  knowing  and 
understanding  the  other  half.  Our  Civil  War  had  been  carried 
on  for  about  three  years  before  our  people  really  understood  that 
the  purpose  of  that  war  was  to  abolish  human  slavery  in  the 
United  States.     The  question  of  slavery  could  have  been  settled 


155 

without  any  loss  of  life  if  the  leaders  on  both  sides  of  the  con- 
troversy had  reasoned  with  each  other  in  a  fraternal  spirit  with 
an  honest  endeavor  to  find  out  the  truth.  Jealousy,  prejudice  and 
ignorance  played  their  part  in  that  controversy,  and  war  was  the 
result.  Today  we  are  paying  a  part  of  the  great  loss  of  that  war 
in  pensions,  and  many  homes  are  sad  because  of  broken  health 
or  death  which  was  caused  by  cruel  war.  Had  the  question  of 
slavery  been  settled  in  a  fraternal  way  some  of  the  money  our 
government  is  now  paying  for  pensions  would  have  been  paid 
then  to  slaveholders  for  their  property,  the  security  of  which  the 
Constitution  then  guaranteed  to  them.  The  million  men  who  then 
fell  on  our  battle  fields  and  died  from  disease  in  war  camps 
would  have  been  saved  to  develop  our  rich  and  growing  country. 

Men  in  fraternal  orders  rejoice  in  the  fact  that  arbitration 
is  now  taking  the  place  of  war.  Decisions  of  arbitrators  may  not 
always  be  just,  but  wars  never  settle  the  justice  of  a  cause.  Wars 
merely  settle  the  question  as  to  which  is  the  stronger  party  in  the 
controversy.  Fraternal  men  can  best  advance  the  peace  move- 
ment of  the  world  by  educating  themselves  to  promote  peace  and 
to  condemn  lawlessness  and  war.  If  we  cease  to  be  a  lawless 
people  we  will  cease  to  be  a  warlike  people.  If  we  cease  to  be  a 
warlike  people  at  home,  then  we  will  cease  to  be  a  warlike  people 
abroad  in  our  business  and  other  relations  with  foreign  nations. 
Other  nations  will  treat  us  as  we  treat  other  nations ;  if  we  treat 
them  unjustly,  they  will  treat  us  unjustly.  If  we  treat  them  in  a 
warlike  manner,  they  will  treat  us  in  a  warlike  manner.  If  we 
try  to  bluff  and  bulldoze  other  nations  by  trying  to  build  the 
largest  navy  in  the  world,  then  other  nations  will  try  to  bluff  and 
bulldoze  us  by  trying  to  build  navies  larger  than  ours. 

Fraternal  men  should  discourage  the  building  of  larger 
Dreadnoughts.  Dreadnoughts  and  large  armies  do  not  stand  for 
fraternity. 

The  best  advertisement  a  man  or  a  fraternal  order  can  have 
is  a  reputation  for  truth  and  justice.  The  greatest  detriment  to  a 
man  or  to  a  fraternal  order  is  a  reputation  for  bluff  and  bluster. 
In  the  long  run,  the  bluff  of  every  man  and  of  every  nation  will 
be  "called,"  and  the  man  or  nation  thus  exposed  will  receive  the 
condemnation  of  all  right-thinking  people.     Such  men  and  such 


156 

nations  are  not  willing  to  be  honest  and  truthful  with  their  fel- 
low men. 

Fraternal  orders  teach  men  confidence  in  their  fellow  men.  A 
man  who  has  not  confidence  in  his  fellow  men  is  a  dangerous  citi- 
zen to  the  nation  in  which  he  lives.  The  people  of  a  nation  who 
have  not  confidence  in  their  fellow  men  are  a  dangerous  people 
and  that  nation  is  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  nations,  A  man  who 
thinks  that  no  one  else  is  honest  but  himself  is  apt  to  be  dishonest 
with  his  fellow  men  because  he  w^ants  to  treat  others  as  he  thinks 
others  are  treating  him.  So  it  is  with  a  nation  whose  people 
think  the  people  of  all  other  nations  are  dishonest ;  they  are  uni- 
versally dishonest  because  they  attempt  to  "get  even"  with  those 
of  other  nations  whom  they  consider  dishonest.  A  dishonest 
nation  needs  a  big  navy  and  a  big  army.  The  more  dishonest  a 
nation  is,  the  bigger  its  navy  and  army  ought  to  be.  Such  a 
nation  is  educating  its  people  to  believe  that  might  makes  right. 
Such  a  nation  is  educating  its  people  to  regard  the  Golden  Rule 
as  a  joke,  and  is  teaching  them  that  justice  and  liberty  are  good 
things  to  preach  about  but  bad  things  to  practice. 

Fraternal  men  are  rapidly  realizing  that  the  Golden  Rule  is 
a  rule  of  business  necessity.  A  permament  business  must  be  an 
honest  business  justly  conducted.  A  dishonest  business  or  a  busi- 
ness dishonestly  conducted  means,  sooner  or  later,  bankruptcy. 
A  dishonest  nation  means,  sooner  or  later,  bankruptcy  or  war. 
In  other  words,  men  and  nations,  sooner  or  later,  get  their  just 
deserts.  Men  and  nations,  as  a  rule,  get  out  of  the  world  what 
they  put  into  it.  Men  and  nations  are  treated  by  the  world  as 
they  treat  the  world.  If  men  and  nations  want  war  they  sooner 
or  later  get  war;  if  men  and  nations  want  peace  they  sooner  or 
later  get  peace. 

We  cannot  expect  fraternal  orders  as  organizations  to  endorse 
this  or  that  peace  movement,  but  we  can  expect  all  true  fraternal 
men,  individually,  to  encourage  and  to  work  for  peace. 

The  members  of  the  fraternal  orders  in  the  United  States  not 
only  advocate  but  earnestly  desire  peace,  and  the  day  w'ill  come 
when  they  will  get  peace  and  our  nation  will  then  really  help  to 
free  this  old  world  from  the  pestilence  and  ravages  of  war. 


157 

Miss  Jane  Addams  : 

I  am  sure  you  all  know  Mr.  Robert  Treat  Paine,  President 
of  the  American  Peace  Society,  and  we  will  all  be  glad  to  hear  a 
word  from  him.     (Applause.) 

Mr.  Robert  Treat  Paine  : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  This  is  rather  a  sudden  surprise, 
and  I  never  had  the  power  of  speaking  without  preparation,  but 
one  cannot  refuse  to  obey  Miss  Addams,  in  Chicago.  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  We  have  learned  to  admire  her  so  much  in  our 
distant  city  of  Boston  that  obedience  here  would  be  easy  if  one 
were  able  to  do  so. 

I  cannot  refrain  from  saying  one  word  to  express  the  pleas- 
ure with  which  I  have  listened  to  this  last  address,  because  we 
have  been  struggling  for  peace  almost  hopelessly  and  I  do  not 
know  what  real  ground  we  have  for  confident  hope  unless  it  is 
the  great  masses  of  the  people,  the  fraternal  orders,  and  I  think  I 
am  right  in  saying  the  great  labor  unions,  those  who  are  repre- 
sented by  Mr.  Gompers,  whom  we  shall  hear  later;  unless,  pos- 
sibly they  take  up  the  cause  of  peace  and  present  it  with  the  fair- 
ness and  thoroughness  and  splendor  with  which  the  last  speaker 
has  done. 

The  capitalists,  I  think  I  might  almost  say  in  my  despair, 
have  failed  to  bring  about  the  desired  result.  Some  people  main- 
tain that  the  capitalists  are  on  the  wrong  side ;  that  they  are  mak- 
ing larger  profits  out  of  war  and  the  preparation  for  war  than 
they  can  make  in  any  peaceful  way.  We  are  beginning  now  to 
see  that  the  results  of  war  are  pressing  with  cruel  burdens  upon 
the  masses  of  the  plain  people ;  that  the  tremendous  debts  that  are 
rolled  up  by  all  this  preparation  for  war  in  Germany,  in  France, 
in  England,  and  even  in  our  own  happy  country,  which  until 
recently  has  been  free  from  the  burdens  of  war,  are  oppressing 
those  nations  with  a  mass  of  debt  which  really  in  the  last  analysis 
falls  upon  the  labor  unions,  the  laboring  men  and  the  fraternal 
orders.  And  therefore  they  have  the  right  on  the  noble  ground  that 
has  been  presented  to  us  of  what  I  will  call  Christianity,  to  make 
their  appeal  to  each  other  in  behalf  of  peace;  and  also  upon  the 
economic  ground  that  the  burdens  which  grow  out  of  the  cruel 
debts  of  war  are  borne  by  the  laboring  people  themselves,  and 


158 

arc  felt  by  the  workingmen  and  by  their  wives  and  by  their  chil- 
dren as  an  intolerable  burden. 

That  argument  we  wish  to  have  presented  as  powerfully  as 
it  can  be  on  all  occasions,  but  the  argument  which  Mr.  Burtt  has 
presented  to  us  this  evening,  growing  out  of  the  Christian  fel- 
lowship existing  between  working  people,  is  a  more  beautiful,  a 
more  potent  and  a  more  powerful  argument  than  the  economic 
argument  at  its  best. 

Therefore  I  rejoice  to  have  heard  what  Mr.  Burtt  has  just 
said  to  us,  and  I  hope  we  shall  hear  it  presented  also  by  Mr. 
Gompers.  I  congratulate  you  in  Chicago,  and  I  congratulate  Miss 
Addams  on  having  presented  the  best  argument,  on  the  highest 
possible  ground.     (Applause.) 

(A  solo,  "Why  Do  the  Nations  So  Furiously  Rage  To- 
gether?" from  Handel's  "Messiah,"  was  then  sung  by  Mr.  Arthur 
Beresford.) 

Miss  Addams: 

A  national  or  international  peace  conference  would  be  most 
incomplete  if  it  did  not  give  a  large  place  upon  its  program  to  the 
claims  of  organized  labor  as  a  peacemaker.  The  fraternal  dele- 
gates are  sent  from  England  every  year  to  the  meetings  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  and  we  are  most  happy  in  that 
at  this  Second  American  Peace  Congress,  held  in  Chicago,  the 
cause  of  organized  labor  and  peace  is  to  be  presented  by  Mr. 
Samuel  Gompers,  the  president  now,  as  he  has  been  for  many 
years,  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  I  take  great  pleasure 
in  presenting  to  this  audience  Mr.  Gompers.     (Applause.) 


Organized  Labor  and  Peace 

Mr.  Samuel  Gompers. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  The  question  of 
peace  and  of  war  is  peculiarly  and  particularly  a  question  largely 
affecting  the  working  people  of  all  countries.  Not  alone  in  battle, 
not  alone  upon  the  bloody  field  of  contest,  but  long  after  wars 
are  over  the  working  people  must  bear  the  brunt  of  it  all ;  for 


159 

after  all,  from  whom,  if  not  from  the  great  masses  of  the  people, 
of  the  workers,  is  to  be  drawn  the  soldiery  of  the  countries  ?  The 
only  benefit  that  possibly  may  result,  the  only  thing  really  that 
war  creates  is  widows  and  orphans.  (Applause.)  In  all  other 
respects  war  is  the  scientific,  brutal  and  consummate  art  of 
destruction. 

We  hear  occasionally  some  man  valiant  in  battle  who  lends 
his  voice  with  others  in  advocacy  of  peace,  and  to  my  mind  there 
is  no  greater  anomaly  than  to  find  any  one  trained  in  the  art  of 
wholesale  killing  adding  his  voice  for  peace,  for  if  peace  were 
general  and  universal  the  man  of  war  would  have  to  go  out  of 
business.  It  is  unthinkable  for  a  lawyer  to  be  without  a  brief  or 
a  client,  a  physician  to  be  without  a  patient ;  and  how  about  a 
soldier  without  war? 

Peace  is  the  manifestation  of  the  best  in  man  for  constructive 
purposes.  When  we  realize  the  enormous  sums  of  money  that 
are  expended  by  the  nations  of  the  world  in  war,  in  the  prepara- 
tion for  war,  in  the  standing  armies,  in  tremendously  increased 
navies,  even  upon  a  peace  footing,  it  is  enough  to  appall  one. 
Today  the  newspapers  published  dispatches  from  Washington  in 
which  it  was  said  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  the  desire  of  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet  to  economize  in  the  expenditures  of  our 
government,  it  is  not  possible  to  bring  the  estimates  for  the  com- 
ing year  within  a  billion  dollars !  It  does  not  take  very  long  to 
say  a  billion  dollars,  but  just  give  your  thought  a  moment's  time 
to  grasp  what  that  means  and  to  realize,  too,  that  so  tremendous 
a  part  of  that  billion  dollars  is  for  our  army  and  navy.  Yet  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  all  thinking,  observing  men  and  women  of 
our  country  realize  the  great  exhaustion  of  the  resources  of  our 
country,  it  has  been  difficult  to  obtain  the  appropriation  of  a  dollar 
from  Congress  in  order  to  protect  the  resources  of  our  country 
from  exhaustion.  Niggardliness  in  appropriation  for  matters 
affecting  the  common  weal ! 

I  recall  an  incident  when  I  had  the  pleasure  of  co-operating 
with  three  ladies  now  occupying  this  platform,  Miss  Jane  Addams, 
Mrs.  Raymond  Robins  and  Miss  Mary  McDowell,  in  trying  to 
get  Congress  to  authorize  the  appropriation  of  fifty  thousand 
dollars  to  investigate  the  extent  of  that  awful  evil  of  child  labor 
and  woman's  labor  in  unwholesome  occupations.    What  mattered 


i6o 

it  to  consider  the  great  questions  of  the  exploitation  of  our  women 
and  the  crushing  of  the  Hfe  of  our  young  and  innocent  children  ? 
War,  the  preparation  for  war,  these  are  the  incentives  to  our 
statesmanship. 

What  relation  has  labor,  and  particularly  organized  labor,  to 
peace?  The  whole  history  of  the  labor  movement  from  its  earliest 
institution  has  always  been  that  it  has  stood  unqualifiedly  for 
international  peace.  One  of  the  earliest  labor  unions  in  the  United 
States  more  than  one  hundred  years  ago  petitioned  Congress  to 
take  the  initiative  and  be  the  mediator  for  the  establishment  and 
maintenance  for  all  time  of  international  peace.  The  old  national 
labor  union,  the  Knights  of  Labor,  the  national  and  international 
trade  unions,  the  local  bodies  of  organized  labor,  central  labor 
unions,  state  federations,  and  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
in  its  convention  when  formed  in  Pittsburg  in  1881,  declared  for 
international  peace.  At  its  convention  in  1887  it  received  W.  R. 
Cremer,  the  union  stone  cutter  of  England,  elected  to  the  secre- 
taryship of  his  union,  and  then  the  opportunity  came  to  him  of  a 
little  more  time  and  opportunity  to  understand  the  great  ques- 
tions affecting  man,  and  he  initiated  the  movement  for  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union.  He  issued  a  weekly  paper  caller  The  Arbi- 
trator. It  had  a  precarious  existence,  and  so  did  he,  but  he  pub- 
lished his  paper  faithfully  and  regularly  regardless  of  his  own 
privations.  He  was  the  author  and  founder  of  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union  now  recognized  by  the  members  of  the  legisla- 
tive part  of  the  government  of  nearly  every  civilized  country. 

He  came  here  to  the  United  States  and  straightway  made  for 
the  convention  of  our  Federation  at  Baltimore  and  there  by  a 
unanimous  vote  the  convention  declared  that  it  would  support 
any  and  every  movement  that  tended  toward  the  elimination  of 
wars  among  the  nations. 

W.  R.  Cremer  four  years  ago  was  awarded  the  Nobel  Peace 
Prize  of  $40,000.  He  declined  to  receive  it  and  preferred  that  it 
be  given  to  the  foundation  for  international  peace.  He  died  only 
a  few  months  ago.  Just  before  he  died  the  government  of  Great 
Britain  recognized  in  him  a  great  force  for  universal  peace  and 
good  will  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  order  of  knighthood,  and 
thus  he  died  Sir  William  Randal  Cremer,  the  union  stone  cutter, 
an  embodiment  of  peace. 


i6i 

In  national  and  international  congresses  the  representatives 
of  labor  are  in  attendance.  They  were  in  attendance  in  New 
York ;  they  are  in  attendance  here  and  have  been  today  at  the 
meeting  at  Orchestra  Hall.  They  will  be  with  you ;  they  could 
not  escape  it  if  they  would  and  they  would  not  if  they  could. 
(Applause.)  They  are  so  vitally  interested  that,  if  it  were  not 
altruism,  positive  personal  interests  and  a  regard  for  personal 
safety  would  prompt  them  to  favor  international  peace.  And  I 
may  say  in  passing  that  the  labor  movement  stands  not  only  for 
international  peace  and  arbitration  to  take  the  place  of  strife  and 
warfare,  but  it  stands  unalterably  in  favor  of  industrial  peace. 
(Applause.) 

It  may  be  well  to  chide  the  men  of  labor  for  what  may 
transpire  during  a  rupture  of  the  harmonious  relations  existing 
between  workingmen  and  employers,  but  it  would  not  be  amiss 
to  bear  in  mind  what  the  conditions  would  be  were  the  men  and 
women  of  labor  unorganized.  I  will  take  second  position  to  no 
man  on  earth  in  my  advocacy  of  international  and  industrial  uni- 
versal peace.  Personally  I  would  submit  to  almost  any  indignity 
rather  than  engage  in  an  encounter,  but  there  is  a  limit  even  to 
self-restraint.  If  we  bear  in  mind  the  conditions  which  exist  in 
industry  with  the  great  concentration  of  wealth  and  power,  with 
the  division  and  the  sub-division  and  the  specialization  of  labor, 
what  opportunity  would  the  individual  workingman  have  to  defend 
his  rights,  his  interests  and  his  honor,  acting  as  an  individual? 
It  is  only  by  his  collectivity,  by  his  unison  with  his  fellows,  that 
he  obtains  some  of  the  individuality  and  power  which  he  has  lost 
by  the  development  of  modern  industry.  And  if,  incidentally,  out 
of  this  great  turmoil,  out  of  this  great  crucible  of  our  industrial 
development,  we  find  a  disagreement  arise,  none  deplore  it  more 
than  do  the  men  of  labor. 

But  there  are  some  things  that  are  even  worse  than  strife : 
a  degraded  and  demoralized  manhood  and  womanhood.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  would,  with  my  fellows  (and  have  declared  for 
specific  conditions)  demand  from  our  government  to  take  the 
initiative  so  that  the  peace  of  nations,  the  peace  of  the  world,  shall 
be  preserved ;  but  I  doubt  that  there  is  one  man  or  woman  in  this 
hall  tonight  who  would  advocate  the  absolute  disarmament  of  our 
country.    Not  in  the  year  of  grace  1909.     (Laughter.) 


l62 

We  want  peace  and  we  want  it  mighty  badly,  but  we  must 
come  to  it  by  universal  agreement  or  by  the  agreement  of  the 
pow^erful  nations  of  the  earth,  by  the  keen  conscience  of  the 
peoples  of  the  civilized  nations  that  shall  compel  the  powerful 
nations  of  the  world  themselves  to  restrain  themselves  first,  to 
prevent  extension  and  expansion  of  the  armies  and  the  navies,  and 
to  bring  their  great  power  upon  the  other  nations  of  the  earth ; 
to  have  some  consideration  for  the  conditions  of  the  workers. 

Where,  however,  will  you  find  a  people  with  such  great  self- 
restraint  as  has  been  manifested  by  the  working  people  of  our 
country?  No  famine  due  to  any  natural  cause,  no  dearth  of 
opportunity  due  to  their  own  lack  of  ability  and  genius  and 
willingness  to  work,  but  for  nearly  a  year  and  a  half  now  two  mil- 
lions of  strong,  sturdy,  industrious  men  and  women  of  our  country 
have  been  walking  the  streets  in  idleness.  It  is  saying  something 
for  the  power  and  influence  for  good  of  the  much  misunderstood 
and  much  misrepresented  labor  movement.     (Applause.) 

We  hear  some  adverse  comment  upon  strikes  as  they  occur, 
and  some  imagine  that  they  are  really  the  sum  total,  the  Alpha 
and  Omega  of  the  labor  movement,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it 
is  an  interruption  of  the  labor  movement.  The  thousands  and 
thousands  of  agreements  reached  by  the  men  and  women  of 
organized  labor  with  their  employers  are  not  promulgated  or 
proclaimed  from  the  housetops.  The  newspapers  do  not  publish 
them.  If  there  be  a  strike  or  a  lockout,  you  may  find  the  announce- 
ment made  in  large  scare  heads  in  the  newspapers.  That  is  sen- 
sational, and  it  is  apparently  vitally  interesting.  But  an  agree- 
ment reached  by  thousands  of  workmen  in  hundreds  of  instances 
is  not  sensational  or  interesting.  If  published  at  all  in  the  news- 
papers it  may  be  sandwiched  in  between  an  advertisement  of  a 
soothing  syrup  and  a  liver  pad.     (Laughter.) 

The  trade  agreements  that  organized  labor  has  with  the 
employers  are  industrial  treaties,  and  generally  more  faithfully 
abided  by  than  are  the  treaties  between  nations. 

We  want  peace  as  a  substitute  for  war,  arbitration  to  deter- 
mine the  justice  and  the  right  between  nations,  for  we  realize 
that,  apart  from  the  immediate  results  of  a  war,  the  wholesale 
killing,  the  production  for  simple  destruction,  there  is  one  element 
to  which  seldom  any  attention  is  given.    It  is  this,  that  every  war 


1 63 

is  an  interruption  of  the  natural  progress  of  the  people,  to  attend 
their  own  welfare ;  it  is  an  interruption  of  the  orderly  develop- 
ment of  the  spirit  of  unselfish  service  to  our  fellows ;  it  is  an 
interruption  of  the  best  concept  of  altruism  and  good  fellowship 
and  good  will.  Every  war  that  has  come  upon  the  people  of  the 
nations  has  retarded  the  spirit  of  progress  and  universal  kindness. 

Instead  of  our  batteries  and  arsenals  and  armories  and  navy 
yards,  we  would  have  them  converted  into  school  rooms,  into 
colleges,  into  universities,  into  university  extensions,  into  manual 
training  and  technology,  to  make  parks  and  playgrounds,  air 
spaces,  breathing  places,  and  to  weed  out  this  great  white  plague 
that  is  ravaging  the  masses  of  our  people.  (Applause.)  We 
would  have  our  people  taught  the  arts  and  sciences,  to  be  of 
service,  to  teach  them  love  and  good  will,  the  love  of  the  good, 
the  true,  the  beautiful  and  the  useful.  If  there  be  emulation,  let 
us  endeavor  to  instill  the  principle,  to  emulate,  to  fight  with  each 
other  as  to  who  will  render  his  fellows  the  best  and  the  greatest 
public  service.  (Applause.)  The  time  has  gone  by  when  the 
rulers  of  nations  can  begin  and  conduct  foreign  wars  to  stifle  the 
voice  of  the  people  with  the  discontent  of  the  wrongs  which  exist. 

The  people  of  our  time  have  learned  the  lesson.  We  no 
longer  recognize  the  great  divisions  between  the  peoples  of  the 
earth.  I  love  my  country  better  than  any  other  country  on  the 
face  of  the  globe,  but  that  is  no  reason  why  I  shall  hate  another 
country.  I  love  my  fellow  citizens  of  this  republic,  and  I  want 
to  serve  them  better  than  the  people  of  any  other  country. 

It  is  but  natural  that  one  should  feel  so ;  but  in  trying  to 
serve  the  people  of  the  United  States  I  do  not  find  it  necessary 
to  try  to  injure  the  people  of  any  other  country.      (Applause.) 

After  all,  we  are  not  so  far  apart  from  the  people  of  other 
countries  as  were  our  forefathers  a  century  ago.  Time  and  space 
have  been  eliminated  to  a  very  large  extent.  We  communicate 
with  the  people  of  all  countries  and  all  climes  within  a  very  few 
moments.  When  a  great  calamity  recently  befell  the  people  of 
Italy — the  great  earthquake — the  bulletins  of  the  newspapers  in 
Chicago  and  New  York  had  the  news  of  that  great  holocaust 
placarded  and  announced  to  the  people  before  it  was  announced 
in  Naples  or  Rome.  We  hear  the  news  of  events  which 
transpire,  we  learn  them,  and  we  communicate  with  the  peoples 


164 

of  the  earth  in  a  few  brief  moments.  The  cable,  the  telegraph, 
the  telephone,  the  wireless,  all  these  means  of  communication 
have  brought  us  into  direct  communication  with  each  other.  The 
steam  railways  and  steam  vessels  carry  men  and  women  and 
children  and  freight  and  goods  from  one  part  of  the  country  to 
another.  We  are  no  longer  six  months  from  Australia  or  three 
months  from  England  or  Germany  or  France  or  Austria  or  Italy. 
It  is  simply  a  matter  of  a  few  days. 

The  time  is  coming  when  we  shall  be  still  closer  than  we  are 
today,  for  we  do  not  now  count  how  many  miles  we  are  distant 
from  the  people  of  another  nation.  We  count  it  in  days  and  hours 
and  minutes,  and  the  more  closely  we  are  brought  in  contact  with 
each  other  we  shall,  metaphorically  speaking,  be  enabled  to  see 
into  the  eyes  of  another  people  and  recognize  in  them  that  they 
are  our  brothers.     (Applause.) 

I  said  yesterday,  and  I  desire  to  repeat  the  statement  tonight, 
that  I  regard  the  building  by  Great  Britain  of  her  first  Dread- 
nought as  the  monumental  blunder  of  this  generation.  England 
has  been  known  for  many  generations  as  "perfidious  Albion." 
Her  power  she  used  like  a  giant  and  a  brute ;  but  side  by  side 
with  the  growing  intelligence  of  the  people  of  our  country,  the 
people  of  England,  as  reflected  in  her  ministry  and  government, 
took  on  a  more  humane  view  of  power,  to  possess  power  and 
use  it  gently  ;  and  her  progress  and  influence,  side  by  side  with  the 
progress  and  influence  of  the  people  and  the  government  of  the 
United  States  for  universal  peace,  predominate  over  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  It  was  the  building  of  the  great  Dreadnought  that 
set  the  world  by  the  ears  again  to  consider  what  could  and  should 
be  done  by  each  nation  in  order  to  build  Dreadnoughts  for  them- 
selves. And  now  we  do  not  know^  which  country  shall  build  more 
Dreadnoughts.  There  is  much  for  the  people,  for  the  peace  and 
for  the  safety  of  the  peoples  of  the  countries  of  the  world  to 
dread  from  these  Dreadnoughts. 

We  may  only  hope  that  out  of  these  congresses  held  in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  with  the  allied  forces  and  power  of  the  various 
organizations  and  societies,  human,  altruistic,  aggressive,  fra- 
ternal, scientific,  men  in  public  life  and  private  life,  men  and 
women  who  are  giving  their  all,  their  effort  and  their  influence, 
may  develop  the  power  to  encourage  the  Republic  of  the  United 


i65 

States  to  take  the  lead,  to  stand  for  peace  and  to  invite  the 
nations  of  the  earth  to  appeal  to  the  conscience  of  the  peoples  of 
the  earth  to  stand  for  peace. 

Bear  this  in  mind,  my  friends.  I  want  to  repeat  the  thought 
that  the  working  people  are  most  vitally  interested  in  the  main- 
tenance of  peace  and  the  avoidance  of  war.  They  have  the  most 
to  lose,  they  have  the  greatest  burden  to  bear,  and  if  I  read  their 
temper  aright,  they  are  determined  that  peace  shall  be  established. 
(Applause.)  There  is  a  last  resort,  which  I  trust  may  never 
come  into  play,  but  if  through  chicanery,  if  through  trickery  and 
greed  our  leaders  in  the  public  life  shall  fail  to  appreciate  the 
great  responsibilities  depending  upon  them,  if  they  shall  fail  to 
take  the  necessary  steps  that  shall  some  time,  at  a  time  not  very 
distant,  see  to  it  that  war  is  abolished,  then  in  the  hearts  of  the 
masses  of  the  people  of  our  country  and  of  other  civilized  coun- 
tries by  common  agreement,  they  will  understand  that  peace  shall 
reign  on  earth  for  all  time  to  come.      (Applause.) 

Industrial  Basis  for  International  Peace 

Professor  Graham  Taylor. 

Industry  furnishes  the  victims  of  war.  Working  capital  and 
working  people  are  "food  for  powder."  They  supply  the  "sinews 
of  war"  in  money  and  in  flesh  and  blood.  Brawn  for  battle  and 
blood  for  carnage  are  drawn  only  from  labor.  The  treasure  and 
tax  of  toil  are  the  fuel  for  the  flame  of  war.  And  yet  the  com- 
petition of  commerce  to  get  the  materials  for  industry  or  to 
market  its  goods  has  been  the  chief  incentive  and  occasion  for 
the  world's  welfare. 

There  is  a  poetic  justice  in  the  fact  that  industry  is  preparing 
the  way  for  peace,  and  in  the  prospect  that  the  new  foundations 
for  international  peace  will  prove  to  be  industrial.  It  is  none  the 
less  but  even  more  significant  that  the  people's  peace  is  thus  com- 
ing, less  through  such  conscious  effort  as  those  of  peace  societies 
and  their  congresses  than  as  a  by-product  of  blind  economic 
forces  and  of  world-wide  industrial  tendencies.  But  because  of 
such  voluntary  preparations  for  peace  as  are  being  laid  by  educa- 
tion, ethics  and  religion,  it  will  thus  have  all  the  firmer  basis  in 


i66 

the  economic  necessities  of  the  new  times.  The  ancients  used  to 
think  "the  stars  in  their  courses  fought"  for  or  against  them.  We 
moderns  are  beginning  to  learn  that  it  is  futile  to  fight  against 
the  course  of  events,  the  orders  of  things,  the  way  of  the  world 
and  our  common  human  nature,  which  is  making  for  peace. 

Industrial  interdependence,  more  than  anything  else,  makes 
peace  possible  and  war  more  and  more  impossible.  Man  and 
man  are  made  interdependent  by  the  subdivision  of  labor,  by  the 
organization  of  industry.  Class  is  dependent  upon  class,  craft 
upon  craft,  and  nation  upon  nation,  all  up  and  down  the  scale 
and  the  wide  world  over  as  never  before  in  human  history.  "No 
man  liveth  to  himself"  nor  can  he.  There  is  no  self-made,  self- 
dependent  man  or  community  or  nation  any  more. 

We  have  all  become  so  necessary  to  each  other  that  we  can- 
not get  along  or  even  exist  very  long  without  each  other.  This 
interdependence  grows  with  every  invention,  with  every  labor- 
saving  device,  with  every  economy  and  efficiency  in  production 
and  distribution,  with  all  the  growth  of  civilization.  And  as  it 
grows,  any  interruption  of  these  necessary  inter-relationships 
menaces  human  existence,  becomes  intolerable,  costs  too  much 
for  any  people  to  afford.  War  therefore  becomes  more  and  more 
impossible,  peace  more  and  more  necessary,  as  nation  becomes 
more  and  more  dependent  upon  nation  not  only  for  its  profits  but 
for  its  very  living. 

A  broader  basis  for  association  is  being  laid  by  modern 
industry  which  is  sure  to  become  the  foundation  for  peace  among 
the  peoples.  Under  the  domestic  system  of  industry,  kinship  or 
the  village  furnished  the  bond  for  almost  all  human  associations. 
Under  our  modern  industrial  system,  combination  far  and  wide 
across  these  lines  becomes  necessary  to  both  capital  and  labor. 
Capital  has  been  compelled  to  mass  its  money  and  management 
in  larger  units.  An  individual  finds  it  less  profitable  and  less 
possible  to  be  "in  business  for  himself."  As  partnerships  supplant 
individuals,  so  corporations  supersede  partnerships  and  are  super- 
seded in  turn  by  syndicates  and  larger  combinations  of  capital. 

Labor  is  forced  to  combine  by  the  same  economic  necessity. 
Collective  bargaining  is  the  only  way  by  which  it  can  preserve  its 
freedom  of  contract  in  dealing  with  collected  capital.  As  employ- 
ers and  employes  recognize  their  own  and  each  other's  necessities 


16/ 

to  combine,  they  naturally  inevitably  deal  jointly.  The  joint 
trade  agreement  necessarily  includes  provisions  for  conciliating 
and  arbitrating  their  differences.  Thus  the  very  elements  which 
have  been  creating  internal  strife  and  provoking  foreign  wars  are 
training  themselves  and  each  other  in  the  ways  of  peace.  In  their 
separate  and  collective  interests,  organized  capital  and  organized 
labor  promise  yet  to  be  the  chief  impediments  to  war  and  the 
mainstay  of  the  world's  peace.  For  within  every  nation  this 
industrial  organization  on  both  sides  is  clearly  evolving  a  larger 
liberty,  at  least  for  the  class ;  a  rising  standard  of  living  for  the 
mass ;  a  stronger  defense  against  the  aggression  of  one  class 
upon  another,  and  a  firmer  basis  and  more  authoritative  power 
to  make  and  maintain  peaceful  and  permanent  settlements  of 
industrial  differences.  More  slowly  yet  surely  there  are  develop- 
ing legal  forms  and  sanctions  which  not  only  make  for  justice  and 
peace  between  parties  at  variance,  but  recognize  and  secure  the 
final  authority  of  the  public  as  the  third  and  greatest  party  to 
every  industrial  interest  and  difference. 

Thus  by  associating  with  larger  and  more  diverse  groups 
the  people  understand  each  other  better,  are  less  likely  to  be 
divided  by  prejudice  and  passion  from  those  with  whom  they 
work  and  deal,  and  are  preparing  to  fulfill  Mazzini's  prophecy  of 
"the  association  of  the  peoples." 

Modern  industrialism  tends  to  bring  men  into  international 
relationships.  Capital  has  necessarily  become  cosmopolitan.  It 
has  largely  expatriated  itself.  Commerce  floats  its  ships  and 
cargoes  under  any  flag  that  pays  best.  However  sinister  may  be 
the  influence  which  commercial  interests  have  had  upon  politics, 
there  is  a  larger  good  evolving  out  of  them.  Organized  working- 
men,  who  were  the  first  to  frighten  the  world  by  ignoring  national 
boundaries,  are  naturally  developing  into  international  unions  out 
of  their  national  organizations  without  the  loss  of  patriotism.  By 
stretching  hearts  and  hands  across  the  seas  to  organize  for  their 
common  interest  across  every  frontier,  these  great  craft  brother- 
hoods bid  fair  to  command  the  world's  peace  by  their  refusal  to 
fight  each  other.  Socialism  is  nothing  if  not  international.  How- 
ever divisive  it  may  be  among  the  people  of  each  country,  it  can 
never  array  one  nation  against  another  without  committing 
suicide.     However  impracticable  or  dangerous  its  ideals  may  be 


i68 

considered  by  others,  socialists  themselves  honestly  think  their 
theory  furnishes  the  final  and  only  basis  of  peace  by  destroying  the 
competitive  incentive  to  war. 

Industrial  migration  and  immigration  are  plainly  a  funda- 
mental part  in  pioneering  peace.  Beneath  all  the  unrest,  waste 
and  wreckage  attending  the  modern  mobility  of  labor,  the  work- 
ing people  who  are  drawn  or  driven  from  land  to  land  are  like 
the  shuttles  in  a  great  loom  that  is  weaving  a  new  pattern  of 
international  citizenship  in  cosmopolitan  patriotism.  America's 
adopted  citizens  are  not  so  likely  to  want  or  tolerate  v\^ar  with 
the  lands  of  their  birth  as  would  the  descendants  of  our  colonial 
forefathers  had  they  continued  to  live  upon  an  isolated  continent 
by  themselves.  The  return  of  so  many  workingmen  to  their 
kinsfolk  in  the  fatherlands,  when  trade  is  dull  and  work  is  slack 
in  America,  makes  our  very  industrial  depressions  work  for  peace. 
Thus  the  movements  of  our  armies  of  industry  and  fleets  of  com- 
merce are  really  an  invasion  and  siege  of  the  battlefields  and 
citadels  of  war  for  the  permanent  establishment  of  peace.  Com- 
mercial and  labor  laws  in  every  land  and  reciprocity  treaties 
between  trading  peoples  are  preparing  the  way  for  international 
courts  and  broadening  and  enlarging  the  scope  and  power  of 
international  law.  Already  we  have  an  international  society  for 
labor  legislation,  with  sections  in  each  land  and  publications  in 
the  languages  of  all  the  "great  powers."  This  and  every  other 
co-operative  effort  to  establish  industrial  justice  and  peace  by  the 
enactment  and  enforcement  of  law,  limit  the  area  and  the  number 
of  the  fields  for  fighting ;  substitute  a  court  officer  for  a  regiment 
of  soldiers;  build  a  "palace  of  justice"  instead  of  a  fortress,  and 
consecrate  it  as  the  cathedral  of  the  state.  All  the  highways  of 
trafiic  and  the  waterways  of  commerce  lead  no  longer  to  Rome, 
but  to  the  High  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague,  where  the 
peoples  of  the  earth  will  yet  seat  the  supreme  court  of  the  United 
States,  of  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  Australia  and  America. 

The  Chairman  : 

Miss  Eckstein  would  like  to  give  a  short  notice  of  a  petition 
which  she  Avould  like  to  have  signed,  and  then  we  will  proceed  to 
the  last  speaker. 


169 

Miss  Anna  B.  Eckstein  : 

I  just  wanted  to  say  that  near  the  door  there  are  a  number 
of  petition  blanks  of  the  world  petition  to  the  Third  Hague  Con- 
ference. The  idea  is  this,  that  of  course,  as  we  know,  the  gov- 
ernments today  the  world  over  are  not  autocratic  governments 
any  longer  but  governments  of  representation  by  the  people,  and 
the  leaders  of  the  governments,  the  leading  statesmen,  are  want- 
ing, because  they  must,  to  abolish  war,  but  they  cannot  do  it 
without  the  people  helping  them ;  so  we  want  to  have  this  world 
petition  become  a  majority  world  vote.  Everyone  who  wishes  the 
abolition  of  war  will  please  sign  it  so  that  we  will  have  the  signa- 
tures of  all  the  people  the  world  over,  of  those  people  who  want 
the  abolition  of  war.  We  wish  to  carry  these  signatures,  as  I 
said,  a  majority  of  the  vote  of  the  world,  to  the  Hague  Con- 
ference when  the  governments  of  the  world  meet  for  their  third 
conference.  I  would  like  very  much  if  all  these  friends  of  peace 
who  are  here  this  evening  would  sign  that  petition,  or,  better 
still,  take  home  a  blank  with  them,  or  as  many  blanks  as  you 
can,  and  distribute  them  among  your  friends  and  your  church 
and  clubs  and  organizations,  so  as  to  have  each  blank  form  a 
nucleus  of  new  circles  of  signers  and  distributors,  so  that  you 
will  do  your  part  in  bringing  about  the  abolition  of  war. 

The  Chairman  : 

One  of  the  most  significant  things  in  that  curious  war  between 
Russia  and  Japan,  which  was  so  full  of  surprises,  was  the  fraternal 
greeting  sent  from  the  socialists  of  Russia  to  the  socialists  in 
Japan  in  the  midst  of  the  war,  when  the  two  countries  were  fight- 
ing together,  showing  that  the  peoples  of  two  nations  may  come 
together  even  if  their  governments  do  not. 

This  Peace  Congress  would  recognize  international  social- 
ism as  one  of  the  great  forces  toward  peace.  Mr.  Carl  D.  Thomp- 
son, who  will  speak  upon  this  subject,  used  to  be  in  Chicago,  I 
believe,  a  good  many  years  ago.  He  went  to  our  sister  city  of 
Milwaukee,  was  sent  to  the  legislature  of  Wisconsin,  was  made 
secretary  of  the  charter  convention  at  Milwaukee,  so  that  he 
comes  back  to  us,  not  as  a  "Reverend"  at  all,  but  as  an  "Honor- 
able." He  will  address  us  on  this  international  subject.  (Ap- 
plause.) 


I/O 

International  Socialism  as  a  Peace  Force 

Hon.  Carl  D.  Thompson. 

There  are  two  features  in  the  international  socialist  move- 
ment that  make  it  by  reason  of  its  very  nature,  and  logically,  the 
greatest  anti-war  movement  in  the  world.  The  first  of  these  is 
the  propaganda  of  socialism,  its  teachings  and  its  principles.  The 
second  is  its  political  and  economic  power. 

THE   ECONOMIC   BASIS    OF   PEACE 

In  the  first  place  the  philosophy  of  socialism  itself  offers  the 
economic  basis  upon  which  alone  international  peace  can  rest.  If 
an  evil  is  to  be  cured  the  cause  must  first  be  found  and  removed. 
There  is  a  cause  for  militarism  and  war,  and  it  lies  in  the  very 
nature  of  our  present  industrial  and  economic  system.  The  wars 
of  today,  and  the  preparations  for  war,  all  center  around  the 
question  of  markets.  It  is  the  struggle  over  foreign  markets  that 
embroils  the  nations.  It  is  the  effort  of  each  nation  to  defend  its 
commercial  interests  involved  in  the  problems  of  foreign  markets 
that  gives  rise  to  the  military  preparations. 

Now  why  should  a  nation  need  to  struggle  to  maintain  its 
foreign  markets?  Why  cannot  the  exchange  between  nations  be 
carried  on  without  friction  ?  The  essential  element  in  the  situation 
is  this :  Each  nation  under  the  capitalistic  system  is  producing 
constantly  a  surplus  which  it  cannot  dispose  of  at  home.  And  it 
is  to  find  a  place  for  the  disposing  of  surplus  which  forces  upon 
the  nations  the  necessity  of  maintaining  at  all  hazards  their  foreign 
markets. 

But  under  a  just  social  order  there  would  be  no  capitalistic 
surplus  of  this  sort.  It  is  not  overproduction  that  is  the  difficulty; 
it  is  the  exploitation  of  labor.  It  is  not  that  the  working  classes 
and  the  masses  of  the  people  in  any  given  nation  are  overfed,  or 
too  well  clothed,  or  too  well  housed,  or  in  any  way  too  well  pro- 
vided with  the  things  that  are  necessary  for  their  normal  and 
physical  existence.  It  is  because,  by  reason  of  the  capitalistic 
system,  the  workers  have  been  impoverished.  They  are  unable  to 
buy  from  the  market  the  wealth  which  their  labor  has  created 
and  put  into  the  market.     The  surplus  cannot  be  sold  to  them, 


171 

because,  being  robbed  of  the  wealth  which  their  labor  created, 
they  cannot  buy  it  back. 

And  this  is  the  fatal  weakness  of  the  capitalistic  system.  By 
reason  of  its  very  nature,  therefore,  and  in  spite  of  all  that  we 
may  do,  this  system  which  compels  its  masters  to  struggle  for 
foreign  markets  gives  rise  logically  and  inevitably  to  the  interna- 
tional complications  out  of  which  war  grows. 

It  is  this  same  element  that  makes  it  seem  necessary  to  the 
capitalistic  rulers  of  the  world  to  maintain  vast  armies  and  navies. 
And  this  in  turn  gives  rise  to  the  mad  rush  of  the  nations  to  see 
which  can  build  the  biggest  battleships  and  marshal  the  greatest 
armies.  Hence  out  of  economic  injustice,  out  of  the  exploitation 
of  labor  grows  naturally  the  awful  fruitage  of  militarism  and  war. 

It  is  useless  to  cry  peace,  peace,  with  this  system,  when  there 
is  no  peace  and  when  there  can  be  no  peace  so  long  as  our  indus- 
trial order  rests  upon  this  fundamental  element  of  injustice. 

Socialism  goes  to  the  root  of  the  matter.  It  demands  a 
readjustment  of  the  industrial  world.  And  the  purpose  of  that 
readjustment  is  to  secure  for  those  who  toil  the  wealth  which 
their  labor  creates ;  to  eliminate  the  unearned  incomes  that  con- 
stitute the  object  of  the  capitalistic  method  of  production ;  to  give 
to  those  who  labor  practically  the  products  of  their  toil. 

When  this  is  done  the  workers  of  the  world,  or  the  workers 
in  any  nation,  will  be  able  to  buy  out  of  the  market  an  amount 
of  wealth  equal  to  that  which  their  labor  has  put  into  the  mar- 
ket. There  will  therefore  be  no  surplus  and  hence  the  nation 
will  not  need  to  fight  for  foreign  markets.  Exchange  between 
the  nations  may  be  carried  on,  without  exploitation  and  without 
the  fear  of  one  securing  an  economic  advantage  over  the  other. 

Thus  the  philosophy  of  socialism  in  itself  offers  the  economic 
basis  of  justice  and  peace,  and  in  the  long  run  this  is  the  only 
way  of  establishing  peace  upon  the  earth. 

Every  other  form  of  efifort  that  the  world  has  resorted  to  as 
a  means  for  securing  peace  has  proven  futile.  The  splendid 
propaganda  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  the  carpenter  of  Nazareth, 
maintained  as  it  has  been  through  centuries  with  the  most  won- 
derful devotion,  self-sacrifice  and  martyrdom,  has  nevertheless 
failed  to  protect  the  world  from  war  or  to  save  us  from  the 
crushing  burdens  of  our  monstrous  armies  and  navies. 


172 

Even  our  peace  conferences  have  been  in  vain.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  nations  go  away  from  the  conferences  to  find  their 
countries  rushing  into  the  bloodiest  of  wars.  We  have  been 
holding  peace  conferences  for  the  last  sixty-six  years.  Twenty- 
three  international  peace  conferences  have  so  far  been  held,  and 
yet  during  those  years  there  have  been  countless  wars,  and  the 
bloodiest  of  battles,  and  a  most  terrific  destruction  of  life  and 
property. 

In  spite  of  all  the  appeals  for  peace,  in  spite  of  the  universal 
desire  growing  ever  stronger  and  deeper  in  the  heart  of  humanity 
for  peace  on  earth,  the  burden  and  the  curse  of  militarism  grows 
steadily.  Here  in  America,  particularly  within  the  last  few  years, 
the  rush  of  our  nation  in  preparation  for  war  has  been  astound- 
ing. During  the  last  few  years  the  United  States  of  America 
has  appropriated  more  money  for  military  measures  of  various 
kinds  than  any  other  nation  on  earth.  Certain  representatives  of 
the  army  and  navy,  like  Congressman  Captain  Hobson,  have  been 
making  a  systematic  and  thoroughgoing  campaign  among  the 
people  of  the  western  states  with  the  purpose  of  enormously 
increasing  the  navy.  On  practically  all  of  the  Chautauqua  plat- 
forms for  years  this  agitation  has  been  carried  on.  And  the  whole 
purpose  frankly  stated  in  all  of  these  lectures  and  agitation  has 
been  to  get  the  people  to  urge  their  representatives  in  Congress  to 
vote  for  larger  appropriations  for  the  navy. 

Through  the  press  and  other  means  of  public  agitation  an 
effort  has  been  made  to  create  an  increasing  military  spirit  among 
the  people.  Prizes  have  been  offered  for  military  drills,  flag- 
raising  occasions  in  the  public  schools  have  stimulated  the  spirit 
of  militarism,  and  it  is  now  even  proposed  that  rifle  drills  be 
made  a  part  of  the  public  school  courses. 

In  Congress  we  have  witnessed  the  steady  increase  in  the 
demands  for  appropriations  for  military  purposes.  Last  year 
the  appropriations  for  these  purposes — for  wars  expected  and  for 
wars  past — $525,000,000  was  appropriated  by  the  United  States 
Congress.  And  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  those  who  were 
clamoring  for  more  money  for  the  navy  were  only  given  the 
smallest  part  of  what  they  insisted  was  absolutely  essential  in 
order  to  put  America  on  a  proper  "peace  basis." 

So  that  in  spite  of  all  our  teaching,  all  our  moral  influence 


173 

and  all  onr  peace  conferences,  we  are  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
belligerent  spirit  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

This  pleading,  this  effort  to  educate  the  people  rightly,  this 
influence  of  our  Peace  Conference  is  good ;  it  is  necessary.  We 
join  you  most  heartily  in  all  you  are  doing  in  this  line.  But  we 
tell  you  frankly  that  unless  to  this  is  added  the  readjustment  of 
the  economic  basis  upon  which  society  rests,  war  and  the  prepara- 
tion for  war  will  go  steadily  forward  in  spite  of  us  all. 

Until  the  cause  of  war  is  removed,  the  curse  itself  will  con- 
tinue. We  cannot  have  peace  on  earth  until  we  shall  have  estab- 
lished justice,  industrial,  economic  and  world-wide.  And  we 
ought  not  to  try  to  secure  the  one  without  the  other. 

A    POLITICAL   PEACE   POWER 

But  there  is  a  much  more  direct  and  vital  force  in  the  social- 
ist movement  that  is  making  for  peace  and,  indeed,  that  will  at 
last  make  war  not  only  unnecessary  but  impossible.  This  is  its 
political  and  economic  power.  Nine  million  men  have  voted  the 
socialist  ticket  in  the  world.  And  this,  of  course,  does  not  repre- 
sent anything  like  its  full  political  power,  since  so  many  of  the 
working  classes  in  various  countries  are  disfranchised.  At  least 
thirty  million  human  souls  are  marshalled  under  its  banners  in  the 
various  countries,  thus  constituting  at  once  the  greatest  political 
organization  in  the  world  today,  and,  in  fact,  the  greatest  political 
organization  in  human  history. 

Nor  does  the  movement  lack  in  the  expression  of  its  power 
in  the  parliamentary  bodies  of  the  world.  Four  hundred  and 
seventy  socialists  are  sitting  today  in  the  national  parliaments  of 
the  world.  In  some  of  the  parliaments  the  number  is  sufficient 
to  exercise  a  very  decided  influence  in  the  legislation  of  the 
nation. 

There  are  ninety  socialists  in  the  national  parliament  of  Aus- 
tria, seventy-six  in  the  national  parliament  of  France,  eighty-five 
in  Finland,  forty-three  in  Germany,  forty-four  in  Italy,  thirty-five 
in  England,  a  strong  group  in  Norway,  Sweden,  Belgium.  In 
fact,  in  nearly  every  one  of  the  great  European  nations,  socialism 
is  a  political  force  of  the  most  decided  power  and  influence. 

And  when  it  is  understood  that  the  whole  political  force  back 
of  these  representatives  in  the  national  parliaments  stands  to  a 


174 

man  committed  to  a  policy  against  militarism  and  war,  and  is 
struggling  for  a  philosophy  whose  very  purpose  is  to  put  an  end  to 
war  in  the  world  and  establish  peace  on  earth,  we  shall  begin 
to  appreciate  what  a  force  for  peace  international  socialism  has 
already  become. 

The  socialist  movement  has  already  actually  prevented  war, 
not  once,  but  in  many  cases,  and  as  it  grows  its  force  in  this 
direction  will  increase. 

Socialism  strives  everywhere  for  the  thorough  organization 
of  the  working  classes,  not  only  on  the  lines  of  trades  unionism, 
but  also  on  the  economic  field,  and  chief  of  all  upon  the  political 
field.  And  besides  it  seeks  to  organize  the  working  classes,  not 
only  in  one  countr}',  but  internationally.  It  seeks  to  organize  all 
classes  of  the  workers  in  all  the  lines  that  concern  them.  The 
socialist  movement  seeks  to  co-ordinate  the  trades  union  move- 
ment with  the  political  organization  of  the  working  class,  and  to 
reinforce  these  by  the  economic  organization  in  the  various  forms 
of  insurance,  co-operative  societies  and  the  like.  And  where  the 
socialist  movement  has  become  mature  it  has  co-ordinated  all  of 
this  organized  power  of  the  working  class  and  brings  it  to  bear 
in  combined  strength  against  the  forces  of  war. 

The  efifect  of  this  sort  of  organization  on  the  matter  of  war 
and  militarism  can  of  course  be  much  better  judged  in  the  coun- 
tries where  it  has  been  more  perfected  than  here. 

In  Europe  the  power  of  the  working  class  is  much  more 
feared  and  respected  than  in  this  country.  And  this  is  because 
the  American  socialist  movement  has  not  yet  succeeded  in  devel- 
oping the  form  of  co-ordinated  organization  which  it  has  secured 
in  the  European  countries. 

The  working  classes  in  this  country  are  held  in  contempt, 
not  only  by  the  courts,  but  by  the  political  parties.  In  England  the 
power  of  the  working  class  is  respected.  And  that  is  because  the 
socialist  movement  has  finally  prevailed  upon  the  working  classes 
to  organize  their  political  power  independently.  They  have  thirty- 
five  socialists  in  the  national  parliament.  And  there  are  no  injunc- 
tions to  be  issued  against  the  labor  unions  in  England  any  more. 
There  are  old  age  pensions  being  established,  and  the  impover- 
ished  children   in   the   public   schools   are   being   fed   at  public 


175 

expense  where  necessary.  A  beginning  has  been  made,  the  polit- 
ical power  of  the  working  class  is  being  felt. 

The  same  is  true  in  Germany.  Three  million  working-class 
men  in  Germany  means  three  million  trades  unionists,  and  it  also 
means  three  million  socialists.  And  when  the  working  class  of 
Germany  move  they  move  together,  not  only  on  the  trades  union 
field,  but  also  on  the  political  field.  And  one  helps  the  other. 
They  are  a  solid  phalanx.  And  their  force  is  becoming  resistless. 
It  is  the  same  in  Belgium,  in  France,  in  Italy,  in  Norway  and 
Sweden  and  Denmark.  The  workers  of  the  world  are  being 
organized.  And  when  political  power  like  this  sets  itself  against 
a  proposal  for  war,  the  nations  dare  not  act  without  them.  This 
solid  and  co-ordinate  form  of  labor  forces  in  the  European 
countries  makes  it  possible  for  them  to  use  successfully  in  enforc- 
ing their  demands  what  is  known  as  the  general  strike. 

That  is,  when  there  is  a  universal  feeling  among  the  working 
class,  against  a  proposed  war  for  example,  the  representatives  of 
the  trades  unions  in  the  national  congress  inform  the  authorities 
who  are  seeking  to  precipitate  war  that  if  the  war  is  declared  a 
general  strike  will  be  ordered.  This  will  mean  that  the  coal  for 
the  ships  will  not  be  handled,  that  the  munitions  of  war  will  not 
be  transported,  that  trains  will  not  run,  and  thus  the  nation's  arms 
would  be  paralyzed.  It  can  be  readily  seen  that  here  is  an  economic 
power  that  can  absolutely  render  war  impossible.  It  is  only  a 
question  of  the  degree  of  labor  organization. 

Thus,  where  the  representatives  of  the  working  class  are  sure 
of  the  solidarity  of  labor  they  are  able  to  absolutely  prevent  war. 

Whenever  a  labor  movement  arises  sufficiently  organized  to 
command  its  following,  and  that  labor  movement  realizes  that  it 
has  everything  to  lose  by  war  and  nothing  to  gain,  then  that  labor 
movement  will  make  war  impossible. 

And  the  socialist  realizes  that  the  interests  of  labor  are 
opposed  to  war.  It  is  the  working  class  that  in  the  last  analysis 
bear  all  the  burdens  of  war.  The  monstrous  expenditure  for 
militarism  is  impoverishing  the  people ;  is  keeping  our  cities 
cursed  with  the  slums  and  our  homes  blighted  with  tenements 
and  hovel  dwellings.  It  is  the  expenditure  upon  war,  present, 
past  and  to  come,  that  prevents  our  developing  our  natural 
resources  which  would  give  employment  to  the  millions  of  unem- 


1/6 

ployed.  It  is  the  heavy  tax  for  war  and  war  preparations  that 
levies  its  toll  upon  all  the  necessities  of  life  and  increases  the  cost 
of  living.  And  this  in  turn  bears  most  heavily  always  and  every- 
where upon  the  working  classes. 

And  this  is  not  all.  When  war  is  declared  and  the  fighting 
begins  it  is  not  the  rich  nor  the  leisure  class  that  go  into  the  bat- 
tles. They  stay  at  home,  hire  substitutes  and  play  the  game  of 
capitalism  that  draws  profits  off  the  anguish  and  agony  that  the 
workers  suffer. 

It  is  the  common  workingman  that  must  shoulder  the  musket 
and  make  the  weary  march.  It  is  the  common  workingman  that 
must  stand  out  under  the  silent  stars  and  in  the  storm  on  sentinel 
duty.  It  is  the  common  workingman  that  must  take  the  cold  steel 
to  his  breast  and  writhe  in  anguish  upon  a  field  dyed  red  with  the 
blood  of  his  comrades.  It  is  the  common  workingmen,  massed 
like  huge  projectiles  hurled  in  murderous  assault  at  each  other, 
that  become  "lava  contending  with  lightning  and  volcano  con- 
tending with  earthquake"  until  the  earth  beneath  them  trembles 
with  terror. 

It  is  the  common  working  class  that  must  drink  all  the  bitter 
dregs  of  all  the  blood,  of  all  the  tears,  and  of  all  the  anguish  of 
this  vicious  thing  that  we  call  war.  And  today  the  workers  of 
the  world  are  aware  of  it.  They  long  for  peace.  They  struggle 
for  justice  that  peace  may  come. 

The  socialist  movement  of  the  world  is  making  an  untiring 
fight  against  militarism.  Its  representatives  refuse  at  every  occa- 
sion to  vote  for  the  expenses  of  military  and  naval  armaments. 
They  seek  to  democratize  the  army.  They  use  each  year  with 
increasing  vigor  and  success  the  varied  methods  of  action  open 
to  them  to  prevent  the  breaking  out  of  wars  or  to  end  them  if 
they  once  are  started.  By  taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of 
governments  when  engaged  in  war,  to  press  the  demands  of  the 
working  class,  they  are  sometimes  able  to  force  a  cessation  of 
hostility. 

Thus  in  many  ways  the  organized  labor  movement,  inspired 
by  the  purpose  of  peace,  as  socialism  is,  has,  through  mutual 
understanding  and  agreement,  actually  prevented  war  over  and 
over  again.  An  understanding  arrived  at  between  the  English 
and  the  French  trades  unionists  after  the  Fashoda  crisis  served 


177 

to  assure  peace  and  re-establish  friendly  relations  between  Eng- 
land and  France.  The  resolute  standing  of  the  socialist  repre- 
sentatives in  the  national  parliaments  of  Germany  and  France  dur- 
ing the  Morocco  crisis  prevented  war.  The  public  demonstrations 
organized  by  the  Italian  and  Austrian  socialists  who  met  in 
Switzerland  warded  off  a  conflict  between  those  two  nations.  The 
vigorous  intervention  of  workers  of  Sweden  and  Norway  pre- 
vented a  war  in  that  case.  Thus  the  socialist  movement,  repre- 
senti;ng  the  working  class  in  its  various  forms  of  organization, 
has  at  command  the  one  overwhelming  power  by  which  war  may 
be  ended. 

And  socialism  teaches  the  working  class  steadily  night  and 
day,  throughout  the  world,  what  war  means  to  them.  War  is 
hell.  And  when  it  begins  it  is  the  working  class  that  suffer  its 
fiercest  flames.  Every  good  thing  in  the  world  is  delayed,  crip- 
pled, paralyzed  on  account  of  the  tremendous  expenditures  for 
war.  One  battleship  costs  more  money  than  it  would  cost  to  build 
homes  for  a  thousand  working  people,  or  to  lay  out  a  score  of 
parks  where  the  poor  in  the  crowded  city  could  find  a  place  to 
breathe  the  fresh  air  of  God, 

"With  the  stars  above  their  heads, 
And  the  grass  beneath  their  feet." 

And  yet  the  battleship  goes  forth  to  kill  and  to  destroy ;  goes 
forth  inscribed, 

"I  hold  the  lightning,  thunder  is  my  breath, 
Monstrous  I  swim,  swollen  with  death ; 
All  man's  achievements  centered  in  me, 
The  crown  of  his  knowledge,  I  blast  the  sea." 

W^ar  destroys  government  and  paralyzes  industry,  thus  in 
the  long  run  destroying  the  opportunities  for  labor  and  life.  It 
impoverishes  the  people,  it  robs  millions  of  men  of  the  richest 
years  of  their  lives,  it  opens  countless  graves  where  happy  homes 
should  be.  It  fills  the  world  with  widows  and  orphans,  it 
drenches  our  fields  with  blood,  bathes  the  world  with  tears,  and 
fills  the  world  with  hate.  The  world  has  enough  of  anguish, 
enough  of  broken,  bleeding  hearts,  enough  of  tears.  Let  us  turn 
our  faces  towards  the  light  of  peace.     Let  us  wipe  away  their 


178 

tears.  Let  us  heal  the  broken  hearts,  let  us  bring  peace  upon  the 
earth. 

These  things  the  socialist  feels  and  knows.  And  we  know 
another  thing.  We  know  that  we  have  the  power  to  stop  it  all ; 
that  no  war  could  ever  be  fought  without  us.  We  have  fought 
all  the  wars  in  human  history,  we  have  borne  the  burden  of  the 
anguish  and  suffering  that  followed  in  every  trail,  and  now  we 
will  fight  one  more  war,  and  this  only  for  ourselves :  To  abolish 
the  social  injustice  that  is  the  cause  of  war,  that  war  may  be 
no  more. 

What  happened  in  Germany  a  few  years  ago  will  soon  be 
happening  in  every  nation  on  the  earth.  When  the  ruling  class 
of  one  nation  shall  clamor  for  war  with  another,  when  they  shall 
demand  vast  sums  of  money  to  build  battleships,  to  equip  armies, 
the  socialist  representatives  in  the  parliament  of  the  nation  in- 
volved v^ill  arise  and  say :  "You  may  declare  war  against  them 
if  you  will.  But  the  working  class  of  this  country  has  no  griev- 
ance against  the  working  class  of  their  country.  And  if  you 
declare  war  you  will  have  to  do  the  fighting  yourselves,  for  the 
workers  of  this  country  wall  not  fight  and  murder  the  workers 
of  their  country." 

The  socialist  movement  will  arise  and  say  in  the  parliaments 
of  the  world,  "We  are  opposed  to  violence,  bloodshed  and  murder. 
We  seek  to  establish  justice  that  war  may  be  unnecessary.  All 
the  world  is  our  fatherland.  All  mankind  is  our  brotherhood,  one 
common  cause  links  us  together  in  every  nation.  In  every  country 
under  the  shining  sun  and  silent  stars  the  workers  of  the  world 
unite  for  justice  and  peace." 

And  so  when  the  cause  of  socialism  shall  have  captured  the 
parliaments  of  the  world,  then  war  will  cease  forever.  Then  will 
be  fulfilled  the  words  of  the  prophet  who  said :  "They  shall  beat 
their  swords  into  plowshares,  their  spears  into  pruning  hooks; 
nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they 
learn  war  any  more."  Then  will  be  fulfilled  the  song  of  the 
angels  at  Bethlehem — "Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth 
peace,  good  will  among  men." 

At  the  close  of  Mr.  Thompson's  address  the  meeting  ad- 
journed. 


FOURTH  SESSION 
COMMERCE  AND  INDUSTRY 

Tuesday  Morning,  May  4,  at  9:30  o'clock 

Orchestra  Hall 
HON.  GEOEGE  K  EOBEETS,  Presiding 

War  Expenditures  in  an  Economic  Age 

This  session  of  the  Peace  Congress  is  set  apart  for  a  special 
consideration  of  the  interests  of  commerce  and  industry;  of  the 
effects  of  war  and  the  burdensome  preparations  for  war  upon 
commerce  and  industry.  The  time  was  when  war  was  the  prin- 
cipal occupation  of  mankind;  when  society  was  organized  for 
war  rather  than  for  industry.  Happily  that  is  no  longer  true. 
We  live  in  what,  as  compared  with  all  the  past,  is  the  Economic 
Age,  the  Age  of  Industry  and  Commerce,  an  age  in  which  the 
energies  of  man  are  devoted  to  the  arts  of  production  rather  than 
to  efforts  of  destruction  or  exploitation.  This  is  an  age  of  indi- 
vidual hope  and  ambition,  when  men  are  struggling  to  better  the 
material  conditions  under  which  they  live,  to  unlock  by  science 
and  industry  the  boundless  resources  of  Nature,  to  surround  them- 
selves with  comforts  and  benefits  heretofore  unknown  or  beyond 
reach,  and  to  open  the  way  to  a  larger  and  richer  life  for  their 
children.  It  is  an  age  of  calculation  and  analysis,  of  cost-keeping, 
when  efficiency  is  the  watchword  and  the  elimination  of  waste  a 
study.  It  is  not  strange  at  such  a  time,  when  money  is  wanted 
for  a  thousand  purposes,  and  civilization  seems  to  wait  on  means 
to  make  its  ideals  practicable,  that  the  enormous  and  growing 
expenditures  in  preparation  for  war  should  be  challenged.  The 
enlightened  opinion  of  the  world  must  agree  with  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  the  British  Foreign  Secretary,  when  he  said  a  few  days  ago 
that  they  have  become  a  satire  and  a  reflection  on  our  civilization, 
and  echo  his  fear  that  if  they  go  on  at  the  rate  at  which  they  have 
recently  increased  they  will  eventually  submerge  that  civilization. 

179 


i8o 

When  these  expenditures  are  considered  with  relation  to  com- 
merce and  industry,  and  this  waste  of  wealth  and  economic  power 
is  measured  not  merely  in  the  formal  figures  of  the  budgets,  but 
by  the  potential  value  of  these  sums  in  productive  use,  the  cost 
and  folly  of  it  all  comes  home  with  redoubled  weight. 

The  argument  against  it  from  the  standpoint  of  commerce 
and  industry  is  neither  unpatriotic  nor  sordid.  It  is  for  the 
common  welfare  of  the  millions.  It  is  a  plea  that  these  vast 
sums,  produced  by  toil  and  sacrifice,  instead  of  being  dissipated 
and  lost,  may  be  added  to  the  permanent  working  capital  of  the 
world.  An  indispensable  factor  in  economic  and  social  progress 
is  capital.  In  the  economy  of  communities  and  of  nations,  as  in 
the  economy  of  individuals  and  families,  it  is  the  dollar  left  over, 
the  dollar  that  becomes  capital,  that  counts  for  progress. 

There  is  independence  and  inspiration  and  power,  there  is 
leisure  and  culture  and  hope  in  the  dollar  left  over.  As  the  tele- 
scope magnifies  the  power  of  the  eye,  as  the  telephone  extends  the 
reach  of  the  voice,  as  the  lever  adds  to  the  power  of  the  arm,  so 
the  dollar  left  over,  the  savings  fund,  by  a  myriad  of  agencies 
multiplies  the  productive  power  of  a  people. 

The  accumulations  of  society  at  best  are  slowly  and  painfully 
made.  When  from  the  annual  earnings  of  a  community  are  taken 
the  consumption  and  waste  and  deterioration  of  the  year  the 
actual  gain  is  small,  estimated  at  3  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  it  is 
out  of  this  possible  margin,  narrow  and  meager  as  it  is,  that  this 
war  tkx  must  be  paid.  And  there  is  literally  no  end  to  the  pro- 
ductive employment  for  capital,  for  the  inventor  and  the  scientist 
and  the  genius  of  enterprise  are  always  waiting  with  new  tasks 
for  it  to  perform.  There  are  vast  stores  of  natural  wealth  to  be 
utilized,  there  are  endless  opportunities  to  improve  upon  the 
methods  and  machinery  of  production,  and  finally  the  largest  and 
most  inspiring  opportunity  of  all  is  the  opportunity  to  improve 
and  develop  the  human  factor  in  production  himself.  For  the 
gain  here  is  not  only  an  effectual  means  to  an  end,  but  the  very 
end  itself  to  which  all  social  aims  are  directed, 

A  notable  illustration  of  the  productive  investment  of  capital 
is  afforded  by  the  great  dam  in  the  River  Nile  at  Assouan.  It  cost 
about  $10,000,000,  approximately  the  cost  of  a  modern  battleship 
of  the  type  which  has  made  all  the  navies  of  the  world  apparently 


i8i 

obsolete.  But  the  battleship  when  built  is  a  serious  and  continual 
expense  and  may  be  obsolete  itself  in  ten  years,  while  the  Assouan 
dam  has  added  $100,000,000  to  the  taxable  property  of  Egypt,  and 
will  make  an  annual  contribution  to  the  comfort  and  progress  of 
that  people  forever. 

The  old  debt  of  Great  Britain,  the  legacy  of  wars  of  a  hun- 
dred years  and  more  ago,  is  like  a  veritable  shirt  of  Nessus, 
absorbing  an  interest  charge  of  $100,000,000  a  year.  That  debt 
is  still  greater  than  all  the  loans  of  all  the  banks  of  Great  Britain 
to  commerce  and  industry,  and  two  small  wars,  in  the  Crimea  and 
in  South  Africa,  have  ofifset  all  the  reductions  made  upon  it  in  the 
last  seventy  years. 

And  if  it  should  be  said  that  the  responsibility  for  this  burden 
is  far  distant,  and  in  no  degree  ours,  it  may  be  added  that  the  cost 
of  three  recent  wars — viz.,  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
Great  Britain  and  the  Boers,  Russia  and  Japan — has  equaled  the 
sum  total  of  all  the  loans  of  the  national  banks  of  the  United 
States  to  commerce  and  industry. 

But  the  cost  of  war  itself  is  not  so  great  as  the  cost  of  con- 
tinuous and  increasing  preparations  for  war.  Sir  Edward  Grey 
in  his  notable  speech  in  Parliament  last  month  said  that  the  prin- 
cipal countries  of  Europe  w^ere  expending  50  per  cent  of  all  their 
revenues  upon  preparations  to  kill  each  other,  and  the  chairman 
of  the  House  Committee  on  Appropriations  at  Washington  states 
that  60  per  cent  of  the  revenues  of  the  United  States  government 
are  being  devoted  to  the  same  purpose.  Under  the  pressure  of 
these  expenditures  national  debts  are  grow'ing  in  time  of  peace, 
and  the  ingenuity  of  cabinets  is  taxed  to  find  new  sources  of 
revenue,  wdiile  great  industrial  enterprises  and  beneficent  social 
reforms  await  a  supply  of  capital. 


Damage  and  Cost  of  War  to  Commerce  and  Industry 

Mr.  W.  a.  AIahony. 

Commerce  and  Industry  Avill  certainly  render  due  honor  and 
express  gratitude  to  all  who  have  shown  devotion  and  rendered 
P'^rvice  to  our  beloved  country,  whenever  or  wherever  our  coun- 


1 82 

try's  vital  interests  have  been  assailed  and  where  defenders  of 
her  enHghtened  and  Hberty-loving  principles  were  endangered. 

Wherever  true  patriotism  has  been  manifest,  there  commerce 
and  industry  would  render  due  acknowledgement.  Especially 
would  commerce  and  industry  render  assistance  in  caring  for 
those  who  through  exposure  on  ocean  or  land  have  become  crip- 
pled and  diseased  and  need  the  sheltering  arms  of  the  govern- 
ment in  providing  for  those  who  have  defended  the  motherland. 
While  commerce  and  industry  would  gratefully  make  acknowl- 
edgment, these  two  great  interests  of  mankind  may  be  allowed 
to  ask  the  question,  "Is  there  not  a  better  way  than  that  of  war 
and  the  'big  stick'  to  influence  our  fellow  men,  and  at  the  same 
time  have  our  own  just  rights  respected  and  protected?"  Com- 
merce and  industry  will  probably  always  admit  the  need  and 
wisdom  of  maintaining  an  ample  police  force,  local,  state,  national 
and  international,  to  enforce,  where  necessary,  local,  state,  national 
and  international  customs  and  laws,  and,  where  necessary,  to 
hold  in  check  and  compel  the  submission  of  the  unruly,  law-defy- 
ing element,  whether  that  element  be  local,  state  or  national. 

Commerce  and  industry  may  be  permitted  to  ask,  Why  the 
need  of  such  an  increase  in  the  expense  of  army  and  navy,  when 
so  many  arbitration  treaties  are  signed  and  when  there  is  such  a 
growing  tendency  to  look  to  courts  of  law  for  settlements  of 
differences?  The  code  of  the  duelist  is  out  of  fashion.  The  big 
navy  enthusiast  is  shouting  for  peace,  and  gives,  as  an  excuse  for 
wanting  a  big  navy,  that  such  a  navy  will  be  a  dove  of  peace. 

War  deranges  every  relationship  of  life  and  throws  into 
confusion  the  occupations  whereby  the  human  family  is  nourished 
and  housed.  Commerce,  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  national 
wealth,  and  industry,  through  which  mankind  provides  for  the 
necessaries  and  luxuries,  are  both  burdened  and  interfered  with 
by  preparations  for  war  and  by  war  itself.  Preparations  for  war 
and  the  cost  of  past  wars  are  now  absorbing  about  two-thirds  of 
the  present  very  large  income  of  the  United  States  government, 
an  income  obtained  directly  and  indirectly  through  taxes  which 
are  levied  in  large  part  on  commerce  and  industry.  What  reason 
has  this  monster  evil  of  the  world,  war,  to  give  for  the  burdens 
it  is  imposing  on  mankind?  War  is  one  of  the  principal  causes 
of  poverty;  war  is  the  principal  cause  of  the  immense  national 


i83 

debts  and  the  consequent  cause  of  the  heavy  taxes.  Commerce 
and  industry  may  well  question  the  reasons  which  army  and 
navy  allege  as  justification  for  the  large  sums  of  money,  the  large 
number  of  men  and  the  vast  amount  of  material  they  are  taking 
from  productive  sources,  for  armies  and  navies  are  non-producers. 
This  equipment  is  of  the  most  expensive  character,  and,  when  in 
action,  their  object  is  destruction;  the  result  of  efficient  action  is 
wounds,  death,  destruction  of  property  and  of  the  enemy. 

Is  the  justice  of  a  cause  established  by  war?  Never!  Are 
the  passions  of  men  soothed  by  war?  Never!  Is  brotherly  kind- 
ness promoted  by  war?  Never!  Is  faith  and  confidence  in  your 
brother  man  strengthened  by  elaborate  and  costly  preparations 
for  war?  Never!  Is  the  peace  and  comfort  of  our  minds  pro- 
moted by  fearing  our  fellows  ?    Never ! 

Should  commerce  and  industry,  so  sorely  burdened  by  prepa- 
rations for  war,  remain  silent  and  enter  no  protest?  Should  not 
commerce  and  industry  call  upon  the  congresses,  the  legislative 
bodies  of  the  world,  the  leaders  and  rulers,  to  arrest  these  vast 
expenditures  in  preparing  for  war?  They  certainly  should.  Should 
not  commerce  and  industry  point  to  the  fact  that  they  are  enabled 
to  carry  through  their  vast  achievements  because  of  their  faith 
in  their  fellow  men,  that  the  very  existence  of  their  beneficent 
life-work  depends  upon  their  confidence  that  contracts  will  be 
fulfilled,  and  that  if  there  should  arise  differences  of  opinion  as 
to  what  contracts  call  for  they  can  appeal  to  properly  constituted 
courts  before  which  both  sides  may  explain  their  understanding 
of  the  contract,  and  through  disinterested  judges  reach  peaceful 
methods  of  settlement?  Do  commerce  and  industry  ever  find  it 
the  best  method  to  cut,  shoot,  burn  ?  Never !  Then  why  should 
congresses,  leaders  or  rulers  persist  in  cruel,  barbarous,  destruc- 
tive, wicked,  foolish  method  of  war,  for  settlement  of  differences? 
It  is  high  time  that  commerce  and  industry  should  raise  their 
voices,  that  they  may  be  heard  even  by  the  congresses,  the 
leaders,  the  rulers — heard  even  above  the  noise  of  cannon,  and 
that  those  voices  should  demand  that  the  peaceful  methods  of 
arbitration  should  be  trusted,  that  nations  as  well  as  individuals 
may  be  trusted  to  keep  their  contracts,  that  honorable  dealings 
among  nations  may  be  expected  even  as  among  private  individu- 
als.   Let  commerce  and  industry,  that  supply  men  and  money,  the 


1 84 

sinews  of  war,  resolve  that  they  will  insist  on  the  better  way  of 
arbitration. 

Commerce  and  industry  have  not  forgotten  the  blockade  of 
southern  ports  during  the  American  Civil  War,  nor  the  effects 
of  that  blockade  upon  commerce  from  southern  ports  and  through- 
out the  South  as  well  as  the  North,  the  interruption  to  the  ship- 
ment of  the  products  of  the  South  and  the  greatly  enhanced  mar- 
ket price  to  the  consumer.  Nor  have  commerce  and  industry  for- 
gotten the  damage  to  northern  shipping  through  the  devastating 
work  of  that  southern  craft  the  Alabama.  Neither  has  England 
forgotten  the  part  she  was  made  to  take  by  that  same  vessel,  and 
the  judgment  of  her  national  peers  that  England  should  pay 
$16,000,000  in  damages  because  of  the  depredations  of  that  one 
vessel.  Commerce  and  industry  have  not  forgotten  the  great  con- 
fusion caused  by  the  American  Civil  War  to  all  northern  com- 
merce and  industry,  also  to  the  price  of  commodities  and  securi- 
ties, stocks  and  bonds,  and  the  violent  fluctuation  in  the  premium 
on  gold.  Nor  have  commerce  and  industry  forgotten  the  thou- 
sands of  their  ablest  and  strongest  men  who  were  called  from 
their  occupations  to  the  hardships,  the  risks,  the  wounds  and 
deaths  of  the  Civil  War ;  men,  who,  risking  health  and  life  in  the 
field,  found  themselves  at  the  close  of  the  conflict  discharged  from 
the  service,  crippled  in  mind,  body  and  estate,  many  of  them 
without  property,  without  employment.  Commerce  and  industry 
have  not  forgotten  that  during  the  Civil  War  destruction  came 
upon  bridges,  railroads  and  highways ;  that  thousands  of  southern 
plantations  were  impoverished  and  many  destroyed ;  that  the  pur- 
suits of  the  southland  were  injured  and  millions  upon  millions 
were  utterly  obliterated. 

What  kind  of  a  monster  has  seized  the  nations?  What 
demon  has  taken  possession  of  their  minds  that  they  show  so 
little  faith  in  each  other  and  are  straining  every  nerve  to  arm 
themselves  against — whom?  Their  neighbors?  Their  relatives? 
Is  it  the  demon  of  fear  or  the  demon  of  destruction?  Or  is  it  a 
secret  combination  of  all  who  would  be  materially  profited  by 
the  expansion  and  continual  expansion  of  army  and  navy?  I  do 
not  pretend  to  say ;  I  only  stand  amazed  that  the  years  that  have 
witnessed  the  greatest  progress  in  adopting  methods  for  the 
peaceful  adjustment  of  national  disagreements  should  be  the  very 


i85 

years  in  which  the  greatest  enlargement,  the  most  effective 
weapons,  the  biggest  war  vessels,  the  longest  range  guns  are 
eagerly  sought  for  by  the  same  nations,  who,  at  the  same  time, 
loudly  proclaim  their  intention  to  keep  the  peace. 

It  is  time  that  commerce  and  industry  should  say:  "We 
decline  to  have  the  wealth  we  have  laboriously  accumulated  squan- 
dered by  the  non-productive  military  class  under  the  pretense  of 
protecting  our  interests.  We  decline  to  have  our  money  used  in 
expensive  machines  of  destruction  that  so  often  prove  dangerous 
and  deadly  to  those  who  man  them."  The  French  nation,  as  well 
as  the  balance  of  the  world,  was  startled  by  the  explosion  on  her 
war  vessel  at  Toulon. 

Has  the  British  nation  forgotten  that  one  of  her  new,  large, 
steel  constructed,  formidable  battleships,  the  Victoria,  built  to 
protect,  built  to  make  other  nations  fear  its  strength — that  that 
very  vessel  was  a  death  trap,  carrying  its  crew  to  the  bottom  of 
the  sea? 

Russia,  Japan  and  the  world  have  not  forgotten  the  results 
of  the  meeting  of  the  Japanese  Avith  the  Russian  vessels,  carrying 
destruction  of  property  and  death  to  the  crews. 

Commerce  and  industry  may  ask  the  question :  "Are  not 
these  modern  Dreadnoughts  more  dangerous  to  friends  and  own- 
ers than  to  enemies?"  Can  we  expect  to  get  out  of  them  our 
money's  worth  of  protection?  Are  they  not  machines  more 
dangerous  to  those  who  man  and  work  them  than  they  are  to 
enemies  ? 

If  larger  and  larger  navies  and  armies  are  surer  guarantees 
of  peace  between  nations,  why  is  it  that  there  is  so  much  unrest 
in  Great  Britain  and  Germany,  also  in  France,  as  each  nation 
notes  the  increase  the  other  is  making  in  the  size  of  its  armies 
and  navies? 

The  relative  strength  in  armies  and  navies  of  all  the  nations 
would  remain  the  same,  if  they  would  by  one  great  and  beneficent 
act  reduce  by  one-half,  or  even  three-fourths,  the  present  size  of 
their  armies  and  navies. 

If  a  larger  navy  is  necessary  to  insure  the  influence  of  the 
United  States  in  the  councils  of  the  nations,  how  is  the  great  influ- 
ence of  the  United  States,  when  our  country  was  without  the 
present  large  navy,  to  be  accounted  for  under  Secretary  Hay,  in 


i86 

securing  for  China  such  agreements  with  the  great  nations?  If 
a  larger  navy  is  necessary  to  command  respect  among  other 
nations,  how  is  it  that  we  did  grow,  did  develop,  did  become  the 
land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  oppressed,  even  without  a 
big  navy  ?  How  is  it  that  our  beloved  country  had  attained  such 
commanding  eminence  even  before  we  began  to  construct  our 
big  navy? 

Commerce  and  industry  are  taxed  heavily  to  meet  the  very 
large  expenses  of  maintaining  the  large  armies  and  navies  and 
should  plead  for  saner  methods  of  maintaining  the  peace  of  the 
world,  through  the  less  expensive  and  more  effective  methods  of 
diplomacy,  of  arbitration,  or  referring  to  The  Hague  tribunal 
cases  that  fail  to  be  adjusted  through  the  ordinary  methods  of 
diplomacy.  Some  of  you  will  recall  the  "arrangement"  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  entered  into  in  1817  whereby 
all  naval  vessels  on  the  lakes  bordering  Canada  and  the  United 
States  were  at  once  dismantled ;  whereby  each  government  was 
limited  to  maintaining  four  vessels  of  not  over  one  hundred  tons 
burden,  each  vessel  to  carry  one  eighteen  pound  cannon ;  also 
whereby  no  other  vessels  of  war  were  allowed  to  be  constructed 
or  other  vessels  to  be  armed  on  the  Great  Lakes.  This  arrange- 
ment has  now  been  in  force  ninety-two  years,  has  been  effective 
in  enforcing  the  laws,  and  has  saved  the  two  nations  millions  upon 
millions  of  dollars  which  would  have  been  expended  had  each 
maintained  big  navies  on  the  large  inland  seas. 

I  took  the  trouble  to  go  to  our  state  library  and  look  up 
that  treaty,  and  it  might  be  interesting  in  these  days  when  so 
many  of  our  naval  friends  are  depending  upon  these  immense 
Dreadnoughts  and  immense  armies  for  effect  to  study  the  ninety- 
two  years  of  the  effects  of  this  1817  brief  arrangement.  That  is 
what  we  practical  men  w-ant,  and  we  want  to  get  them  through 
the  simplest  methods. 

Now,  probably  five  or  six  hundred  years  ago  it  might  have 
taken  50,000  men  to  start  the  machinery  in  one  of  our  great  expo- 
sitions which  today  is  started  by  some  little  child  touching  an 
electrical  button.  But  the  effect  of  starting  machinery  is  greater 
and  more  satisfactory  by  the  little  child  touching  that  little  elec- 
trical button  than  it  would  have  been  if  50,000  men  had  attempted 
to  start  that  machinery  by  the  force  of  their  muscles.    If  we  are 


i87 

after  effects  and  if  our  friends  who  are  clamoring  for  a  large 
navy  are  after  effects,  then  let  them  remember  the  simplicity,  the 
brevity,  the  effectiveness  of  this,  what  is  called  "an  arrangement." 

As  I  say,  I  took  the  liberty  of  copying  this  "arrangement" 
from  the  United  States  Statutes,  Foreign  Treaties,  Volume  8, 
from  1789  to  1845,  and  it  is  contained  on  that  piece  of  paper. 
There  is  some  difference  between  the  size  of  that  piece  and  the 
size  of  a  Dreadnought.  There  is  some  difference  between  the 
cost  of  that  piece  of  paper  and  the  cost  of  a  Dreadnought,  and 
yet  this  little  agreement  whereby  the  two  nations.  Great  Britain 
on  the  one  hand  and  the  United  States  on  the  other  hand,  in 
1817  agreed  to  dismantle  all  the  war  vessels  on  our  Great  Lakes, 
also  Lake  Champlain,  and  to  substitute  therefor  these  four  ves- 
sels— these  four  vessels  of  not  over  one  hundred  tons  burden,  and 
they  were  not  allowed  to  carry  a  cannon  of  over  eighteen  pounds. 
Now,  I  had  raised  the  question  of  whether  this  was  still  in  effect, 
so  I  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  I  have  the  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  State  here  in  reply.    He  says : 

"In  reply  to  the  query  made  in  your  letter  of  the  14th  instant 
I  have  to  inform  you  that  the  arrangement  (it  is  called)  reached 
in  the  year  1817  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
relative  to  the  limitation  of  the  naval  force  to  be  maintained  by 
the  two  navies  on  the  Great  Lakes  of  America,  appears  to  be  in 
full  force  and  effect  at  the  present  time." 

There  is  a  period  of  ninety-two  years  that  that  small  docu- 
ment has  had  the  effect  of  limiting  the  vessels  of  war  upon  our 
Great  Lakes  to  four.  There  is  another  limitation  that  is  men- 
tioned in  that,  and  that  is  that  no  war  vessels  shall  be  constructed 
upon  the  Great  Lakes  and  that  no  vessels  shall  be  armed  except 
these  four. 

This  brief  arrangement  of  1817  might  serve  as  a  model  for 
an  "arrangement"  between  the  nations  bordering  the  Atlantic 
whereby  they  would  agree  to  reduce  their  respective  navies  to  the 
size  of  a  moderate  police  force,  said  vessels  to  patrol  the  Atlantic, 
with  the  object  of  seeing  that  the  treaties  were  observed  and 
obeyed. 

Canada  and  the  United  States  make  the  western  shore  of  the 
North  Atlantic ;  Norway,  England,  France,  Spain  and  Portugal 
make  the  eastern  shore  of  the  North  Atlantic  Ocean.     Three  of 


i88 

the  countries — viz.,  England,  Canada  and  the  United  States — 
have  had  the  benefits  of  such  a  treaty  so  fully  demonstrated  in 
the  past  ninety-two  years  that  their  example  would  probably 
assure  the  other  four  nations  of  the  advisability  of  such  an 
arrangement  for  the  North  Atlantic.  In  addition,  there  is  the 
compact  entered  into  by  the  countries  bordering  the  North  Sea, 
also  the  Baltic  Sea,  to  respect  one  another's  territorial  rights 
forever.  This  compact  has  been  solemnly  ratified  by  all  the 
countries  bordering  on  these  two  seas.  Such  a  compact  should 
lead  other  nations  to  avail  themselves  of  its  beneficent  provisions. 

So  far  as  I  am  aware  there  is  not  a  piratical  vessel  afloat  on 
the  Atlantic  and  probably  no  prospect  of  one.  So  far  as  I  am 
aware  there  is  no  nation  that  now  presumes  to  act  contrary  to 
its  treaty  rights,  so  there  should  be  little  or  no  work  for  the 
proposed  fleet  of  police  vessels. 

I  suggest  that  this  congress  request  its  committee,  which  will 
undoubtedly  be  appointed  to  bring  the  recommendations  of  this 
congress  to  the  attention  of  the  Hague  Conference  of  191 5 — 
that  said  committee  be  instructed  to  embody  among  its  recom- 
mendations the  feasibility  and  desirability  of  the  nations  border- 
ing the  North  Atlantic  Ocean  to  enter  into  an  arrangement 
whereby  a  portion  of  their  naval  vessels  be  turned  into  merchant 
ships,  and  that  said  nations  limit  the  number  of  vessels  of  war 
they  will  keep  in  commission  in  the  future.  Said  "arrangement," 
or  treaty,  as  it  may  be  designated,  to  be  terminated  by  any  nation 
a  party  to  the  treaty.  It  might  have  been  terminated  at  any  time 
by  either  nation  by  giving  a  notice  to  the  other  nation  to  that 
effect,  and  yet  it  has  existed  for  ninety-two  years,  and  neither 
nation  has  indicated  its  desire  to  have  it  abrogated.  If  it  proved 
fairly  satisfactory  to  the  nations  making  the  trial,  other  nations 
would  probably  try  something  of  the  same  kind  on  other  oceans. 
Is  not  the  suggestion  worthy  of  your  consideration  as  affording 
relief  from  the  present  mad  race  of  the  nations  to  build  and 
maintain  at  enormous  cost  big  navies?  I  think  big  navies  and 
armies  are  leading  rapidly  toward  national  bankruptcy  and  that 
they  are  not  the  guarantees  of  the  peace  which  they  claim  to  be. 
Indeed,  I  think  they  are  proving  themselves  to  be  disturbers  of 
the  peace,  security  and  comfort  of  neighboring  nations,  and  are 
leading  the  nations  to  a  mad  rivalry  in  armaments. 


1 89 

It  is  high  time  that  the  voices  of  commerce  and  industry 
should  be  raised  and  that  they  make  a  plea  for  an  arrest  of  the 
armaments.  Let  commerce  and  industry  urge  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  treaties  of  arbitration  and  a  decrease  in  tlie  number  of 
engines  of  destruction.  Let  commerce  and  industry  point  to  the 
Hague  Court,  but  not  point  Dreadnoughts  and  big  guns  for  the 
settlement  of  differences.  Let  commerce  and  industry  point  to 
the  reasonable  way,  the  legal  way,  the  modern  and  manly  way  of 
adjusting  differences  before  the  Court  of  the  Nations  which  may 
be  convened  at  The  Hague  when  desired  by  the  nations. 

The  nations  mlist  have  relief  from  the  present  ineft"ective, 
expensive,  barbarous  method  of  "settlement  by  battle."  We  are 
rapidly  growing  out  of  that  antiquated,  cruel  method,  and  I  most 
respectfully  urge  that  the  membership  of  the  Hague  Conference 
which  we  expect  to  see  convene  in  19 15  shall  be  composed  of  a 
largely  reduced  number  of  military  men  and  substituted  therefor 
shall  be  a  larger  number  of  diplomats,  jurists,  legislators  and  able 
representatives  of  commerce  and  industry. 

When  arbitration  and  other  peaceful  methods  of  adjusting 
differences  are  multiplying  so  rapidly,  when  the  attitudes  of 
nations  are  becoming  more  and  more  friendly,  when  the  people  of 
various  nations  are  traveling  through  each  other's  countries  more 
and  more,  when  journeys  around  the  world  are  becoming  everyday 
affairs,  where  is  the  justifiable  reason  for  spending  such  vast  sums, 
where  is  the  good  and  sufficient  reason  for  so  rapidly  increasing 
the  engines  of  destruction?  Where  is  the  good  and  sufficient 
reason  for  feeding  the  dogs  of  war  on  blood-and-thunder  rumors 
of  the  sinister  intentions  of  neighboring  nations?  Where  is  the 
good  and  sufficient  reason  for  plunging  nations  into  the  vortex 
of  fear  and  driving  them  to  useless  expense  which  leads  to  sus- 
picion, hate,  and  finally  to  war,  to  bankruptcy?  Instead,  let  com- 
merce and  industry  proclaim  the  faith  and  trust  in  fellow  men 
on  which  its  vast  achievements  are  based  and  which  are  the  foun- 
dations on  which  their  wealth-producing,  beneficent  life  and  work 
rest.     (Applause.) 

Following  Mr.  Mahoney's  address.  Chairman  Roberts  an- 
nounced that  Belton  Gilreath  and  T.  H.  Molton,  of  Birmingham, 
Alabama,  who  were  on  the  program  to  deliver  addresses  at  the 


190 

morning  session,  had  unfortunately  been  on  a  train  which  was 
wrecked  the  previous  night  and  would  not  reach  Chicago  until 
later  in  the  day.  He  then  introduced  A.  B.  Farquhar,  a  manu- 
facturer of  York,  Pennsylvania,  who  addressed  the  gathering  on 
the  subject  of  Pennsylvania's  Experiment  in  Christianity. 


Pennsylvania's  Experiment  in  Christianity 

A.  B.  Farquhar. 

It  is  a  rare  privilege  to  represent,  at  a  gathering  of  this 
kind,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  The  principles  of  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount,  whose  actual  application  to  the  affairs  of  men  is 
represented  as  a  mere  dream  of  chimerical  fancy  by  many  who 
value  their  own  practical  wisdom  more  highly  than  that  sermon, 
were  for  more  than  half  a  century  the  fundamental  law  of  Penn- 
sylvania. Others  may  debate  those  principles  on  theoretical 
grounds,  but  it  is  the  privilege  of  Pennsylvania  to  decide  for  them 
on  the  ground  of  experience.  We  may  claim  to  know,  for  we 
have  tried.  The  result  of  Penn's  experiment,  his  "pattern  of  a 
Christian  commonwealth,"  has  again  and  again  been  character- 
ized, in  words  more  or  less  like  these  from  Charles  Sumner : 

"The  flowers  of  prosperity  smile  in  the  blessed  footprints  of 
William  Penn.  His  people  were  unmolested  and  happy,  while — 
sad  contrast — those  of  other  colonies,  acting  upon  the  policy  of 
the  world,  building  forts  and  showing  themselves  in  arms,  not 
after  receiving  provocation,  but  merely  in  anticipation  or  from 
fear  of  danger,  were  harassed  by  perpetual  alarm  and  pierced  by 
the  sharp  arrows  of  savage  war." 

Historians  assure  us  that  during  that  entire  period,  from  1682 
to  1755,  "the  Indians  in  Pennsylvania  never  took  the  life  of  a 
white  man."  Other  colonies  had  their  "King  Philip's"  wars,  their 
Schenectady  and  Deerfield  massacres,  but  none  such  was  known 
in  our  state  till  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  twenty  years  after  the 
abandonment  of  Penn's  methods.  It  is  no  mere  sentiment,  but  a 
deliberate  judgment  from  the  facts  of  history,  which  led  Samuel 
Macpherson  Janney,  in  his  historical  account  of  the  early  days 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  conclude  : 

"It  would  not  be  difficult  to  point  out  a  dangerous  fallacy  in 


191 

the  maxim  so  generally  believed — that  in  time  of  peace  nations 
should  prepare  for  war.  For  as  in  the  intercourse  of  individuals 
with  each  other  it  is  found  that  those  who  habitually  carry  arms 
are  more  liable  than  others  to  be  involved  in  deadly  affrays,  so 
in  the  intercourse  of  nations  the  hostile  attitude  assumed  by  their 
vast  armaments,  and  the  numerous  officers  employed  who  are 
dependent  for  promotion  and  renown  on  actual  hostilities,  are 
rather  incentives  to  war  than  sureties  for  peace." 

Mr.  Janney  has  here  stated  a  truth,  an  unshaken  truth,  a 
deeply  important  truth.  We  reap  what  we  sow ;  and  men  do  not 
gather  a  harvest  of  peace  and  international  concord  and  human 
brotherhood  by  sowing  gunpowder  and  fortifications  and  battle- 
ships. 

The  history  of  early  Pennsylvania,  therefore,  declares  for 
disarmament.  Its  voice,  heard  across  a  gulf  of  two  centuries,  is 
not  loud,  but  it  is  perfectly  clear.  That  voice  it  is  our  duty  to 
echo  today.  Have  we  any  hesitation  in  doing  so?  We  are  con- 
scious of  the  heavy  weight  of  national  taxation  resting  upon  us, 
growing  with  every  decade.  War  costs  now  fully  three  times  the 
annual  average  from  1871  to  1897;  naval  expenditure  twice  as 
heavy  in  1896  as  in  1886,  five  times  in  1906  what  it  was  in  1896, 
and  still  soaring  aloft;  pensions  in  1886  more  than  double  their 
figure  in  1876,  for  every  year  since  1891  more  than  double  their 
1886  figure,  and  in  the  last  appropriation  bills  larger  than  ever, 
being  now  six  times  the  amount  bc-Heved  ample  (if  not  excessive) 
by  General  Garfield,  chairman  of  the  Appropriations  Committee, 
shortly  after  the  Civil  War,  when  pensions,  of  course,  should  of 
right  have  been  much  larger  than  they  are  now.  Yet  we  proba- 
bly reconcile  ourselves  to  this  lavish  outpouring  of  the  public 
treasure  by  persuading  ourselves  that  it  is  somehow  conducive, 
perhaps  necessary,  to  the  country's  welfare.  It  is  not  in  the  least 
degree  necessary  or  even  conducive.  To  realize  this  let  us  put 
the  case  to  ourselves  as  individuals. 

My  nearest  neighbor  now  happens  to  be  a  highly  valued  per- 
sonal friend ;  but  let  us  suppose  that  before  we  were  acquainted 
we  acted  on  the  principle  that  "if  you  wish  peace  prepare  for 
war" — that  "peace  is  secured  by  arming  ourselves  until  too  pow- 
erful to  be  attacked."  Logically,  we  proceed  to  build  high  walls 
about  our  premises,  and  man  them  with  powerful  guards.     We 


192 

keep  this  up  for  years,  each  excited  continually  to  further  efforts 
by  seeing  what  the  other  is  doing.  Our  families  are  impoverished 
— perhaps  starved.  Neither  of  us  suggests  a  parley  with  a  view 
to  an  understanding,  for  that  might  pass  for  a  confession  of  weak- 
ness. But  let  us  suppose  that,  after  years  of  trying  to  make  our- 
selves "too  powerful  to  be  attacked"' — in  a  way  that  is  rapidly 
bringing  us  to  bankruptcy — an  accidental  meeting  occurs ;  we 
find  out  that  neither  has  any  disposition  to  harm  the  other  if  not 
attacked  by  him,  and  so  agree  to  pull  down  our  fortifications,  sell 
the  cannon  for  scrap  metal,  and  spend  what  our  armaments  are 
costing  us  for  the  benefit  of  our  families.  Since  nations  are  an 
aggregation  of  individuals,  our  supposed  course  should  be  the 
nation's  course,  in  principle.  That  is  the  case  for  disarmament 
briefly  stated. 

But  there  is  a  little  more  that  it  seems  proper  to  add.  The 
proposition  that  it  is  as  absurd  in  principle  for  nations  as  for 
individuals  to  impoverish  themselves  in  arming  against  one 
another,  does  not  need  to  be  qualified;  nor  is  there  a  particle  of 
doubt  that  war  is  as  monstrous  an  absurdity,  as  wasteful  and 
barbarous,  as  incapable  of  really  settling  any  question,  on  the  one 
scale  as  on  the  other.  Nevertheless,  it  is  proper  to  give  some 
attention  to  the  reasons  why  this  principle  has  so  long  remained 
unrecognized.  There  are  two  reasons.  First,  as  has  already 
been  hinted  in  the  parable  above,  nations  do  not  know  one  another 
as  neighbors  do.  That  is  a  difficulty  that  can  be  cured.  Increased 
international  commerce  will  do  much  to  cure  it.  Increased  travel, 
and  study  of  what  can  be  learned  in  foreign  lands,  will  do  some- 
thing. A  greater  number  of  international  congresses  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  postage,  the  law  of  nations,  standards  of  weights  and 
measures,  scientific  nomenclature,  missions  to  the  heathen,  the 
Balkan  or  the  Morocco  question — anything  and  everything  that 
needs  to  be  settled  by  agreement  and  that  may  bring  the  wide- 
awake people  of  the  world  together — these  will  do  more.  Peace 
will  not  come  of  any  of  these  measures  at  once,  but  all  will  lead 
in  that  direction. 

The  second  reason  for  the  backwardness  of  the  nations  of 
the  world  in  coming  to  a  sense  of  their  true  best  interest  in  this 
matter  is  the  absence  of  any  generally  acknowledged  alternative. 
They  may  be  willing  to  admit  that  brute  force  is  a  bad  way  of 


193 

deciding  any  point  at  issue,  but  they  are  convinced  that  it  does 
decide  something,  and  is  in  so  far  preferable  to  unending  indefi- 
niteness.  The  cure  for  that  difficuhy  is  to  supply  an  alternative,  as 
it  is  proposed  to  do  by  developing  a  court  and  code  of  arbitration, 
piinally,  let  me  exhort  you,  in  the  words  of  one  of  our 
revered  leaders,  Andrew  Carnegie,  "to  urge  in  season  and  out  of 
season  the  precious  truth  that  lasting  peace  is  only  to  be  attained 
by  an  International  League  of  Peace,  prepared,  if  necessary,  to 
enforce  peace  among  erring  nations  as  we  enforce  obedience  to 
law  among  erring  men;  this  league  finally  to  be  perfected  by  an 
International  Supreme  Court." 

Following  the  reading  of  the  Farquhar  paper,  the  chairman 
announced  that,  owing  to  the  inability  of  Mr.  Marcus  M.  Marks 
to  attend  the  Congress,  the  paper  which  he  had  prepared  would 
be  read  by  Rev.  Charles  E.  Beals,  of  Boston. 


Business  Men  Want  Peace 

Marcus  M.  Marks. 

We  want  peace,  first,  because  we  are  men  and  are  moved  by 
the  humanitarian  instinct  that  rebels  against  the  cruel  butcheries 
of  war,  and  secondly,  because  our  business  is  bound  to  be  seri- 
ously injured  by  the  interruption  of  the  friendly  relation  between 
nations. 

There  is  no  need  to  go  into  other  reasons ;  these  seem  suffi- 
cient. It  has  been  said  that  some  business  men  want  war  because 
it  creates  a  demand  for  their  products,  such  as  guns,  powder, 
foodstuffs,  uniforms,  etc.  This  is  absolutely  untrue  of  business 
men,  though  there  may  be  a  few  abnormal  beings  who  would 
willingly  see  their  brothers  slaughtered  in  order  to  add  to  their 
own  commercial  profits.  Business  men  all  want  peace.  Why  are 
they,  then,  not  more  active  in  the  peace  movements  of  the  world? 
The  teachers,  the  preachers  and  other  professional  men  have,  in 
the  main,  carried  the  burden  of  peace  efforts  thus  far.  They  have 
been  the  seers  and  the  prophets.  There  are  two  principal  reasons 
for  this  seeming  apathy  of  the  men  of  business.  First,  they  have 
not  looked   upon  these  peace  movements   as  practical   in   their 


194 

methods ;  they  have  not  appreciated  the  possibility  of  early  realiza- 
tion of  the  hopes  of  peace  so  freely  expressed.  Secondly,  business 
men  have  been  so  engrossed  in  their  own  affairs  that  they  have, 
as  a  rule,  neglected  not  only  their  opportunity,  but  their  duty  to 
co-operate  in  this  greatest  cause  on  earth,  in  which,  as  before 
said,  their  humanitarian  as  well  as  their  selfish  interests  are  so 
vitally  involved. 

What  is  there  to  warrant  the  men  of  business  to  change  their 
view  as  to  the  impracticability  of  the  peace  movement  and  its 
hopelessness  ?  If  they  can  be  convinced  that  practical  results  are 
possible  within  a  reasonable  time,  they  will  throw  off  some  of  the 
meshes  of  business  detail  now  entangling  them  and  adding  their 
systematic  effort  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  present  forces,  will 
hasten  the  day  when  the  international  courts  of  justice  will  take 
the  place  of  battleships  in  settling  differences  between  nations. 

What  are  the  arguments  to  convince  the  men  of  business  that 
peace  is  now  a  practical  proposition  ? 

First.  The  growing  nearness  of  the  nations  through  fast 
steamers,  cable,  wireless  telegraph,  rapid  and  general  news  ex- 
change, the  development  of  popular  education  all  over  the  world 
and  the  closer  personal  acquaintance  through  travel,  all  tend 
toward  universal  brotherhood  disregarding  national  boundaries. 

Second.  The  great  advance  in  sentiment  toward  interna- 
tional arbitration  during  the  last  ten  years,  and  the  increased 
number  of  treaties  that  have  been  signed  between  the  nations, 
surelv  augur  great  possibilities  of  general  peace  in  the  near 
future. 

Third.  The  terrible  power  of  destruction  now  possible 
through  modern  war  agencies  and  the  still  undeveloped  air  war- 
ships, force  upon  all  men  the  absurdity  of  "settling"  international 
differences  by  mutual  annihilation. 

Yes,  the  day  of  peace  is  in  sight ;  it  is  not  a  dream  any  longer. 
Now  the  dreamers,  the  far-sighted,  the  idealists  may  at  last  be 
joined  by  hard-headed  men  of  affairs  whose  daily  cry  is  for  results 
— results ! 

The  merchants  of  the  world  have  indirectly  done  much  to 
bring  about  the  improved  relations  between  the  various  nations. 
Commerce  has  been  a  great  educator  and  has  broken  down  many 
walls  of  ignorance  and  animosity,  but  only  incidentally,  in  the 


195 

development  of  trade,  not  in   the  unselfish   spirit  of  the  peace 
societies. 

Let  them  now  help  finance  the  peace  movements  of  the  world 
and  add  unselfish,  practical  co-operation  in  the  great  cause.  If 
they  do  this  the  heavy  burden  of  armies  and  navies,  now  becoming 
so  alarming  in  the  rivalry  between  European  nations,  will  soon 
be  removed  and  the  immense  sums  now  being  used  for  defense 
and  destruction  will  be  converted  to  saner,  constructive  uses  which 
will  tend  toward  the  elevation  of  the  human  race. 

World  Expositions  as  Peace  Factors 

Hon.  Harlow  N.  Higinbotham. 

As  evidence  that  I  am  not  a  new  convert  to  the  sub- 
ject under  discussion,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am  not 
here  to  speak  in  a  perfunctory  manner,  I  ask  your  patience 
while  I  quote  the  closing  sentence  of  my  address  in  open- 
ing the  Parliament  of  Religions  in  this  city  in  1893.  It  will 
of  course  be  remembered  that  this  parliament  was  a  part  of  the 
World's  Columbian  Exposition.  "To  me  there  is  much  satisfac- 
tion and  pleasure  in  the  fact  that  we  are  face  to  face  with  men 
that  come  to  us  bearing  the  ripest  wisdom  of  the  ages.  They 
come  in  the  friendliest  spirit,  which,  I  trust,  will  be  augmented  by 
their  intercourse  with  us  and  with  each  other.  I  am  hoping,  Mr. 
Chairman  and  Gentlemen,  that  your  parliament  will  prove  to  be 
a  golden  milestone  on  the  highway  of  civilization — a  golden  stair- 
way leading  up  to  the  tableland  of  a  higher,  grander  and  more 
perfect  condition,  where  peace  will  reign  and  the  enginery  of  war 
will  be  known  no  more  forever." 

You  will  recall  that  in  the  years  preceding  our  exposition 
peace  reigned  throughout  the  world.  It  was  an  opportune  time 
for  the  assembling  of  the  animate  and  inanimate  parliaments,  a 
time  for  the  world  to  pause,  take  account  of  stock,  to  note  the 
progress  in  all  the  things  that  make  for  peace  and  humanity's 
good,  a  time  for  the  exchange  of  greetings  between  the  peoples 
and  the  nations  of  the  earth.  You  will  remember  with  what  zeal 
Chicago  entered  into  competition  for  the  honor  of  being  the  host 
on  that  occasion.  You  will  also  remember  the  satisfaction  and 
pride  that  filled  our  hearts  when  we  had  won  the  distinguished 


196 

honor,  and  the  heroic  efforts  we  put  forth  to  fulfill  our  pledge. 
To  the  older  civilizations  of  the  world  it  seemed  presumptuous 
that  a  new  city  in  a  far  country  should  appear  in  such  a  role. 
Our  nearer  neighbors  predicted  failure,  and  this  stimulated  us  to 
greater  effort  and  with  a  result  that  it  is  not  even  necessary  for 
us  to  refer  to  at  this  time  except  in  so  far  as  to  show  its  beneficent 
influence  and  substantial  value  to  the  world. 

In  the  onward  westward  march  of  civilization  Chicago  was 
but  little  more  than  the  outpost  on  the  great  highway,  and  it  was 
fitting  that  here  should  be  assembled  the  great  forces  that,  moving 
forward  for  the  advancement  of  human  interests  in  the  world, 
should  consider  the  forces  employed  and  determine  or  distinguish 
the  good  from  the  bad,  the  right  from  the  wrong,  and  to  anew 
align  its  guidons  for  the  advancement  to  a  future  higher,  grander 
and  more  perfect. 

I  think  I  am  safe  in  saying  that  what  we  sought  and  strove 
to  do  was  more  than  accomplished.  We  installed  the  very  best 
examples  in  every  department  of  human  endeavor.  The  land- 
scape gardener  and  the  architect  had  the  fullest  opportunity  to 
do  their  best.  Landscape  efifects  were  produced  as  if  by  magic. 
The  Wooded  Island  sprang  into  being,  a  thing  of  beauty;  the 
Court  of  Honor  appeared  to  rise  out  of  the  marsh  with  all  the 
grandeur  and  loveliness  of  the  dream  of  St.  John  on  the  Island 
of  Patmos. 

The  Columbian  Ode  said  of  him  who  conceived  and  outlined 
the  imposing  and  inspiring  setting  for  our  exposition : 

"Back  with  the  old  glad  smile  comes  one  we  knew ;  we  bade 
him  rear  our  house  of  joy  today,  but  Beauty  opened  wide  her 
starry  way  and  he  passed  on." 

One  of  the  best  evidences  of  the  benign  influence  of  our  expo- 
sition was  the  fact  that  during  the  entire  period  of  its  existence 
we  did  not  have  occasion  to  police  or  control  the  immense  con- 
course of  people  constantly  coming  and  going.  We  had  guards, 
but  it  was  said  of  them  that  they  were  more  guides  than  guards. 
We  had  expected  that  the  element  that  usually  appears  in  num- 
bers at  such  gatherings  would  be  present  and  would  require  our 
attention,  and  we  had  accordingly  in  attendance  two  detectives 
from  each  of  the  leading  cities  of  the  world,  but  we  had  no  occa- 
sion to  make  use  of  their  services.     This  can  only  be  accounted 


197 

for  on  the  theory  that  if  people  came  here  to  commit  depredations 
they  were  disarmed  when  they  witnessed  the  matchless  beauty  of 
the  situation.  They  doubtless  declared  to  themselves,  If  we  are 
going  to  do  anything  wrong,  this  is  not  the  time  and  place. 

In  a  single  day  we  entertained  750,000  people  without  an 
accident  or  reported  loss  of  a  single  article.  This  fact  was  an 
exhibition  of  itself,  speaking  volumes  in  favor  of  the  vast  multi- 
tude of  intelligent  and  happy  people  having  a  just  pride  and  feel- 
ing an  ownership  in  what  they  had  helped  to  create  and  maintain. 
The  exposition  was  really  the  flower  or  culmination  of  the  civic 
pride  of  the  citizens  of  this  great  city.  What  wonder,  then,  that 
they  came  to  it  exulting  in  its  beauty  and  treasures  of  informa- 
tion and  bearing  themselves  in  such  a  commendable  manner. 
There  was  no  aristocracy  in  its  creation  or  management ;  it  was 
of  and  for  the  people  and  the  joy  and  profit  was  theirs.  They 
prepared  the  soil,  sowed  the  seed,  and  the  harvest  rightfully 
belonged  to  them.  Those  of  us  who  stood  by  and  carried  out 
their  commands  were  amply  repaid  by  the  great  measure  of  good 
it  accomplished  and  the  satisfaction  everywhere  manifested  by 
those  who  were  at  once  the  creators  and  the  immediate  bene- 
ficiaries. 

The  throngs  who  wandered  through  the  highways  of  the 
fair  or  over  the  lagoons  in  gondola  or  launch  and  witnessed  the 
domes  and  turrets  of  the  buildings  when  gilded  by  the  rays  of  the 
rising  or  setting  sun,  came  in  contact  with  people  from  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  exchanged  greetings,  went  forth  with  a 
kindlier  feeling  for  others  and  a  keener  appreciation  of  the  value 
of  nature,  art  and  architecture  as  well  as  for  the  courtesies  and 
amenities  of  life. 

The  international  exposition  participated  in  by  the  peoples 
of  the  different  nations,  where  the  richest  and  rarest  products 
meet  in  friendly  competition,  where  the  ripest  wisdom  of  the  ages 
is  represented  by  the  scholars  and  thinkers  of  all  the  world,  cannot 
but  result  in  great  and  lasting  good  in  promoting  peace  and 
good  will. 

The  exposition  stands  at  the  meeting  of  the  world's  high- 
ways, where  gather  the  nations  of  the  earth,  burdened  each  with 
the  evidence  of  its  newest  and  noblest  achievements.  It  is  an 
epitome  of  the  world's  progress,  a  history  and  a  prophecy. 


198 

The  latest  discoveries,  the  newest  inventions,  the  triumphs 
in  art,  in  science,  in  education,  in  the  solution  of  social  and  even 
of  religious  problems,  are  here  arrayed.  Here  stand  the  most 
effective  dynamo,  the  swiftest  locomotive,  the  telescope  piercing 
the  remotest  heavens,  the  most  productive  printing  press,  machines 
that  spin,  weave,  set  type,  thresh  grain,  mine  coal,  drill  rock, 
fashion  railway  bars;  the  artist's  dream  on  canvas  or  in  marble, 
in  clustering  column  or  aspiring  dome,  in  woven  fabric  or  in 
decorated  vase ;  the  flower's  effulgence  and  the  fruit's  alluring 
blush ;  all  products  of  the  soil,  the  mine,  the  sea ;  whatever  testi- 
fies to  the  industry,  the  skill,  the  creative  and  almost  divine  power 
of  human  thought  when  stimulated  to  its  most  earnest  endeavors. 

The  more  we  share  with  others  the  good  we  possess,  the 
more  they  share  with  us  the  things  and  thoughts  that  make  for 
peace  with  them.  The  more  we  all  strive  for  the  common  good, 
the  nearer  we  will  attain  the  universal  brotherhood. 

Let  us  all  hope  that  this  twentieth  century  will  witness  the 
dawn  of  a  new  era,  that  it  will  go  down  in  history  as  the  age  of 
peace,  the  age  when  a  common  desire  seemed  to  take  possession 
of  humanity  everywhere  to  share  with  all  others  the  blessings 
they  themselves  enjoyed.  Thus  would  be  augmented  the  great 
sum  of  human  happiness. 

I  am  hoping  that  future  expositions  will  leave  out  the  engi- 
nery of  war,  I  know  that  we  had  a  warship  and  the  Krupp  gun 
at  our  own  exposition,  but  I  am  older  now  and  I  have  a  higher 
and  a  grander  appreciation  of  the  implements  of  peace  and  an 
intense  dislike  amounting  to  a  hatred  of  war  and  all  its  trappings. 

The  nations  of  the  earth  unite  in  a  movement  to  maintain  a 
universal  court  whose  duty  it  will  be  to  determine  and  adjust  all 
national  differences.  I  would  have  representing  this  court  on  the 
high  seas  one  navy  and  only  one,  whose  duty  it  would  be  to  police 
the  seas,  prevent  possible  piracy  or  improper  or  illegal  commerce 
and  assist  the  merchant  marine  in  time  of  disaster  or  distress. 
The  money  thus  saved  would  go  far  towards  the  care  of  the  sick 
and  the  unfortunate  the  world  over  and  would  add  to  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  people  everywhere  far  beyond  the  power  of 
the  human  mind  to  conceive  or  calculate. 

I  would  rather  have,  Mr.  Chairman,  any  sixteen  men  chosen 
from  your  association  make  a  circuit  of  the  globe  than  as  many 


199 

warships.  I  believe  they  would  accomplish  more  for  humanity's 
good  and  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  world,  and  they 
would  cost  infinitely  less.  I  was  myself  surprised  a  few  days  ago 
in  learning  that  our  national  budget  for  wars  past  and  possible 
future  had  cost  our  nation  during  the  last  session  of  Congress 
more  than  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars ;  in  fact,  more  than  half 
the  expenses  of  the  government  were  on  this  account. 

The  relations  that  I  would  have  pertain  between  the  nations 
of  the  earth  can  best  be  expressed  by  relating  a  story  or  old 
Jewish  legend  that  I  once  heard. 

Two  aged  brothers  whose  landed  inheritance  adjoined,  one 
of  them  being  very  rich  and  the  other  poor,  conceived  each  the 
idea  of  helping  the  other  as  follows :  At  the  harvest  time  the  rich 
brother  said  to  himself,  "I  will  go  in  the  dead  of  night  and  carry 
some  of  the  sheaves  from  my  field  into  my  brother's  field  and  he 
will  not  know."  And  the  poor  brother  said  to  himself,  "My  brother 
is  rich,  but  he  has  a  large  family  and  many  dependents  and  respon- 
sibilities and  is  sorely  tried  with  the  many  burdens  he  has  to  bear, 
and  to  relieve  him  I  will  go  in  the  dead  of  night  and  carry  some 
of  the  sheaves  from  my  field  and  place  them  in  his."  It  is  further 
related  that  as  they  were  thus  engaged,  each  bearing  a  heavy 
burden  of  the  golden  grain,  they  met  at  the  division  line  face  to 
face,  and  it  is  also  said  that  on  the  spot  they  met  Solomon's  temple 
was  afterwards  reared. 

Mr.  Roberts  : 

I  have  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Gilreath,  who  was  on  the  pro- 
gram this  morning,  dated  Champaign,  Illinois,  as  follows: 

"I  regret  I  cannot  fill  my  engagement  on  program  for 
address  this  morning.  My  train  collided  with  a  bull  last 
evening,  disabling  both  and  causing  my  delay,  but  I  beg  to 
salute  the  Congress  at  this  distance  with  great  respect." 

We  are  so  fortunate  as  to  have  upon  the  platform  this  morn- 
ing a  gentleman  who  is  a  member  of  one  of  the  great  parliamen- 
tary bodies  of  the  world,  the  House  of  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  and  I  am  going  to  take  the  liberty  of  calling  upon  him 
to  say  a  few  words  of  greeting,  and  expressing  the  sympathy 


20O 

which  I  knew  he  feels  for  this  great  movement,  Hon.  Joseph  Allen 
Baker,  of  England,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons, 

Salutations  from  English  Co-workers 
Hon.  Joseph  Allen  Baker^  M.  P. 

Mr.  President^  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  It  is  indeed  an 
unexpected  honor  and  unexpected  privilege  that  I  have  of  taking 
any  part  in  this  great  Peace  Conference  being  held  in  the  metropo- 
lis of  your  western  country.  I  should  be,  I  suppose,  attending  to 
my  duties  at  the  present  moment  in  the  House  of  Commons,  where 
debates  of  a  very  important  nature  on  the  question  of  revenue  and 
the  question  of  Dreadnoughts  and  the  increase  of  armaments  is 
taking  place^  but  the  peace  subject  being  very  heavy  upon  my 
mind,  and  I  having  given  a  great  deal  of  attention  to  it  during  the 
past  year,  I  had  a  temporary  breakdown  of  health  and  was 
ordered  to  take  a  short  trip  abroad  to  recuperate.  I  hope  you 
will  think  that  I  am  not  quite  an  invalid  at  the  present  moment. 
The  trip  across  the  Atlantic  and  the  bracing  air  of  your  western 
land  has  put  me  in  fine  trim.     (Applause.) 

Meeting  your  secretary,  Dr.  Trueblood,  at  Boston,  I  heard 
of  this  Peace  Conference  in  Chicago.  I  had  not  heard  of  it  before. 
I  felt  that  I  should  like  to  come  and  gather  some  inspiration  from 
some  of  the  speeches  that  would  be  delivered,  and  when  I  saw 
the  program  I  said,  "I  must  be  there."  And  here  I  am.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

When  your  honorable  chairman  asked  me  to  say  a  word  or 
two  this  morning  I  refused.  I  hesitated,  without  preparation,  to 
occupy  your  valuable  time,  but  when  the  gentleman  who  has  just 
spoken  delivered  his  address  and  I  realized  who  he  was,  it  brought 
back  memories  of  that  memorable  year  of  1893.  I  spent  some 
months  in  your  city  at  that  time  and  had  one  of  the  principal 
exhibits  at  that  great  World's  Fair,  of  which  the  speaker,  Mr. 
Higinbotham,  was  then  the  honorable  president.  I  remember 
with  what  awe,  with  what — I  don't  know  what  word  quite  to  use 
— I  used  to  have  to  approach  that  gentleman  through  his  officers 
to  get  some  of  those  things  done  that  we  poor  exhibitors  wished 
to  have  carried  out  at  that  time.  He  certainly  did  a  great  work 
and  Chicago  did  a  great  work  in  carrying  out  what  at  that  time 
was  the  most  successful,  was  the  greatest  of  all  the  exhibitions 


20I 

that  had  been  held  in  the  world  up  to  that  time.  And  that  Par- 
liament of  Religions  to  which  he  has  referred  as  so  important 
was,  I  believe,  the  first  of  its  kind  that  had  been  held  in  the  world. 

Now  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  these  great  inter- 
national exhibitions,  and  especially  where  the  religious  elements 
are  gathered  together  and  are  asked  to  speak  their  mind  on  these 
great  world  problems,  have  done  a  very  great  deal  of  good,  and 
my  hope  is  that  the  day  may  not  be  far  distant  when  the  religious 
representatives  of  every  country  in  the  world  will  gather  in  some 
great  world  conference  and  say  that  "As  far  as  we  are  concerned, 
representing  the  world's  religions,  we  are  against  all  war,  in  every 
shape  or  form." 

I  believe  it  is  the  clear,  the  plain  duty  of  the  Christian  Church, 
and.  I  believe  it  is  the  duty  of  those  religions  that  do  not  call 
themselves  Christian,  and  one  is  glad  to  recognize  that  some  of 
those  other  religions  are  perhaps  as  much  or  more  against  war 
than  the  Christian  countries  themselves.     (Applause.) 

Now,  Mr.  President,  I  hope  that  from  this  conference  in 
your  city  some  word  may  go  forth  that  will  do  at  this  psycholog- 
ical moment  in  the  world's  history  in  regard  to  the  peace  move- 
ment that  which  may  be  analogous  to  what  was  done  at  the  time 
of  your  great  World's  Fair  in  Chicago  in  1893.  We  look  to 
America  to  take  the  lead  in  this  matter.  I  believe  America  is 
the  only  country  that  can  take  the  lead.  (Applause.)  The 
nations  of  Europe  are  jealous  of  each  other,  they  are  armed  to 
the  teeth,  their  diplomacy  is  of  such  a  character  that  they  almost 
fear  to  approach  each  other  in  regard  to  these  matters ;  but  if 
your  President  at  Washington  and  your  Legislature  there  would 
take  a  bold  step  and  say,  "This  mad  race  in  the  increase  of  arma- 
ment must  stop,"  I  believe  that  the  whole  world  would  listen  to 
the  voice  of  America,  and  that  an  important  step  would  be  taken 
that  would  speedily  bring  about  peace  to  the  world,  and  the 
diminution  of  armaments  in  all  countries. 

We  have  heard  in  one  of  these  papers  which  was  read  a  few 
moments  ago  of  how  the  cost  of  wars  presses  heavily  upon  the 
business  of  the  country.  No  more  striking  illustration  of  that 
can  be  had  than  what  followed  that  disastrous  South  African  War 
that  we  lately  waged  with  the  Boers  in  the  Transvaal.  Three 
hundred  millions  of  pounds  sterling  (fifteen  hundred  millions  of 


202 

dollars)  were  spent  uselessly  in  fighting  those  Boers  in  South 
Africa.  But  that  is  not  all.  The  loss  to  our  commerce,  the  after- 
math of  the  war,  is  greater  than  the  cost  of  the  war  at  the  moment. 
As  we  heard  yesterday  in  one  of  the  speeches,  the  bill  for  a  war 
comes  later,  and  what  follows  is  that  trade  is  bad,  there  is  depres- 
sion, dear  money,  and  trade  and  industry  suffers  in  consequence, 
and  we  have  the  great  problem  of  the  unemployed. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  we  look  to  you,  we  look  to  this  great 
Conference,  representing  as  it  does  the  best  thought  and  the  best 
talent  of  the  whole  of  your  great  country,  to  give  us  the  lead,  and 
to  show  to  the  countries  of  Europe  that  you  are  in  earnest  in  this 
matter,  and  to  give  us  a  word  that  will  be  so  strong  that  we  will 
feel  it  our  duty  and  our  privilege  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  United 
§tates  of  America.     (Prolonged  applause.) 


FIFTH  SESSION 

SOME  LEGAL  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PEACE 

MOVEMENT 

Tuesday  Afternoon,  May  4,  at  2  o'clock 

Orchestra  Hall 
Kev.  Algernon  S.  Crapsev,  Presiding. 

Secretary  Melendy  : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  delegates  to  the  business  session  tomorrow  morning.  Dele- 
gates are  especially  requested  to  be  present  because  of  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

I  desire  to  remind  you  again  that  if  you  have  resolutions 
which  you  have  not  yet  presented  to  this  committee,  you  will  be 
expected  to  do  so  some  time  this  afternoon ;  that  resolutions  will 
not  be  received  from  the  floor  tomorrow  morning  that  have  not 
been  previously  presented  to  the  committee.  I  want  to  make  it 
perfectly  plain  that  you  may  at  that  time  present  from  the  floor 
any  resolution  previously  presented  to  the  committee  even  if  it 
should  so  happen  that  they  do  not  adopt  it. 

Mr.  Crapsey: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  find  myself  very  unexpectedly 
called  upon  to  preside  at  this  meeting  owing  to  the  strange  disap- 
pearance of  the  gentleman  whose  name  is  written  down  for  that 
duty.  Doubtless  Mr.  Calhoun  will  be  here  presently  and  when 
he  comes  I  will  resign  to  him  this  seat  of  honor.  It  is  quite  right 
that  one  session  of  this  conference  should  be  devoted  to  the  sub- 
ject now  under  consideration,  namely,  "Some  Legal  Aspects  of 
the  Peace  Movement."  And  therefore  we  will  listen  with  great 
pleasure  and  interest  to  those  who  are  to  present  to  us  thoughts 
upon  this  subject.  I  have  great  pleasure  in  introducing  the  first 
speaker  of  the  afternoon.  Prof.  William  L  Hull,  of  Swarthmore 
College,  Pennsylvania,  who  is  an  authority  upon  The  Hague  Con- 
ferences.   (Applause.) 

203 


204 

The  Advance  Registered  by  the  Two   Hague  Conferences 

Prof.  William  I.  Hull. 

Mr.  President,  Members  of  the  Peace  Congress  :  I  am 
very  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  present  this  topic  to  this  audience. 

When  Clio,  Muse  of  History,  shall  take  up  her  pen  to  pass 
final  judgment  upon  "The  Advance  Registered  by  the  Two  Hague 
Conferences,"  we  know  not  now  precisely  what  verdict  she  will 
record.  For  now,  close  as  we  are  to  the  toil  and  struggles  of  the 
Titans  who  shaped  and  fashioned  the  institutions  of  those  con- 
ferences, and  breathlessly  endeavoring  as  we  are  to  catch  up  with 
the  full  significance  of  the  events  which  those  institutions  have 
already  ushered  in  upon  a  wondering  world,  it  is  inevitable  that 
we  should  see  them  only  as  through  a  glass  and  darkly. 

Again,  so  far-reaching  through  the  realm  of  international 
relations  is  the  scope  of  the  conferences'  work  that  to  attempt  to 
estimate  the  advance  registered  by  them  is  like  an  attempt  to 
estimate  the  results  of  the  application  of  steam  to  industry  or  of 
democracy  to  government.  For  already  it  is  clear  that  the  Hague 
Conferences  are  to  international  law  what  the  industrial  revolution 
of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  was  to  human  indus- 
try, or  what  the  rise  of  the  American  Republic  was  to  human  gov- 
ernment. 

But  despite  the  difficulties  of  this  task,  it  is  natural  and  fitting 
that  it  should  be  undertaken.  For  when  the  traveler  from  some 
sunken  valley  climbs  the  winding  path  up  a  mountain  side  towards 
its  snow-capped  summit,  and  rests  for  a  moment  from  his  toil 
upon  some  projecting  headland,  it  is  well  for  him  to  look  back 
upon  the  progress  he  has  made  and  calculate  from  it  the  direction 
and  if  possible  the  distance  of  the  path  which  lies  before  him. 
And  when  a  great  nation  like  ours,  in  its  ascent  from  the  Valley 
of  the  Shadow  of  Warfare  up  towards  the  sunlit  summit  of  per- 
petual peace  and  justice,  comes  to  such  a  resting  place  as  is 
afforded  by  this  National  Peace  Congress  in  Chicago,  it  is  just 
to  the  past  and  should  be  helpful  to  the  future  for  it  to  estimate 
the  progress  it  has  made  and  to  consider  its  present  position. 

The  civilized  world,  in  common  with  our  own  country,  has 
made  use  of  many  instrumentalities  in  its  great  ascent  towards 


205 

international  peace  and  justice;  but  the  greatest  of  them  all  I 
believe  to  have  been  the  two  conferences  at  The  Hague.  For 
these  conferences,  like  the  great  heroes  or  institutions  of  history, 
embodied  in  themselves  nearly  all  the  forces  or  were  exponents 
of  nearly  all  the  instrumentalities  which  have  been  achieving  for 
the  world  its  renowned  victories  of  peace. 

Among  these  forces  I  would  mention,  first,  the  international 
solidarity  which  has  superseded  the  superficial  international 
comity  of  the  past.  Assembled  in  the  Hall  of  the  Knights,  in  the 
Second  Hague  Conference,  were  the  representatives  of  the  forty- 
four  sovereign  states  w'hich  share  between  them  the  destinies  of 
practically  all  of  the  population  and  nine-tenths  of  the  territory 
of  the  earth.  In  the  presence  of  the  world  thus  assembled  for  the 
first  time  in  history  in  a  single  room  was  solemnly  and  definitively 
proclaimed  the  great  fact,  fundamental  in  international  relations, 
that  the  nations  form  a  single  family,  each  member  possessing  in- 
alienable rights  and  bounden  duties.  This  ideal  of  an  interna- 
tional family,  long  talked  about  and  dreamed  of  by  international 
jurists,  was  embodied  in  the  various  conventions  adopted  by  the 
conferences,  was  fully  and  freely  expressed  by  many  of  the  dele- 
gates, and  has  been  borne  in  upon  the  consciousness  of  the  na- 
tions as  never  before.  It  has  enormously  strengthened  the  inter- 
national esprit  de  corps,  and  has  accentuated  as  nothing  else  prob- 
ably could  have  done  the  existence  and  growth  of  that  interna- 
tional public  opinion  w-hich  is  already  the  chief  sanction  of  inter- 
national agreements.  The  potency  of  this  decent  respect  for  the 
opinions  of  the  rest  of  the  family  was  shown  in  many  striking 
instances.  For  example,  it  induced  Great  Britain  to  adhere  in 
1907  to  the  two  declarations  which  it  rejected  in  1899,  those, 
namely,  prohibiting  the  use  of  "dum-dum"  bullets  and  of  bombs 
whose  object  is  the  diffusion  of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious  gases. 
It  induced  Germany  to  accept  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion in  1899,  and  to  announce  its  entire  conversion  to  the  principle 
and  practice  of  obligatory  arbitration  in  1907.  It  induced  Spain 
and  Mexico  to  adhere  to  the  Declaration  of  Paris  in  1856,  which 
prohibited  privateering.  It  induced  China  and  Switzerland  to 
adhere  in  1907  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  warfare  which  they 
rejected  in  1899.    It  induced  the  nineteen  Latin-American  repub- 


2q6 

lies  to  ratify  in  1907,  without  question,  the  acts  of  the  Conference 
of  1899,  in  which  they  were  not  represented.  And,  above  all,  it 
induced  thirty  of  the  thirty-six  small  powers  to  accept  the  Inter- 
national Prize  Court,  although  the  principle  of  its  constitution  was 
held  to  violate  the  absolute  equality  of  sovereign  states.  As  indic- 
ative of  the  spirit  in  which  this  court  was  accepted  by  the  small 
powers,  may  be  noted  the  words  of  M.  Hagerup,  of  Norway,  who 
said  that  although  his  country's  merchant  marine  ranked  fourth 
among  all  the  powers  of  the  world,  it  would  nevertheless  accept 
the  eleventh  place  assigned  it  in  the  distribution  of  judges. 

The  power  of  this  redoubtable  sovereign  of  international 
public  opinion  was  evident  in  countless  other  instances  during  the 
conferences ;  but  enough  of  these  have  here  been  stated  to  show 
that,  behind  the  governments  of  the  world  in  their  dealings  with 
each  other,  there  is  the  same  irresistible  power  which  guides, 
checks  and  spurs  onward  the  various  governments  in  their 
national  affairs. 

The  old  economic  theory  that  one  nation's  loss  is  another 
nation's  gain  has  long  since  been  exploded.  In  diplomatic  transac- 
tions this  theory  has  not  yet  been  discarded ;  but  at  The  Hague, 
in  the  presence  of  common  needs  and  common  interests,  a  clear 
view  was  caught  of  the  fact  which  will  be  embodied  in  some 
future  conference  that  international  solidarity  requires  the  observ- 
ance of  the  rule  of  "each  for  all,  and  all  for  each,"  and  that  it 
will  enable  the  gain  of  one  member  of  the  family  to  be  a  genuine 
and  permanent  one  only  when  that  gain  is  based  upon  a  strict 
observance  of  the  rights  of  all  the  other  members. 

Turning  to  the  great  code  of  international  law  which  was 
incorporated  in  the  sixteen  conventions  and  four  declarations  of 
the  conferences,  we  stand  in  the  presence  of  the  stupendous  fact 
that  within  our  time  and  under  our  very  eyes  an  event  has 
transpired  which  is  comparable  with  the  publication  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  in  ancient  Rome  or  the  compilation  of  the  laws  of  our 
Teutonic  forefathers.  For  at  The  Hague  was  codified  into  con- 
crete international  law  a  vast  mass  of  international  custom  which 
had  been  more  or  less  vague,  disputable,  and  unapplied.  More 
than  this,  the  most  daring  innovations  which  have  ever  been 
introduced  into  international  law — far  more  daring  than  those 
which  came  from  the  hands  of  Hugo  Grotius  and  the  master 


207 

builders  of  the  science — were  made  authoritatively  by  the  official 
delegates  of  the  nations  at  The  Hague. 

This  great  body  of  codified  custom  and  new  law,  together 
with  the  approximate  acceptance  of  the  principle  of  international 
solidarity,  has  caused  the  veritable  revolution  in  international  law 
which  has  been  already  referred  to,  and  has  made  the  student  of 
that  science  feel  himself  to  be  in  the  presence  of  a  new  heaven 
and  a  new  earth.  "To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a 
candid  world."  The  facts  here  submitted  will  be  grouped  under 
the  three  headings:  The  alleviation  of  warfare's  horrors.  Its 
restriction  within  narrow  limits,  and  The  means  for  its  pre- 
vention. 

In  the  alleviation  of  warfare's  horrors,  the  Hague  Confer- 
ences have  far  surpassed  the  reforms  accomplished  or  suggested 
by  the  Conventions  of  Geneva  of  1864  and  1868,  the  Declaration 
of  St.  Petersburg  in  1868,  and  the  Declaration  of  Brussels  in 
1874.  For  at  The  Hague  the  Red  Cross  rules  were  applied  for 
the  first  time  to  warfare  on  the  sea,  and  a  careful  revision  and 
development  of  them  as  applied  to  warfare  on  the  land  was  pro- 
vided for  in  1899  and  accomplished  in  1906;  by  the  vote  of  every 
government,  except  that  of  the  United  States,  the  conferences 
prohibited  the  use  of  bullets  which  expand  or  flatten  easily  in  the 
human  body,  and  of  projectiles  the  object  of  which  is  the  diffu- 
sion of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious  gases ;  they  forbade  the  bom- 
bardment of  undefended  ports,  towns,  dwellings  or  buildings  by 
artillery  in  the  air,  on  the  land  or  on  the  sea,  and  at  the  same 
time  they  permitted  seaports  to  protect  themselves  against  inva- 
sion by  the  use  of  anchored  mines,  and  yet,  as  technically  unde- 
fended, to  remain  immune  from  bombardment  by  the  invading 
force.  The  Conference  of  1899  adopted  a  great  code  of  sixty 
rules  and  regulations,  some  of  which  had  been  urged  during  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  all  of  which  are  designed  to  pre- 
vent the  evils  of  warfare  from  falling  upon  peaceful  non-com- 
batants, and  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  soldier  in  the  field 
and  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  These  rules  have  to  do  with  the  means 
of  injuring  the  enemy,  with  belligerents,  prisoners  of  war,  spies, 
flags  of  truce,  armistice,  capitulations  and  the  treatment  of  occu- 
pied territory.  They  are  far  too  numerous  even  to  be  mentioned 
in  this  paper,  but  their  importance  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact 


208 

that  Professor  Zorn,  of  Germany,  has  said  of  them  that  they  alone 
would  have  made  the  Conference  of  1899  a  remarkable  success. 

Turning  next  to  the  restriction  of  warfare  and  its  evils  to  the 
narrowest  possible  limits,  we  find  marked  progress  in  defining  the 
relations  of  belligerents  with  neutrals,  and  in  restricting  the  scope 
of  warfare  between  the  belligerents  themselves. 

Heretofore,  the  belligerent  has  bestrode  the  narrow  earth 
like  a  Colossus,  while  petty  neutrals  walked  under  his  huge  legs 
and  peeped  about  to  find  the  best  means  of  avoiding  his  displeas- 
ure. So  difficult  and  dangerous  was  the  position  of  the  neutral 
in  the  last  century  that  statesmen  very  often  acted  on  the  policy 
that  war  with  one  or  the  other  belligerent  was  preferable  to 
neutrality.  We  have  changed  all  that  in  recent  years,  and  espe- 
cially have  the  two  Hague  Conferences  cribbed,  cabined  and  con- 
fined the  belligerent  in  many  stringent  ways. 

The  conferences  first  gave  their  high  and  definitive  sanction 
to  existing  international  custom  which  admonished  belligerent 
states  to  refrain  from  carrying  on  hostilities  within  neutral  ter- 
ritory, to  abstain  from  making  on  neutral  territory  direct  prepara- 
tions for  acts  of  hostility,  to  obey  all  reasonable  regulations  made 
by  neutral  states  for  the  protection  of  their  neutrality,  and  to 
make  reparation  to  any  state  whose  neutrality  it  may  have 
violated.  They  then  enacted  a  considerable  body  of  new  legisla- 
tion designed  to  emphasize  and  protect  neutral  rights  rather  than 
neutral  dniics.  So  carefully  did  they  protect  neutral  rights,  and 
so  strictly  confine  belligerent  rights,  that  they  may  be  said  to 
have  fairly  canalized  warfare — banked  it  within  definite  and  rela- 
tively narrow  channels,  and  erected  a  system  of  dykes  as  note- 
worthy as  those  which  Holland  has  built  against  the  fierce  North 
Sea — for  the  protection  of  the  great  world  of  peaceful  commerce 
and  industry  from  the  devastating  floods  of  warfare  which  bellig- 
erents may  let  loose  against  each  other. 

Among  these  devices  of  restriction  and  protection  may  be 
mentioned  the  following:  First,  an  unequivocal  declaration  of 
war,  stating  its  causes,  must  be  issued  before  hostilities  are  com- 
menced, and  must  be  promptly  announced  to  the  neutral  powers. 
It  is  indicative  of  the  unbridled  condition  of  belligerents  before 
the   Hague    Conferences    that   this    primary    restriction    against 


209 

treachery  towards  the  enemy  and  this  common-sense  recognition 
of  neutral  rights  was  established  for  the  first  time  in  1907  in 
modern  international  law. 

The  most  eminent  juris-consults  in  the  world,  the  members, 
namely,  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law,  had  been  wrestling 
unavailingly  with  the  knotty  problem  of  the  rights  of  neutrals  on 
land  and  sea  for  a  generation.  The  Conference  of  1907  solved 
a  number  of  its  phases.  Upon  the  fundamental  assertion  of  the 
inviolability  of  neutral  territory,  it  forbade  the  conveyance  across 
neutral  territory  of  troops  or  convoys  of  munitions  or  provisions ; 
it  forbade  the  installation  on  neutral  territory  of  telegraphic  or 
other  apparatus  designed  to  serve  as  a  means  of  communication 
with  belligerent  forces  on  land  or  sea;  it  forbade  the  bringing  of 
prizes  into  neutral  ports,  unless  under  stress  of  bad  weather  or 
lack  of  coal  or  provisions ;  it  forbade  belligerents  to  increase  in 
any  manner  whatever  their  military  or  naval  strength  on  neutral 
lands  or  waters ;  it  forbade  an  unlimited  and  too  frequent  renewal 
in  neutral  waters  of  belligerent  food  and  fuel  supplies ;  it  forbade 
more  than  three  belligerent  warships  to  come  into  neutral  ports 
at  any  one  time,  or  to  remain  there  more  than  twenty-four  hours, 
unless  the  neutral  power  concerned  had  made  a  different  rule ;  it 
forbade  belligerent  warships  to  follow  an  enemy's  warship  or  an 
enemy's  merchant  ship  from  a  neutral  port  within  twenty-four 
hours  after  the  latter  ship's  departure. 

Not  only  did  the  Conference  of  1907  assert  the  above  rights 
of  neutral  states,  but  some  rights  of  neutral  citizens  residing 
within  belligerent  territory  were  asserted  by  it  as  well.  Concern- 
ing these  rights,  international  disputes  are  particularly  frequent, 
as  Baron  von  Bieberstein,  of  Germany,  pointed  out  in  the  con- 
ference ;  and  as  General  Davis,  of  the  United  States,  remarked, 
the  protection  of  them  is  of  vast  importance  in  these  days  of  wide 
international  commercial  operations  which  should  be  disturbed  as 
little  as  possible  by  warfare.  As  a  result  of  the  rules  adopted  con- 
cerning them,  neutral  residents  are  protected  not  only  against  the 
belligerent  state  in  whose  territory  they  reside  or  do  business  but 
also  against  the  belligerent  which  invades  that  territory.  The 
anxieties  and  hardships  of  resident  aliens  are  diminished  by  the 
rule  that  they  may  not  be  punished  by  either  belligerent  for  lend- 
ing money  or  contributing  goods  to  the  other  belligerent,  nor  for 


2IO 

rendering  police  or  civil  services.  The  military  representatives 
of  Germany  and  Austria  emphasized  "the  imperious  necessities  of 
generals  in  the  field ;"  but  the  conference  adopted  the  above  rules 
unanimously,  as  it  did  also  the  rule  that  the  rolling  stock  of  rail- 
way companies  coming  from  the  territory  of  neutral  powers  and 
owned  by  those  powers  or  by  corporations  or  private  persons  can 
be  requisitioned  and  used  by  a  belligerent  only  in  the  case  and 
to  the  extent  that  an  imperious  necessity  demands,  and  that  it 
must  be  returned  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  country  of  its  origin ; 
while  nevitrals  may  if  necessary  retain  and  utilize,  in  compensa- 
tion, such  property  coming  from  a  belligerent  power.  By  this 
last  rule  is  protected  the  paramount  right  of  neutral  commerce  to 
unrestricted  railway  transportation;  and  by  a  further  resolution 
it  is  made  "the  special  duty  of  the  competent  military  and  civil 
authorities  to  protect  in  time  of  war  the  maintenance  of  pacific 
relations,  especially  commercial  and  industrial  relations,  between 
the  inhabitants  of  the  belligerent  countries  and  those  of  neutral 
states."  These  rules,  though  few  in  number,  are  of  great  impor- 
tance, since  they  not  only  lessen  the  danger  of  warfare  caused 
by  disputes  over  neutral  rights,  but  also  circumscribe  more  nar- 
rowly than  heretofore  the  closed  lists  of  combat. 

Not  only  was  the  shadow  of  the  belligerent  colossus  upon  the 
land  reduced  by  the  conferences,  but  he  was  given  very  positive 
notice  that  he  did  not  own  the  high  seas,  and  could  not  use  them 
as  he  pleased  in  warring  against  his  enemy.  He  was  forbidden  to 
use  unanchored  submarine  mines,  unless  constructed  in  such  man- 
ner as  to  become  harmless  within  one  hour  after  their  control 
has  been  lost ;  he  was  forbidden  the  use  of  anchored  mines  which 
do  not  become  harmless  as  soon  as  they  break  their  cables ;  he 
was  forbidden  to  use  automobile  torpedoes  which  do  not  become 
harmless  when  they  have  missed  their  aim ;  he  was  forbidden  to 
place  submarine  mines  along  the  coasts  and  in  front  of  the  ports 
of  his  enemies  with  the  sole  purpose  of  intercepting  commerce ; 
he  was  required  to  take  every  precaution  to  protect  peaceful  navi- 
gation against  submarine  mines,  and  to  cause  them  to  become 
harmless  after  a  limited  time,  by  removing  them,  guarding  them 
or  indicating  the  dangerous  regions  and  notifying  the  other  powers 
of  them. 

The  advance  registered  by  tlie  conferences  in  curbing  these 


211 

modern  demons  of  the  sea  may  be  appreciated  from  the  fact  that 
three  years  after  the  close  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  the  Chinese 
government  was  still  obliged  to  furnish  its  coasting  vessels  with 
special  instruments  to  remove  and  destroy  the  floating  mines  with 
which  the  belligerents  had  sown  not  only  the  neighboring  high 
seas  but  China's  own  territorial  waters  as  well ;  that,  in  spite  of 
every  precaution,  a  very  considerable  number  of  coasting  ships, 
fishing  boats,  junks  and  sampans  have  foundered  as  a  result  of 
striking  these  mines ;  and  that  more  than  five  hundred  peaceful 
Chinese  citizens,  peacefully  pursuing  their  occupations,  have  suf- 
fered a  cruel  death  from  these  dangerous  engines  of  warfare, 
while  the  lives  of  thousands  of  passengers  on  the  great  Occidental 
liners  have  been  in  imminent  peril  from  them. 

The  further  attempts  to  protect  neutral  commerce  by  a  more 
restrictive  definition  of  blockade,  by  abolishing  or  by  closely  defin- 
ing contraband  of  war  and  by  prohibiting  the  destruction  of 
neutral  prizes,  did  not  succeed  in  the  conferences ;  but  twenty-six 
of  the  nations  voted  for  the  radical  British  proposition  to  abolish 
contraband  of  Vv^ar,  and  it  was  agreed  that  both  belligerent  and 
neutral  prizes  might  be  permitted  by  neutral  powers  to  be  seques- 
tered within  their  harbors  and  thus  saved  from  destruction.  The 
encouraging  discussion  of  these  three  long-standing  and  knotty 
problems  of  international  law  resulted,  also,  in  the  meeting  of  a 
Naval  Conference  in  London,  from  December,  1908,  to  February, 
1909,  in  which  ten  of  tlie  leading  maritime  powers  participated, 
and  in  which  agreements  were  arrived  at  very  much  in  accord 
with  those  foreshadowed  at  The  Hague. 

In  confining  warfare  within  as  narrow  limits  as  possible  the 
conferences  did  not  devote  their  attention  exclusively  to  the  asser- 
tion of  neutral  rights,  but  protected  the  belligerents  themselves  as 
far  as  possible  against  each  other. 

Under  the  gallant  leadership  of  Dr.  White  and  Mr.  Choate, 
of  the  United  States,  twenty-one  nations  were  induced  to  cast 
their  votes  in  favor  of  prohibiting  the  capture  of  the  private 
property  of  the  enemy  in  warfare  upon  the  sea,  and  although 
this  American  proposition  failed  of  adoption,  it  has  been  so 
emphasized  and  popularized  before  the  world  that  it  will  very 
probably  be  adopted  by  the  Third  Conference  at  The  Hague,  or 
at  least  be  agreed  upon  by  the  great  majority  of  the  nations  in 


212 

treaty  between  themselves.  The  First  Conference  forbade  unani- 
mously the  destruction  or  seizure  of  the  private  property  of  the 
enemy  in  warfare  on  the  land,  unless  imperatively  demanded  by 
the  necessities  of  war,  and  in  that  case  it  shall  be  paid  for. 

So  great  has  become  the  conviction  that  the  private  property 
of  belligerents  should  be  protected  as  much  as  possible,  even  in 
warfare  upon  the  sea,  that  the  Second  Conference  placed  several 
restrictions  upon  its  capture.  It  required  that  due  warning  to 
depart  must  be  given  to  merchant  ships  which  are  found  in  the 
enemy's  ports  on  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  or  which  enter  them 
or  are  captured  upon  the  high  seas  in  ignorance  of  the  war ;  and 
that  if  they  do  not  or  can  not  heed  this  warning,  neither  they  nor 
their  cargoes  may  be  confiscated,  but  may  only  be  detained  until 
the  end  of  the  war,  or  requisitioned  on  payment  of  compensation. 
The  officers  and  crews  of  captured  merchant  ships  are  not  to  be 
made  prisoners  of  war,  provided  they  promise  not  to  take  part 
in  the  war.  Boats  used  exclusively  for  fishing  purposes,  and  all 
ships  (even  warships)  engaged  in  scientific,  religious  or  philan- 
thropic missions,  were  exempted  from  capture.  The  mail  matter 
of  both  belligerents  and  neutrals  was  made  inviolable,  and  must 
be  forwarded  with  the  least  possible  delay  in  case  the  ship  con- 
veying it  is  detained  or  captured.  And  to  prevent  a  return  to  the 
old  practice  of  privateering,  which  was  abolished  by  many  of  the 
nations  in  1856,  as  well  as  to  make  piracy  more  difficult,  it  was 
provided  that  merchant  ships  transformed  into  cruisers  in  time  of 
war  shall  acquire  the  rights  and  privileges  of  warships  only  when 
placed  under  state  control,  with  a  duly  commissioned  commander 
and  a  crew  under  military  discipline  and  conformable  to  the  laws 
and  customs  of  warfare. 

The  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  growing  regard  for  the 
rights  of  private  property,  even  in  warfare  on  the  sea,  was  the 
establishment  by  the  Second  Conference  of  the  International  Prize 
Court.  This  court  will  remove  the  capture  of  merchant  ships 
still  farther  from  the  plane  of  piracy  by  permitting  the  presumably 
partial  decision  of  national  prize  courts  to  be  supplemented  by  the 
probably  less  partial  decision  of  an  international  one,  and  will 
thereby  emphasize  the  fundamental  principle  in  international,  as 
in  national,  law  that  a  suitor  shall  not  be  a  judge  in  his  own  cause. 

Coming  thirdly,  and  lastly,  to  the  measures  adopted  for  the 


213 

prevention  of  warfare,  we  find  in  them  the  crowning  glory  of  the 
Hague  Conferences.  They  represent  in  very  truth  the  Magna 
Charta  of  international  law,  and  they  embody  the  chief  hope  and 
the  chief  strength  of  the  peace-makers  of  the  twentieth  century. 

The  First  Conference  was  called  to  solve  if  possible  the  prob- 
lem of  increasing  armaments,  and  the  world  jumped  to  the  con- 
clusion that  a  foolish  attempt  was  to  be  made  to  usher  in 
disarmament.  This  hasty  conclusion  almost  discredited  the  con- 
ference in  the  eyes  of  practical  people,  but  the  proposition  for 
disarmament  was  not  even  alluded  to.  What  was  done,  in  both 
conferences,  was  to  strike  in  upon  the  consciousness  of  the  nations 
the  fact  that  in  our  day  and  generation  the  growth  of  armaments 
on  land  and  sea  is  increasing  faster  than  the  growth  of  population 
in  great  cities  or  the  concentration  of  wealth,  and  has  brought 
every  civilized  land  face  to  face  with  very  grave  financial,  indus- 
trial, political  and  international  perils.  Both  conferences  empha- 
sized this  fact  in  words  of  burning  eloquence  and  made  a  solemn 
appeal  to  the  governments  to  study  this  problem  thoroughly  and 
to  find  some  solution  of  it  before  precipitating  a  gigantic  war 
whose  prevention  is  the  alleged  reason  for  armament  increase. 
This  appeal  has  not  met,  a^  yet,  with  governmental  response ;  but 
it  is  greatly  to  be  hoped  that  under  the  auspices  of  such  Secre- 
taries of  War  as  Mr.  Taft  and  Mr.  Dickinson — whose  proudest 
boast  it  is  that  they  have  been  Secretaries  of  Peace  rather  than 
Secretaries  of  War — this  great  and  burning  problem  may  be 
solved  before  it  be  too  late. 

Our  day  has  seen  growing  up,  side  by  side  with  armaments  on 
land  and  sea,  the  beginnings  of  armaments  in  the  air.  The  final 
result  to  war  or  peace  of  this  new  development  of  human  genius 
cannot  yet  be  even  guessed  at;  but  both  conferences  voted  that 
the  world  should  be  spared,  at  least  until  the  end  of  the  next 
conference,  the  expense,  anxiety  and  incalculable  danger  con- 
nected with  warfare  in  and  from  the  air.  It  might  help  us  to 
appreciate  the  significance  of  this  prohibition  by  reflecting  on  the 
saving  of  wear  and  tear  which  would  have  followed  upon  a  prohi- 
bition of  Dreadnoughts  by  the  First  Hague  Conference. 

The  irresistible  power  of  publicity,  which  has  been  exerting 
its  sway  in  such  a  remarkable  manner  in  national  affairs,  was 
applied  by  the  conferences  to  international  affairs.    After  a  long 


214 

struggle  in  the  First  Conference  it  was  agreed  that  the  estab- 
lishment of  international  commissions  of  inquiry  is  a  "useful" 
method  of  avoiding  warfare,  and  in  1907  it  was  agreed  that  this 
method  is  "desirable"  as  well.  But  it  was  so  hedged  about  with 
conditional  phrases  as  to  honor,  vital  interests,  and  circumstances 
permitting,  that  it  was  derided  as  mere  pretense,  or  as  a  sop  to 
Cerberus.  Nevertheless,  it  has  already  afforded  another  proof  of 
the  duty  and  success  of  raising  a  standard  to  which  the  wise  and 
honest  may  repair;  for,  endorsed  by  the  Hague  Conferences  and 
made  readily  applicable  by  the  adoption  of  a  few  simple  rules  of 
procedure,  it  has  enabled  the  great  powers  of  Russia  and  Great 
Britain  to  settle  speedily  and  peacefully  the  grave  dispute  con- 
cerning the  Hull  fishermen  off  the  Dogger  Bank.  Reason  as  well 
as  experience  proves  that  if  a  thorough  and  impartial  inquiry  be 
made  into  international  differences,  and  if  the  truth,  the  whole 
truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth  be  published,  a  decent  respect 
for  the  opinion  of  mankind  and  an  aroused  national  and  inter- 
national public  opinion  will  compel  "circumstances  to  permit"  the 
peaceful  settlem.ent  even  of  differences  in  which  "honor  and  vital 
interests"  are  involved.  "Investigate  before  you  fight,"  was  the 
demand  of  the  conferences ;  "investigate  and  you  won't  fight" — 
at  least  in  nine  times  out  of  ten — is  the  verdict  of  recent  history. 

The  agreement  adopted  by  the  conference  that  powers  in  dis- 
pute would  have  recourse  to  the  good  offices  or  mediation  of  one 
or  more  friendly  powers  before  an  appeal  to  arms,  in  case  of  any 
serious  dispute,  and  as  far  as  circumstances  permit,  was  supple- 
mented by  the  further  statement  that  the  signatory  powers  con- 
sider it  useful  that  one  or  more  powers,  strangers  to  the  dispute, 
should,  on  their  own  initiative,  and  as  far  as  circumstances  per- 
mit, offer  their  good  offices  or  their  mediation  to  the  states  at 
variance  with  each  other.  The  restriction  of  this  agreement  by 
the  phrase  "as  far  as  circumstances  permit"  was  considered  an 
unfortunate  one;  but  it  was  adopted  because  the  conference  did 
not  desire  to  attempt  more  than  the  powers  could  reasonably  be 
expected  to  carry  out. 

When  the  principle  embodied  in  these  agreements  is  com- 
pared with  the  former  jealous  resentment  of  any  "foreign  inter- 
vention" which  dominated  international  relations  before  1899. 
the  progress  m'ade  by  the  conference  in  the  mere  frank  statement 


215 

of  it  is  apparent.  But  when  it  is  recalled  that,  inspired  by  it, 
President  Roosevelt  extended  the  good  offices  of  the  United 
States  government  to  Japan  and  Russia  in  their  recent  war  and 
that  the  Peace  of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  was  the  fortunate 
result,  the  value  of  this  feature  of  the  convention  of  1899  is 
greatly  proven  by  an  accomplished  fact  of  vast  historic  import. 

The  desirability  of  a  more  frequent  resort  to  this  means  of 
avoiding  or  shortening  a  war  was  emphasized  in  the  Conference 
of  1907,  which  added  the  words  "and  desirable"  to  the  former 
statement  that  the  powers  consider  good  offices  and  mediation 
"useful."  This  slight  addition  to  the  phraseology  of  1899  may  not 
have  directly  the  desired  result  of  increasing  the  frequency  of 
good  offices  and  mediation ;  but  it  at  least  emphasizes  the  former 
statement  that  their  extension,  even  during  the  course  of  hostili- 
ties, shall  not  be  considered  by  either  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute 
as  an  unfriendly  act.  The  consistent  adoption  of  this  latter  view, 
together  with  the  growing  conviction  that  the  interests  of  one 
are  the  interests  of  all  in  the  family  of  states,  will  increase  the 
frequency  of  this  means  of  preventing  war  and  insuring  justice. 

A  treatise  on  international  law,  which  is  widely  used  as  a 
text-book  in  this  country  and  in  England,  was  written  by  Pro- 
fessor Lawrence,  of  the  Universities  of  Cambridge  and  Chicago, 
and  Vi^as  published  a  few  years  before  the  meeting  of  the  First 
Hague  Conference.  That  treatise  devotes  five  pages  out  of  six 
hundred  and  thirty-six  to  a  consideration  of  arbitration  in  all  its 
phases,  and  these  are  confined  to  a  discussion  of  the  possibility  of 
concluding  a  treaty  for  arbitration  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States.  A  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  for  all  the 
world,  with  its  Permanent  Bureau,  Advisory  Council,  and  Peace 
Palace  at  The  Hague,  an  International  Prize  Court,  obligatory 
arbitration  of  contractual  indebtedness  and  scores  of  obligatory 
arbitration  treaties  between  nations,  to  say  nothing  of  a  world- 
treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  and  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 
are  wholly  outside  the  imagination  of  this  brilliant  but  antiquated 
author,  or  are  deemed  so  wholly  imaginative  and  visionary  as 
not  to  deserve  mention.  We  need  seek  no  more  striking  evidence 
of  the  advance  registered  by  the  two  Hague  Conferences  than 
this  simple  fact.  For  all  of  these  extraordinary  institutions  have 
been  not  merely  dreamed  of  since  1899,  but  within  the  brief  span 


2l6 

of  eight  years  most  of  them  have  been  put  into  actual  practice, 
and  the  remaining  two  have  received  the  unanimous  indorsement 
and  are  within  the  determined  acquisition  of  the  large  majority  of 
the  nations. 

A  large  number  of  international  differences  were  submitted 
to  voluntary  arbitration  during  the  century  preceding  the  con- 
ferences. But  for  the  first  time  at  The  Hague  the  nations  unan- 
imously indorsed  this  peaceful  and  rational  method  of  settling 
dift'erences,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  declare  that  when  a  serious 
dispute  threatens  to  occur  between  two  or  more  nations  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  other  nations  to  remind  the  disputants  that  an  easy 
recourse  to  arbitration  is  open  to  them,  and  to  advise  them,  in  the 
higher  interest  of  peace,  to  resort  to  it.  The  assertion  of  this 
duty  was  re-enforced  by  the  further  statement  that  the  disputants 
shall  consider  such  reminder  and  advice  only  as  an  exercise  of 
good  offices  and  by  no  means  an  unfriendly  act. 

The  advance  registered  by  the  conferences  in  the  direction  of 
obligatory  arbitration  may  be  recorded  in  the  words  of  Baron  von 
Bieberstein,  of  Germany,  who  said  in  the  Second  Conference: 
"At  the  First  Peace  Conference,  the  German  delegate  declared 
in  the  name  of  his  government  that  experience  in  the  field  of  arbi- 
tration was  not  of  a  kind  to  permit  an  agreement  at  that  time  in 
favor  of  obligatory  arbitration.  Eight  years  have  passed  since 
that  declaration,  and  experience  in  the  field  of  arbitration  has 
accumulated  to  a  considerable  extent.  The  question  has  been,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  subject  of  profound  and  continuous  study  on 
the  part  of  the  German  government.  In  view  of  the  fruits  of  this 
examination,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  fortunate  results 
flowing  from  arbitration,  my  government  is  favorable  today,  in 
principle,  to  the  idea  of  obligatory  arbitration.  It  has  confirmed 
the  sincerity  of  this  opinion  by  signing  two  treaties  of  permanent 
arbitration,  one  with  the  British  government,  the  other  with  that 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  both  of  which  include  all  judicial 
questions  or  those  relative  to  the  interpretation  of  treaties.  We 
have,  besides,  inserted  in  our  commercial  treaties  concluded  within 
recent  years  an  arbitrational  agreement  for  a  series  of  questions, 
and  we  have  the  firm  intention  of  continuing  to  pursue  the  task 
in  which  we  are  engaged  in  concluding  these  treaties.  In  the 
course  of  our  debates  the  fortunate  fact  has  been  mentioned  that  a 


217 

long  series  of  other  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  have  been 
concluded  between  various  states.  This  is  genuine  progress,  and 
the  credit  of  it  is  due,  incontestably,  to  the  First  Peace  Con- 
ference." 

Our  great  American  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Elihu  Root, 
also,  in  his  instructions  to  the  United  States  delegation  to  the 
Second  Conference,  alluded  to  the  many  separate  treaties  of 
arbitration  between  individual  countries,  and  said  that  "This  con- 
dition, which  brings  the  subject  of  a  general  treaty  for  obligatory 
arbitration  into  the  field  of  practical  discussion,  is  undoubtedly 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  powers  generally  in  the  First 
Hague  Conference  committed  themselves  to  the  principle  of  the 
pacific  settlement  of  international  questions  in  the  admirable  con- 
vention for  voluntary  arbitration  then  adopted." 

The  Second  Conference  did  not  succeed  in  agreeing  upon 
a  world-treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  but  thirty-five  of  the 
nations  voted  for  such  a  treaty,  and  those  who  opposed  it  did  so 
on  the  ground  that  it  might  retard  the  growth  of  obligatory  arbi- 
tration treaties  between  the  nations  separately ;  while  forty-two 
of  them  declared  their  conviction  that  certain  classes  of  interna- 
tional differences  are  capable  of  being  submitted  to  obligatory 
arbitration  without  any  restriction  whatsoever. 

The  principle  of  obligatory  arbitration  was  strikingly  applied 
by  the  Second  Conference  in  its  adoption  of  the  Porter  proposi- 
tion, which  requires  the  submission  to  arbitration  of  disputes 
relating  to  contractual  indebtedness  before  the  use  of  force  for 
its  collection  is  permissible.  This  was  one  of  the  greatest  achieve- 
ments in  the  history  of  diplomacy,  and  reflects  undying  luster 
upon  its  chief  advocate,  our  own  illustrious  general  and  diplo- 
matist, Horace  Porter.  The  advance  registered  by  it  is  especially 
appreciated  by  Latin  America,  which  has  been  too  often  the  prey 
of  unscrupulous  foreign  promoters,  and  by  our  own  Republic, 
whose  peaceful  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  greatly 
facilitated  by  it. 

The  German  proposition  to  establish  an  International  Prize 
Court  electrified  the  Second  Conference  by  its  novelty  and  signifi- 
cance, but,  despite  the  knotty  problems  of  sovereignty  and  equality 
involved  in  it,  the  conference  enthusiastically  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  vote,  unanimously  adopted  it.   The  establishment  of  an 


2l8 

international  high  court  of  justice  functioning  as  a  court  of  appeal 
from  national  courts  in  cases  of  merchant  ships  captured  in  naval 
war  was,  for  several  reasons,  one  of  the  Second  Conference's  most 
important  achievements.  It  is  the  first  truly  international  court 
established  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Its  decisions  will  be  a 
fruitful  source  of  maritime  lazv.  It  will  remove  a  fertile  cause 
of  disputes  between  the  belligerents  themselves,  and  between  them 
and  neutral  nations,  and  will  thereby  lessen  the  bitterness  of 
wars  once  begun  and  prevent  the  outbreak  of  others.  The  unan- 
imous vote  (with  the  exception  of  Brazil's  vote)  of  its  method  of 
selecting  judges  will  pave  the  way  for  the  solution  of  the  same 
question  in  regard  to  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.  By  supplying 
in  time  of  war  a  regular  adjudication  of  one  very  important  and 
delicate  class  of  international  differences  it  will  serve  as  an  induct- 
ive argument  and  give  a  strong  impulse  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  for  the  adjudication  of  all  classes  of 
international  differences  in  time  of  peace.  And,  finally,  its  estab- 
lishment has  already  given  rise  to  one  important  international 
naval  conference,  that  in  London  in  1908-1909,  which  will  doubt- 
less be  followed  by  others,  designed  to  fill  up  the  gaps  and 
strengthen  the  weak  spots  in  the  maritime  law  of  nations,  and 
thus  to  afford  the  new  International  Prize  Court  a  more  solid 
legislative  foundation  upon  which  to  erect  its  structure  of  judicial 
decisions  and  precedents. 

The  institution  established  by  the  conferences  at  The  Hague 
v/hich  stands  out  pre-eminent  in  the  mind  of  the  nations  is  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration.  This  pre-eminence  is  deserved ; 
for,  although  this  institution  is  not  truly  permanent  nor  is  it  a 
genuine  court,  yet  it  is  the  pioneer  of  its  race  and  has  already 
proved  itself  of  incalculable  utility,  having  settled  four  important 
international  differences  and  attracted  six  others  into  the  path 
towards  peaceful  solution.  Like  the  Magna  Charta  of  England 
and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  it  is  the  corner-stone 
of  the  edifice  of  international  law  and  justice  which  will  be  erected 
in  the  future;  while  its  establishment  is  a  tangible  evidence  of 
the  fact  that  national  governments,  whose  duty  it  is  to  enforce 
law  and  justice  within  their  own  territories,  themselves  recognize 
the  eternal  and  universal  validity  of  those  principles  upon  which 
their  own  reason  for  existence  and  claim  to  allegiance  are  based. 


219 

A  national  observance  of  international  law  and  obedience  to  inter- 
national justice  cannot  fail  greatly  to  strengthen  individuals' 
observance  of  and  obedience  to  national  law  and  justice.  The 
advance  registered,  then,  by  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration 
and  the  admirable  code  of  procedure  adopted  for  it,  is  of  pro- 
found significance  upon  both  the  national  and  the  international 
scale. 

The  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  although  not  set  in  operation 
by  the  Second  Conference,  constitutes  the  International  Promised 
Land  of  the  world  today.  A  truly  permanent  and  a  genuine  court, 
with  a  prestige  based  upon  consecutive  decisions  and  a  consistent 
interpretation  of  international  law,  was  a  great,  a  path-breaking 
idea.  The  potency  of  great  ideas  in  human  history  needs  not  to 
be  argued.  Now  this  idea,  although  abandoned  as  impracticable 
by  the  First  Conference,  was  introduced  in  the  Second  Conference 
only  eight  years  later,  explained,  attacked,  defended  and  almost 
unanimously  accepted  as  both  desirable  and  practicable.  Some 
of  the  ablest  of  international  jurists  collaborated  in  the  task  of 
advocating  that  idea  and  giving  to  it  form  and  svibstance.  The 
concrete  results  of  their  labor  were  adopted  by  the  conference 
and  are  published,  not  as  a  vermiform  appendix  but  as  an  essential 
annex  to  the  Final  Act. 

Not  only  will  the  idea  of  such  a  court  henceforth  stand 
behind  the  wrong  of  warfare,  but  it  will  inevitably  rule  the  future. 
The  court  itself,  fashioned  and  wrought  out  in  all  but  one  of  its 
details,  needs  only  an  agreement  as  to  the  appointment  of  its 
judges;  and  when  this  breath  of  life  is  breathed  into  it  by  any 
number  of  the  nations,  it  will  at  once  spring  into  beneficent  activ- 
ity. Its  operation  does  not  require  unanimity  among  the  nations, 
as  did  so  many  other  features  of  the  Final  Act  of  The  Hague ; 
nor  does  it  require  even  a  two-thirds  acceptance,  as  did  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  vStates ;  but  the  moment  when  two  or  more 
powers  agree  upon  the  appointment  of  its  judges,  it  will  open  its 
doors  for  the  pacification  of  disputes.  Even  though  constituted 
by  only  two  pov/ers,  it  will  be  known  as  the  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice  at  The  Hague,  and,  like  a  city  set  upon  a  hill,  it  will 
eventually  draw  to  it  all  nations  seeking  to  escape  the  evils  of 
warfare. 

It  was  greatly  to  be  desired,  of  course,  and  it  is  still  greatly 


220 

to  be  desired,  that  its  operation  should  come  as  the  result  of 
unanimous  agreement.  But  even  from  this  point  of  view  it 
should  be  noted  that  the  conference  voted  unanimously  the  rec- 
ommendation that  the  governments  should  adopt,  not  some  court, 
but  this  particular  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  and  put  it  in  opera- 
tion as  soon  as  they  could  agree  upon  the  choice  of  its  judges. 

Two  great  Americans,  Elihu  Root  and  Joseph  H.  Choate, 
were  the  Moses  and  Aaron  who  led  the  Second  Conference  into 
the  path  towards  this  Promised  Land ;  the  conference  as  the 
result  of  infinite  toil  has  led  the  world  across  the  desert  to  the 
Jordan;  and  now  it  is  the  growing  hope  of  the  civilized  world 
that  Philander  Chase  Knox  will  be  the  Joshua  who  will  take  it 
across  that  one  last  river — the  difficulty,  namely,  as  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  judges. 

Looking  back  upon  this  brief  summary  of  the  work  of  the 
two  Hague  Conferences,  we  must  admit  that  the  past  at  least  is 
secure.  The  alleviation  and  prevention  of  many  of  warfare's 
former  horrors,  its  restriction  within  narrow  limits,  the  protection 
of  noncombatants  and  neutrals  from  its  ravages,  the  assertion  of 
principles  and  the  establishment  of  practices  for  its  prevention 
and  for  the  enforcement  of  justice — such  were  the  great  achieve- 
ments of  these  two  epoch-making  events  in  the  world's  history. 
There  they  stand  in  all  their  undying  luster,  so  that  he  who  runs 
may  see  that  they  have  afforded  to  the  peace  workers  of  our  time 
a  new  and  positive  program,  on  which  every  true  believer  in 
international  peace,  of  no  matter  what  complexion  his  belief  may 
be,  can  find  room  and  opportunity  for  labor,  and  whose  realization 
will  not  only  make  present  armaments  as  obsolete  as  would  a  fleet 
of  airships,  but  will  at  last  usher  in  a  reign  of  law  and  justice 
within  that  No  Man's  Land  of  international  relations. 

When  the  traveler  in  some  distant  time  shall  stand  beside  the 
Palace  of  Peace  in  The  Hague  and  shall  look  out  over  a  world  in 
which  the  hoary  forces  of  warfare  have  been  permanently  diked 
within  the  channels  of  peaceful  commerce,  when  he  shall  hear 
the  voice  of  international  justice  rolling  forth  to  every  clime  and 
corner  of  the  world,  and  shall  know  that  the  writ  of  the  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice  runs  freely  and  unquestioned  from  the  mountains 
of  Venezuela  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  and  the  Golden  Horn 
— then  will  he  clearly  see  what  our  less  seeing  eyes  can  only  dimly 


221 

see:    the  full  richness  of  the  harvest  of  peace  and  justice  that 
sprang  from  the  seed  which  the  two  Hague  Conferences  sowed. 

Chairman  Crapsey: 

In  thanking  Professor  Hull  for  his  very  able  and  scholarly 
paper,  I  would  like  to  call  attention  to  the  thought  that  the 
Hague  Conference  was  of  vast  importance  not  only  for  what  it 
did  but  for  what  it  was.  Bringing  together  representatives  of  the 
various  nations  was  itself  a  great  event.  It  was  my  fortune  to 
be  in  the  same  hotel  with  the  representatives  of  the  Turkish 
Empire  and  the  Grecian  Kingdom,  and  it  was  a  wonderful  sight 
to  see  those  ancient  enemies  holding  peaceful  conferences  in  the 
same  room.  Now  we  have  the  still  more  wonderful  event  that 
the  Turk  has  taken  up  arms  against  the  Turk  to  secure  the  Greek 
element  in  the  Turkish  population  its  civil  rights.    (Applause.) 

I  have  the  great  pleasure  now  in  presenting  to  you  Professor 
Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  of  Chicago,  who  will  address  us  upon  the 
subject  of  "Legal  Problems  Capable  of  Settlement  by  Arbi- 
tration." 

Legal  Problems  Capable  of  Settlement  by  Arbitration 

Professor  Charles  Cheney  Hyde. 

Our  first  inquiry  is  to  ascertain  what  is  a  legal  problem. 
Professor  Westlake,  of  Cambridge  University,  has  declared  that 
a  legal  problem  is  one  "which  can  be  settled  by  reference  to 
known  rules,  having  at  their  back  that  force  which  is  derived 
from  the  general  consent  of  the  international  society." 

But  few  of  these  rules  are  codified.  Some  are  defined  by 
international  agreement.  Some  are  expressed  in  the  domestic 
laws  of  states.  Some  are  set  forth  in  the  decisions  of  the  local 
courts.  Whatever  be  their  source  and  whatever  be  the  evidence 
of  their  existence,  they  are  rules  which  civilized  states  feel  them- 
selves bound  to  observe,  and  therefore  do  observe  in  their  inter- 
course with  each  other.  They  alone  constitute  what  is  known  as 
international  law. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  learned  men  well  qualified  to  guide  our 
feet  into  the  way  of  truth  have  been  content  to  mark  out  the 
path  that  nations  ought  to  follow,  rather  than  that  which  they 


222 

have  actually  trodden.  Because  of  the  conflictinof  views  of 
equally  careful  scholars,  we  are  sometimes  led  to  believe  that 
W'ith  respect  to  very  many  problems  of  international  intercourse 
there  is  no  general  agreement  of  the  family  of  nations. 

Careful  examination,  however,  of  the  practice  of  enlightened 
states  at  the  present  time  reveals  a  happier  condition  of  afifairs. 
It  shows  not  only  that  there  are  rules  of  conduct  which  nations 
habitually  observe  from  a  sense  of  legal  obligation,  but  also  that 
those  rules  are  applied  in  testing  the  propriety  or  legality  of  the 
conduct  of  each  state  in  almost  every  phase  of  its  relations  v^^ith 
the  outside  world.  In  a  word,  it  shows  that  international  prac- 
tice has  established  a  system  of  law  which  stamps  upon  almost 
every  international  act  either  a  legal  or  illegal  character. 

Attempts  are  constantly  made  to  differentiate  legal  from 
political  questions.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  a  controversy 
relating  to  the  policy  of  a  nation  is,  by  reason  of  that  fact,  of  a 
political  character.  In  one  sense  this  is  true.  That  which  has 
to  do  with  the  policy  of  a  state  is  political.  Nevertheless,  because 
a  difference  between  nations  may  arise  from  a  question  of  policy 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  controversy  lacks  a  legal  quality. 
The  policy  of  a  nation  may  call  for  action  flatly  in  derogation  of 
a  well  recognized  right  of  another  state.  Whenever  it  does,  it 
gives  rise  to  a  legal  problem.  The  attempt,  therefore,  to  dis- 
tinguish international  controversies  of  a  political  character  from 
those  of  a  legal  character,  on  the  sole  ground  that  the  former 
relate  to  the  policy  of  a  nation,  is  obviously  inadequate.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  true,  and  we  ought  to  be  glad  that  it  is  true, 
that  legal  dift'erences  between  states  may  embrace  in  their  scope 
questions  of  the  most  vital  national  policy;  for  notwithstanding 
their  magnitude,  known  rules  of  international  law  furnish  a 
means  of  solution.  That  law  is  not  a  system  intended  merely 
to  secure  the  orderly  conduct  of  minor  affairs.  It  is  capable  and 
has  proven  itself  capable  of  promoting  justice,  even  when  con- 
troversies have  shaken  opposing  states  to  tli.eir  very  foundations. 

In  order  to  ascertain  what  legal  problems  are  capable  of  set- 
tlement by  arbitration,  it  is  vvorth  while  to  turn  to  the  experience 
of  the  United  States.  Since  the  Declaration  of  Independence  the 
international  problems  which  have  confronted  this  Republic  have 
been  difficult  and  varied ;    sometimes  they  have  led  to  war.     In 


2-23 

very  many  cases  where  adjustment  by  diplomatic  means  has 
failed,  settlement  by  judicial  means  has  been  possible. 

As  early  as  1785  John  Jay,  when  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  submitted  to  the  Congress  a  report  on  the  eastern  bound- 
ary, and  stated  that  in  his  opinion  effectual  measures  should  be 
taken  to  settle  all  disputes  with  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain. 
In  that  report  he  submitted  an  elaborate  plan  for  their  adjust- 
ment. The  plan  provided  for  the  appointment  of  an  equal  num- 
ber of  commissioners  to  be  appointed  by  the  United  States  and 
the  King.  A  majority  of  the  commissioners  were  to  be 
empowered  to  render  a  final  and  decisive  judgment  as 
to  the  rightful  ov/nership  of  the  territory  in  dispute.  This 
report  was  submitted  by  President  Washington  to  the  Senate 
in  1790.'''  No  arrangement  was  made  in  pursuance  of  its 
suggestion.  The  United  States  did,  however,  subsequently  seek 
a  solution  of  the  various  phases  of  the  boundary  dispute  by 
judicial  as  well  as  amicable  means.  John  Jay's  recommenda- 
tions signify  much  today.  They  indicate  that  before  the  close 
of  the  eighteenth  century  an  American  jurist  and  diplomat 
W'ho  was  alive  to  the  feeling  of  antagonism  prevailing  between 
England  and  America ;  who  was  aware  of  the  imperfections  in 
the  description  of  the  northeastern  boundary  contained  in  the 
Anglo-American  treaty  of  1783;  who  knew  the  difficulties  then 
existing  in  securing  evidence  of  international  law  to  guide  any 
international  tribunal ;  who  appreciated  the  difficulties  also  of 
securing  courageous  and  unbiased  judges,  nevertheless  did  not 
hesitate  to  advise,  as  the  best  means  of  adjusting  the  grave  terri- 
torial dispute,  its  reference  to  a  judicial  tribunal  of  Englishmen 
and  Americans. 

In  1896,  in  the  course  of  negotiations  with  Secretary  Olney 
concerning  a  general  Anglo-A.merican  treaty  of  arbitration,  Lord 
Salisbury  expressed  grave  doubts  as  to  whether  territorial  dis- 
putes were  capable  of  arbitration.  He  took  the  position  that  the 
rules  of  international  law  applicable  to  territorial  controversies 
were  not  ascertained ;  that  it  v/as  uncertain  what  sort  of  occupa- 
tion or  control  of  territory  was  necessary  to  give  a  good  title  ;  how 
long  such  occupation  or  control  should  continue  ;  and  that  the  pro- 
jected procedure  suggested  by  Mr.  Olney  would  be  full  of  sur- 


American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  I.  94. 


224 

prises.*  In  reply  Mr.  OIney  said  in  part :  "International  law  fails 
to  furnish  any  imperative  reasons  for  excluding  boundary  contro- 
versies from  the  scope  of  general  treaties  of  arbitration.  If  that 
be  true  of  civilized  states  generally,  a  fortiori  must  it  be  true  of 
the  two  great  English-speaking  nations.  As  they  have  not  merely 
political  institutions  but  systems  of  jurisprudence  identical  in  their 
origin  and  in  the  fundamental  ideas  underlying  them,  as  the  law 
of  real  property  in  each  is  but  a  growth  from  the  same  parent 
stem,  it  is  not  easy  to  believe  that  a  tribunal  composed  of  judges  of 
the  supreme  court  of  each,  even  if  a  foreign  jurist  were  to  act  as 
umpire,  could  produce  any  flagrant  miscarriage  of  justice."!  If 
in  1785  John  Jay  believed  that  such  disputes  were  capable  of 
adjustment  by  judicial  means,  it  was  not  surprising  that  his  suc- 
cessor, in  1896,  should  take  a  similar  stand.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  in  1897  Secretary  Olney  and  the  British  Ambassador  signed 
a  general  arbitration  treaty.  In  that  agreement  provision  was 
made  for  the  arbitration  of  pecuniary  claims.  For  the  adjustment 
of  claims,  or  of  differences  involving  principles  of  grave  general 
importance  affecting  national  rights  as  distinguished  from  private 
rights,  it  was  agreed  that  recourse  should  be  had  to  a  tribunal 
composed  of  three  American  and  three  British  judges.  Their 
award,  if  made  by  a  majority  of  five  to  one,  was  to  be  final.  This 
treaty  met  with  the  approval  of  both  President  Cleveland  and 
President  McKinley,  as  well  as  of  a  large  majority  of  the  Senate. 
As  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  advised  its  ratifi- 
cation, when  a  vote  was  taken,  the  treaty  failed.  Notwithstanding 
that  fact  the  Olney-Pauncefote  convention  stands  today  as  a  sig- 
nificant proof  of  what  legal  differences  two  of  our  own  Presidents 
as  well  as  the  British  government  believed  to  be  capable  of  adjust- 
ment by  judicial  process,  and  that  two  years  before  the  assembling 
of  the  First  Hague  Conference. 

An  attempt  to  settle  the  territorial  differences  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  concerning  the  northeastern 
bovmdary  by  judicial  process  was  only  in  part  successful.  Brief 
reference  to  what  happened  is  enlightening :  Which  of  two  rivers 
designated  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  as  the  St.  Croix,  and  constitut- 
ing the  boundary,  was  ascertained  by  means  of  arbitration.     The 

*  Foreign  Relations,  1896,  235. 
t  Foreign  Relations,  1896,  236. 


225 

rightful  ownership  of  certain  islands  in  Passamaquoddy  Bay  and 
in  the  Bay  of  Fundy  was  established  by  a  joint  commission  con- 
sisting of  one  Englishman  and  one  American.*  The  remaining 
portion  of  the  northeastern  boundary  dispute,  involving  the  deter- 
mination of  title  to  over  12,000  square  miles,  was  not  settled  until 
1842,  and  then  by  diplomacy.  In  the  meantime,  an  attempt  had 
been  made  in  1827  to  settle  the  controversy  by  referring  it  to  the 
King  of  the  Netherlands  as  arbitrator.  The  royal  arbitrator, 
instead  of  rendering  a  decision  based  on  the  descriptions  contained 
in  the  treaty  of  1783,  declared  in  his  award  what  he  himself 
believed  to  be  a  suitable  line  of  demarkation.  This  was  regarded 
by  the  United  States  as  a  departure  from  the  powers  entrusted  to 
him,  rendering  the  award  recommendatory  in  character,  and  there-, 
fore  imposing  no  obligation  on  the  litigant  states.  There  w'as  a 
mutual  waiver  of  the  award  by  the  two  governments.  If  there 
was  a  miscarriage  of  justice,  it  was  due  to  a  failure  on  the  part 
of  the  arbitrator  to  appreciate  the  nature  of  his  duty  and  the  scope 
of  his  powers,  rather  than  to  a  weakness  of  the  system  on  which 
reliance  had  been  placed.  The  experience  did,  however,  lessen  the 
confidence  of  the  United  States  in  arbitration  as  a  suitable  means 
of  adjusting  territorial  disputes.  Some  years  later,  when  the  con- 
troversy with  Great  Britain  relating  to  the  Oregon  dispute  became 
acute,  President  Polk  declared  that  territorial  dififerences  w^ere 
not  capable  of  adjustment  by  such  means.  In  1871,  however,  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  referred  to  arbitration  before  the 
German  Emperor  the  question  as  to  the  San  Juan  water  bound- 
ary. His  award,  rendered  on  October  22,  1872,  was  satisfactory 
to  both  parties,  and  they  expressed  their  thanks  to  that  effect  to 
the  Kaiser.f 

On  February  11,  1903,  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
concluded  an  agreement  referring  to  a  joint  tribunal  consisting  of 
six  impartial  jurors,  three  to  be  appointed  by  the  President  and 
three  to  be  appointed  by  the  King,  the  determination  of  the 
Alaskan  boundary  dispute.  The  United  States  was  convinced  of 
the  justice  of  its  own  position,  regarding  the  claims  of  Great  Brit- 
ain not  only  untenable  but  almost  frivolous  in  character.  Never- 
theless, it  was  believed  that  the  controversy,  notwithstanding  the 


*  Moore,  Int.  Arbitrations,  I.  Chapter  TI. 
t  Moore,  Int.  Arbitrations,  I.  Chapter  II. 


226 

British  claims,  could  be  safely  entrusted  to  an  Anglo-American 
tribunal.  The  contentions  of  the  United  States  that  it  should 
continue  to  enjoy  the  possession  of  a  continuous  strip  of  mainland 
separating  the  British  territory  from  the  inlets  of  the  sea  were 
sustained  not  only  by  the  three  American  commissioners  but 
also  by  Lord  Alverstone,  the  president  of  the  tribunal.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  the  chief  counsel  for  the  United  States,  who 
labored  industriously  in  this  legal  controversy  of  vast  importance 
to  two  nations,  was  the  Honorable  Jacob  M.  Dickinson,  the  presi- 
dent of  this  congress. 

The  foregoing  cases  illustrate  well  the  fact  that  our  own 
country  has  found  that  there  are  rules  of  international  law  suffi- 
cient to  guide  a  judicial  tribunal  in  adjusting  territorial  differ- 
ences. They  indicate  also  that  such  legal  problems  are  not  out- 
side the  scope  of  arbitration  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  award 
of  a  court  may  require  a  state  to  give  up  the  possession  of  terri- 
tory previously  occupied  by  its  own  citzens  or  subjects  under  a 
claim  of  right. 

In  the  British-Guiana- Venezuela  boundary  dispute  of  1897, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  claim  of  Venezuela  seemed  to  be  in 
defiance  of  certain  accepted  principles  of  international  law  with 
reference  to  the  acquisition  of  territory,  arbitration  was  made 
feasible  by  inserting  in  the  treaty  providing  therefor  certain 
rules  applicable  to  the  case.  A  decision  was  duly  rendered  by  a 
tribunal  comprising  in  its  membership  two  justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  Where  the  issue  between  two  nations 
involves  a  controversy  as  to  the  very  existence  of  a  particular 
rule  of  law,  the  insertion  in  the  treaty  of  arbiration  of  rules  to 
guide  the  court,  or  rules  which  the  court  may  assume  the  parties 
have  undertaken  to  act  upon,  may  be  the  means  of  securing  a 
decision  satisfactory  to  both  parties.  Such  was  the  case  in  the 
Geneva  arbitration  under  the  Convention  of  1871. 

The  general  arbitration  treaties  recently  concluded  by  the 
United  States  with  other  powers  are  substantially  alike  in  reserv- 
ing from  their  operation  such  differences  of  a  legal  nature,  or 
relating  to  the  interpretation  of  treaties,  as  may  affect  the  vital 
interests,  the  independence  or  the  honor  of  the  contracting  par- 
ties, and  do  not  concern  the  interests  of  third  parties.*     It  is 

*  See  for  example,  Treaty  between  the  Unitefl  States  and  Switzerland, 
of  February  29th,  1908;  American  Journal  of  Int.  Law,  II.  330. 


22^ 

not  the  purpose  of  this  article  to  discuss  the  expediency  or  neces- 
sity of  such  reservations  in  general  arbitration  treaties.  It  is 
of  interest,  however,  to  note  parenthetically,  that  according  to  an 
editorial  comment  of  last  year  in  the  American  Journal  of  Inter- 
national Law,  edited  by  our  good  friend  Dr.  Scott,  the  Solicitor 
to  the  Department  of  State,  it  is  said,  and  I  quote  the  language : 
"It  may  be  that  nations  will  one  day  agree  to  arbitrate  questions 
concerning  their  vital  interests,  independence  or  honor,  but  at 
present  they  are  either  unwilling  or  unable  to  do  so."*  Nor  is  it 
the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  inquire  whether  a  general  arbitration 
treaty  with  a  particular  state,  such  as  Great  Britain,  might  not 
be  more  comprehensive  in  scope  than  those  which  the  United 
States  has  already  concluded.  Nor  is  it  the  object  of  the  writer 
to  inquire  whether  certain  classes  of  disputes  are  better  settled 
by  reference  to  arbitration  before  a  court  having  a  neutral  umpire 
than  by  a  joint  commission  comprising  an  equal  number  of 
judges  belonging  to  the  states  which  are  parties  to  the  particular 
controversy.  These  are  problems  of  national  policy.  They  are 
of  grave  importance,  requiring  the  most  careful  attention  not  only 
of  those  who  possess  the  necessary  technical  knowledge  but  also 
of  the  laity  who  are  interested  in  the  pacific  settlement  of  inter- 
national disputes.  They  are  most  appropriate  for  the  careful 
consideration  of  a  national  peace  congress.  It  is  the  single  pur- 
pose of  this  paper  to  consider  what  legal  questions  are  capable  of 
adjustment  by  arbitration.  To  that  end  it  is  instructive  to  exam- 
ine further  the  experience  of  the  United  States  in  dealing  with 
certain  international  problems  which  have  been  regarded  either 
by  our  own  country  or  by  some  other  as  affecting  vital  interests, 
national  honor  or  independence.  Territorial  differences  are  inva- 
riably regarded  of  vital  interest  to  at  least  one  party  to  the  con- 
troversy. The  United  States  and  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela 
have  each  found  this  to  be  true.  Yet  each  of  these  nations  has 
also  had  recourse  to  arbitration  to  settle  such  disputes. 

At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  when  the  United  States 
claimed  that  the  British  government,  in  its  treatment  of  the 
Alabama  and  of  other  vessels  built  for  and  serving  the  Confeder- 
ate Navy,  had  been  guilty  of  unneutral  conduct,  Earl  Russell  in 
reply  to  a  statement  of  the  American  ]\Iinister,  Mr.  Adams,  said : 


*  American  Journal  of  Int.  Law.  IT.  390. 


228 

"It  appears  to  Her  Majesty's  government  that  there  are  but  two 
questions  by  which  the  claim  of  compensation  could  be  tested : 
The  one  is,  Have  the  British  government  acted  with  due  dili- 
gence, or,  in  other  words,  in  good  faith  and  honesty,  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  neutrality  they  proclaimed?  The  other  is, 
Have  the  law  officers  of  the  Crown  properly  understood  the 
foreign  enlistment  act  when  they  declined,  in  June,  1862,  to  advise 
the  detention  and  seizure  of  the  Alabama,  and  on  other  occasions 
when  they  were  asked  to  detain  other  ships  building  or  fitting  in 
British  ports?  It  appears  to  Her  Majesty's  government  that 
neither  of  these  questions  could  be  put  to  a  foreign  government 
with  any  regard  to  the  dignity  and  character  of  the  British 
Crown  and  the  British  nation.  Her  Majesty's  government  are 
the  sole  guardians  of  their  own  honor  :"*  It  may  have  been  true 
that  these  questions  did  involve  the  national  honor  of  Great 
Britain.  Whether  they  did  or  not,  however,  public  sentiment  in 
that  country  strongly  believed  that  the  issues  involved  substantial 
questions  of  law  and  practice  and  questions  of  international  con- 
duct which  the  British  government,  according  to  Professor 
Moore,  might  consider  "without  abating  anything  of  the  'dignity 
and  character'  of  the  Crown,  and  without  ceasing  to  be  'the  sole 
guardians  of  their  own  honor.'"!  In  May,  1871,  a  treaty  for 
the  arbitration  of  the  Alabama  claims  was  concluded.  The  accom- 
plishment of  the  Geneva  tribunal  is  too  well  known  to  require 
comment. 

During  the  War  of  1812  the  American  privateer  General 
Armstrong,  while  in  the  harbor  of  Fayal,  was  destroyed  by 
British  warships.  The  United  States  demanded  indemnification 
from  Portugal  on  the  ground  that  that  nation  in  failing  to  pro- 
tect the  vessel  had  also  failed  in  its  duty  as  a  neutral.  The  issue 
was  referred  to  arbitration  before  Louis  Napoleon,  then  Presi- 
dent of  the  French  Republic,  who,  in  November,  1852,  rendered 
a  decision  adverse  to  the  American  claim.  The  question  at  issue 
was  one  of  public  law  and  one  of  great  importance,  because  it 
involved  an  inquiry  concerning  what  acts  by  a  belligerent  warship 
forfeited  its  right  to  demand  protection  by  a  neutral ;  also  an 
inquiry  into  the  question  concerning  the  extent  of  the  duty  of  a 


*  Moore,  Int.  Arbitrations,  I.  496. 
t  Moore,  Int.  Arbitrations,  I.  497. 


229 

neutral  to  a  belligerent.  The  award  was  contrary  to  the  con- 
tentions of  the  United  States.  Nevertheless,  it  served  to  put  an 
end  to  the  dispute. 

In  1892  occurred  the  well-known  arbitration  of  the  Fur 
Seal  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
before  the  Paris  Tribunal.  The  issues  were  of  a  legal  character 
involving  primarily  whether  the  United  States  rightfully  exer- 
cised exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  waters  of  Bering  Sea.  Our 
country  had  asserted  a  right  of  property  and  control  over  the 
fur  seals  frequenting  certain  islands  in  Bering  Sea  when  such 
seals  were  found  outside  of  the  ordinary  three-mile  mark.  Great 
Britain  denied  the  lawfulness  of  that  claim,  and  attacked  the 
validity  of  an  interest  which  the  United  States  had  regarded  as 
of  vital  consequence.  The  award,  favorable  to  Great  Britain, 
swept  away  the  foundations  of  the  American  contentions.  Our 
government  bowed  to  the  decision  and  justice  was  promoted. 

Whenever  a  state  asserts  over  any  area,  whether  land  or 
water,  a  claim  of  jurisdiction  or  control  the  validity  of  which  is 
denied  by  any  other  nations,  the  controversy  is  usually  regarded 
as  involving  the  vital  interests  of  one  of  the  parties  concerned. 
Such  a  controversy  is  none  the  less  capable  of  adjustment  by 
judicial  means,  because  its  solution  is  always  to  be  had  by  refer- 
ence to  existing  rules  of  international  conduct. 

During  the  present  year,  a  special  agreement  has  been  con- 
cluded between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  for  the  sub- 
mission of  the  northeastern  fishery  dispute  to  arbitration  before 
a  tribunal  chosen  from  the  general  list  of  members  of  the  Perma- 
nent Court  at  The  Hague.  The  controversy  is  one  involving  the 
interpretation  of  Article  I  of  the  Treaty  of  1818,  affecting  inter- 
ests which  ever  since  that  date  have  been  regarded  by  both 
nations  as  most  vital.  It  concerns  the  extent  of  the  right  of 
British  authorities  to  regulate  or  restrain  the  fishing  industry 
within  certain  portions  of  British  America ;  it  involves  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperity  of  our  New  England  fishermen  as  well  as  that 
of  the  fishermen  of  Canada  and  Newfoundland.  Nevertheless, 
the  nations  concerned  have  believed  that  the  complicated  contro- 
versy is  capable  of  adjustment  by  a  judicial  tribunal  of  five 
judges,  three  of  whom  are  to  be  neutral.  It  is  significant  that 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  have  reached  an  agreement 


230 

in  the  matter,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  differences 
between  the  two  nations  are  based  upon  radically  opposing  sys- 
tems of  legal  interpretation.  The  question  presented  to  the  court 
is  really  in  its  final  analysis — Which  of  the  two  systems  is  correct  ? 

It  may  be  observed  also  that  the  agreement  to  arbitrate  the 
controversy  is  in  pursuance  of  a  general  Anglo-American  arbitra- 
tion treaty,  which  provides  that  the  two  contracting  parties  shall 
not  be  obliged  to  submit  to  arbitration  whatever  affects  the  vital 
interests  of  either. 

At  the  close  of  1903  the  Colombian  government  presented 
to  the  Department  of  State  a  statement  of  grievances,  contend- 
ing that  they  constituted  a  violation  of  an  existing  treaty  with 
Colombia  (concluded  between  its  predecessor,  New  Granada,  and 
the  United  States  in  1846),  and  requesting  that  they  be  submitted 
to  arbitration  before  the  Hague  Tribunal.  These  claims  arose 
from  the  intervention  by  the  United  States  in  November,  1903, 
with  respect  to  Panama.  The  acts  of  intervention  which  consti- 
tuted the  basis  of  complaint  consisted  in  the  prevention  by  the 
United  States  of  the  landing  of  armed  forces  on  the  Isthmus, 
the  prevention  of  the  bombardment  of  the  town  of  Panama  and 
the  recognition  by  the  United  States  of  Panama  as  a  new  nation. 
Without  any  attempt  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  controversy,  it 
suffices  to  observe  that  Secretary  Hay,  January  5,  1904,  declared 
that  the  grievances  of  Colombia  were  of  a  political  nature, 
such  as  nations  of  even  the  most  advanced  ideas  as  to 
international  arbitration  had  not  proposed  to  deal  with  by  that 
process.  He  said :  "Questions  of  foreign  policy  and  of  the  recogni- 
tion or  non-recognition  of  foreign  states  are  of  a  purely  political 
nature,  and  do  not  fall  within  the  domain  of  judicial  decision." 

It  is  not  appropriate  at  this  time  to  discuss  the  question  as 
to  the  expediency  of  declining  to  arbitrate  the  questions  then  at 
issue.  Attention  must  be  called  to  the  fact,  however,  that  while 
the  acts  of  the  United  States  in  1903  may  have  been  properly 
described  as  possessing  a  political  character,  grounds  for  their 
justification  were  sought  in  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  1846. 
The  United  States  contended  that  its  position  was  a  just  one 
by  reason  of  a  legal  right  secured  by  that  compact.  The  real 
issue,  therefore,  between  Colombia  and  the  United  States  involved 
the  interpretation  of  that  treaty.     The  question  was  one  of  a 


231 

judicial  character,  and  capable  of  solution  by  reference  to  well- 
known  rules  of  international  conduct.  The  issues  did  involve 
interests  vital  to  both  Colombia  and  the  United  States.  They  did 
involve  the  freedom  of  action  of  two  independent  nations.  Never- 
theless, the  rightfulness  of  the  conduct  of  either,  in  so  far  as  it 
was  based  upon  their  early  agreement,  was  clearly  capable  of  a 
true  determination  by  neutral  judges. 

Attention  is  sometimes  called  to  the  fact  that  the  employment 
of  arbitration  has  in  many  cases  resulted  in  a  miscarriage  of 
justice.  In  the  experience  of  our  country  there  have  been  failures 
in  the  arbitration  of  both  private  and  public  claims.  Such  results 
have,  however,  usually  been  due  to  a  lack  of  care  in  the  choice 
of  judges,  or  in  the  definition  of  the  question  at  issue,  or  in  the 
provisions  relating  to  procedure.  Almost  all  are  to  be  traced  to 
the  carelessness  of  the  contracting  parties  in  drafting  the  agree- 
ment to  arbitrate.  None  of  these  defects  are  necessarily  con- 
nected with  arbitral  procedure.  They  do  not  indicate  that  one 
class  of  disputes  rather  than  another  is  incapable  of  adjustment. 
When  a  controversy  arises  affecting  the  vital  interests  of  two 
states  a  judge  who  may  be  a  citizen  of  either  litigant  may  find  it 
difficult  to  rise  above  local  prejudice  and  yield  assent  to  an  award 
adverse  to  the  claims  of  his  own  country.  Judges  possessing 
every  necessary  qualification  are,  nevertheless,  to  be  found  today 
in  every  civilized  state,  and  the  names  of  many  of  them  are 
already  enrolled  on  the  general  list  of  judges  of  the  Hague 
Tribunal. 

We  must  look  outside  of  American  diplomacy  for  the  most 
notable  case  in  recent  years  where  a  difference  involving  the  vital 
interests  if  not  the  honor  of  at  least  one  state  was  adjusted  by 
recourse  to  arbitration.  The  issue  was  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia.  It  arose  from  the  attack  on  October  22,  1904,  by  the 
Russian  squadron  on  vessels  belonging  to  the  British  fishing  fleet 
while  engaged  in  trolling  for  cod  off  the  Dogger  Bank.  There 
was  submited  to  an  international  commission  an  inquiry  into  all 
the  circumstances  attending  the  disaster  and  particularly  as  to  the 
responsibility  for  the  disaster.  The  commissioners  agreed  unan- 
imously that  the  fisherman  committed  no  hostile  act,  and  a 
majority  reached  the  conclusion  that  no  hostile  torpedo  boats 
were  near  the  Russian  fleet  and  that  the  opening  of  fire  by  that 


232 

fleet  was  unjustifiable.  Upon  the  report  of  the  commission  the 
Russian  government  promptly  paid  the  British  claim  for  damages. 

Professor  John  Bassett  Moore,  whose  conclusions  are  enti- 
tled to  great  weight,  says  of  this  case :  "Thus  ended  one  of  the 
most  agitating  and  difficult  controversies  to  which  the  process  of 
arbitration  was  ever  applied.  I  venture  to  say  that  in  this  North 
Sea  incident  there  were  involved  both  questions  of  national  honor 
and  questions  of  vital  interest.  Surely  nothing  can  more  affect 
the  honor  or  the  interests  of  a  government  than  the  wrongful 
taking  of  the  lives  of  its  people,  especially  where  they  are  assailed 
at  the  hands  of  the  officials  of  a  foreign  power.  Not  only  is  the 
arbitral  settlement  of  the  North  Sea  incident  a  proof  of  the 
growth  in  the  world  of  a  magnanimous  and  enlightened  spirit, 
but  it  is  to  be  placed  among  the  great  cases  in  which  that  mode 
of  settlement  has  brought  peace  with  honor,  to  the  lasting  benefit 
of  the  powers  immediately  concerned,  and  to  the  great  advantage 
of  the  whole  world."* 

From  the  experience  of  our  own  country  certain  conclusions 
of  fact  can  be  drawn.  We  have  found  that  territorial  disputes 
with  our  British  neighbor,  however  grave  and  of  whatever  mag- 
nitude, have  proven  capable  of  adjustment  by  judicial  process, 
either  through  the  medium  of  a  court  of  arbitration  or  that  of  a 
joint  commission.  We  have  found  that  even  where  the  contro- 
versy has  involved  the  existence  of  a  particular  principle  of  inter- 
national law,  it  has  yet  been  possible,  by  means  of  a  comprehen- 
sive preliminary  agreement,  to  secure  complete  adjustment  by 
neutral  arbitrators.  We  have  found  that  where  an  adverse  claim 
has  been  asserted  in  defiance  of  what  was  believed  to  be  an  estab- 
lished right  long  enjoyed  by  the  United  States,  we  were  neverthe- 
less safe  in  entrusting  the  controversy  to  a  tribunal  composed  in 
part  of  judges  representing  the  state  which  made  such  assertion. 
In  brief,  the  experience  of  the  United  States  affords  abundant 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  if  an  international  controversy  is  of  a 
legal  character,  it  is  capable  of  adjustment  by  arbitration  whether 
the  claims  involved  are  national  or  private ;  whether  the  issue 
is  one  of  fact  or  of  law ;  whether  the  difference  is  one  concerning 
the  ownership  of  land,  or  the  control  of  water ;  whether  the  honor 
of  the  state  is  involved,  or  even  its  most  vital  interests.    Although 


*  Proceedings  Lake  Mohonk  Conference,  1905,  p.  150. 


233 

our  country  has  entered  into  no  general  treaty  of  arbitration 
which  does  not  specifically  reserve  questions  affecting  its  inde- 
pendence or  honor  or  vital  interests,  we  find  the  United  States 
not  unwilling  in  particular  cases  to  submit  to  an  arbitration  tri- 
bunal differences  of  such  a  character.  And  in  this  present  year 
of  grace  we  witness  the  fact  that  recourse  is  had  to  arbitration 
before  The  Hague  Tribunal  for  the  adjustment  of  a  controversy 
which  has  baffled  the  diplomacy  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  for  ninety-one  years. 

When  we  look  beyond  our  own  concerns  and  observe  the 
action  of  European  states,  we  find  within  the  present  century 
mstances  of  agreements  stipulating  that  the  permanent  court  of 
arbitration  shall  decide  whether  or  not  the  vital  interests  of  one 
of  the  contracting  parties  are  involved.  Sweden  and  Norway, 
Denmark,  Russia  and  Spain  have  all  been  parties  to  such  con- 
ventions. Denmark,  the  Netherlands  and  Italy  have  become 
parties  to  certain  treaties  providing  for  obligatory  arbitration  of 
all  differences,  without  exception. 

Turning  to  our  own  hemisphere,  we  note  a  remarkable  con- 
vention for  the  establishment  of  a  Central  American  Court  of 
Justice  concluded  at  Washington  on  December  20,  1907,  by  the 
governments  of  the  Republics  of  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Hondu- 
ras, Nicaragua  and  Salvador.  By  that  agreement  the  contract- 
ing states  bind  themselves  to  submit,  when  diplomatic  adjustment 
fails,  all  questions  which  may  arise  among  them,  of  whatsoever 
nature,  and  of  whatsoever  origin,  to  the  Central  American  Court 
of  Justice. 

Finally,  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference was  unanimous  "in  declaring  that  certain  differences, 
and  notably  those  relating  to  the  interpretation  and  application 
of  international  conventional  stipulations,  are  susceptible  of  being 
submitted  to  obligatory  arbitration  without  any  restriction." 

However  widely  statesmen  may  differ  as  to  the  best  means  of 
preserving  peace ;  however  cautious  they  may  be  in  broadening 
the  scope  of  general  treaties  of  arbitration,  the  time  is  past  when 
it  can  be  seriously  maintained  that  international  controversies  of  a 
legal  character  are  incapable  of  adjustment  by  judicial  means.  This 
is  true,  not  merely  because  the  enlightened  public  sentiment  of  civ- 
ilized states  is  intolerant  of  the  use  of  force  to  secure  ends  equally 


234 

capable  of  attainment  by  amicable  methods,  but  rather  because 
men  have  found  that  the  law  of  nations  is  a  reality ;  that  that  law, 
as  shown  by  the  practice  of  enlightened  states,  affords  a  test  of 
the  rightfulness  of  the  conduct  of  a  state,  in  almost  every  phase 
of  its  international  intercourse ;  and  finally,  because  there  live 
today  jurists  who,  unmoved  by  prejudice,  endowed  with  courage 
and  rich  in  learning,  are  able  to  declare  that  law  and  to  administer 
exact  justice  among  the  nations. 

Mr.  Crapsey: 

In  the  absence  of  the  Honorable  James  Brown  Scott,  the 
next  speaker  on  the  program,  Rev.  J.  L.  Tryon  will  read  Mr. 
Scott's  address. 
Mr.  Tryon  : 

Perhaps  you  may  not  all  know  who  Mr.  Scott  is.  He  is 
the  Solicitor  for  the  State  Department,  well  known  as  an  expert 
in  international  law,  the  technical  delegate  of  the  United  States 
at  the  Second  Hague  Conference.  While  Mr.  Root  suggested  a 
Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  and  Mr.  Choate  advocated  the  idea, 
the  scheme  was  elaborated  by  Professor  James  Brown  Scott, 
and  I  think  that  when  all  the  facts  in  connection  with  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  are  known,  that  Mr.  Scott's  work  will  stand 
out  as  a  most  honorable  work.  His  name  will  go  down  with  the 
greatest  jurists  and  lawyers  of  all  time,  and  whenever  you  hear 
of  the  High  Court  of  Nations  you  must  always  think  of  the 
attempt  of  Professor  Scott  to  make  a  new  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice. 

Some  Subjects  Likely  to  be  Discussed  at  the  Third  Hague 

Peace  Conference 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott. 

It  was  expected  by  the  members  of  the  First  Hague  Confer- 
ence of  1899  that  a  Second  Conference  would  meet  in  the  very 
near  future;  indeed,  President  de  Staal  stated  to  Dr.  Andrew 
D.  White  that  the  First  Conference  was  one  of  a  series  and  that 
another  would  undoubtedly  be  held  in  the  course  of  a  twelve- 
month.   The  Conference  itself  felt  that  a  similar  meeting  of  the 


235 

nations  would  be  held,  and  referred  to  its  consideration  various 
subjects  upon  which  it  had  failed  to  reach  an  agreement,  or 
which  were  either  not  discussed  or  not  adequately  discussed  for 
lack  of  time.  For  example,  the  Conference  expressed  the  wish 
"that  the  questions  of  the  rights  and  duties  of  neutrals  may  be 
inserted  in  the  program  of  the  Conference  in  the  near  future; 
that  the  proposal  which  contemplates  the  declaration  of  the  invio- 
lability of  private  property  in  naval  warfare  may  be  referred  to  a 
subsequent  conference  for  consideration"  and  that  "the  proposal 
to  settle  the  question  of  the  bombardment  of  ports,  towns  and  vil- 
lages by  naval  force  may  be  referred  to  a  subsequent  conference 
for  consideration."  In  other  words,  the  First  Conference  not 
only  expected  a  successor  but  relegated  to  it  certain  matters  of 
very  considerable  importance,  and  it  may  be  said  in  passing  that 
of  the  three  subjects  referred  to  and  actually  considered  by  the 
Second  Conference,  two  form  the  subject  of  separate  conventions. 

The  Second  Conference  not  only  had  in  mind  a  successor 
but  it  actually  recommended  to  the  powers  the  assembling  of  a 
Third  Peace  Conference  "which  might  be  held  within  a  period 
corresponding  to  that  which  has  elapsed  since  the  preceding  con- 
ference (eight  years),  at  a  date  to  be  fixed  by  common  agreement 
between  the  powers,"  and  provided  that  "some  two  years  before 
the  probable  date  of  the  meeting  a  preparatory  committee  should 
be  charged  by  the  governments  with  the  task  of  collecting  the 
various  proposals  to  be  submitted  to  the  conference,  of  ascertain- 
ing what  subjects  are  ripe  for  embodiment  in  an  international 
regulation,  and  of  preparing  a  program  which  the  governments 
should  decide  upon  in  sufficient  time  to  expect  it  to  be  carefully 
examined  by  the  governments  interested." 

The  question  of  a  Third  Conference  is  thus  no  longer  a  mat- 
ter of  conjecture  or  speculation,  nor  is  its  convocation  based  upon 
"the  reference  of  certain  subjects  to  a  future  assembly,"  although 
the  fourth  recommendation  of  the  Second  Conference  suggests 
that  "the  preparation  of  regulations  relative  to  the  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  naval  warfare  should  figure  in  the  program  of  the  next 
conference." 

The  program  of  this  Third  Conference  is  to  be  framed  by  a 
preparatory  committee  some  two  years  in  advance  of  the  probable 
meeting,  so  that  the  participating  powers  may  not  only  study  the 


236 

questions  presented  to  the  conference  but  may  formulate  pro- 
posals or  otherwise  determine  their  attitude  in  advance  of  the 
meeting  at  The  Hague. 

The  various  subjects  contained  in  the  recommendations  of 
the  First  Conference  were  considered  in  the  nature  of  unfinished 
business,  by  means  of  which  the  two  conferences  were  brought 
into  very  close  connection.  The  several  recommendations  of  the 
Second  Conference  may  likewise  be  considered  as  unfinished  busi- 
ness, and  the  subjects  discussed  (without,  however,  reaching 
conclusions  upon  them)  may  also  be  considered  in  the  same  way, 
and  are  therefore  likely  to  figure  in  the  program  of  a  Third  Con- 
ference. 

Without  attempting  to  usurp  the  functions  of  the  preparatory 
committee  charged  with  the  preparation  of  a  program  for  a 
Third  Conference,  it  may  be  asserted  with  some  confidence  that 
certain  subjects  will  undoubtedly  be  discussed  at  the  Third  Con- 
ference and,  it  is  hoped,  conclusions  reached  upon  them. 

For  example,  compulsory  arbitration,  defeated  at  the  First 
Conference,  recognized  in  principle  at  the  Second  Conference  and 
incorporated  in  the  convention  for  the  limitation  of  force  in  the 
collection  of  contract  debts,  will,  in  all  probability,  make  its 
appearance  and  triumph  at  the  Third  Conference.  In  1899  the 
principle  of  compulsory  arbitration  was  rejected ;  in  1907  the 
principle  was  unanimously  accepted,  for  the  final  act  declared  that 
the  Conference  is  unanimous — 

"i.  In  admitting  the  principle  of  compulsory  arbitra- 
tion. 

"2.  In  declaring  that  certain  disputes,  in  particular 
those  relating  to  the  interpretation  and  appli- 
cation of  the  provisions  of  international  agree- 
ments, may  be  submitted  to  compulsory  arbi- 
tration without  any  restrictions." 

The  next  step  is  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  which  will  give 
efifect  to  the  principle  of  compulsory  arbitration  unanimously 
adopted,  and  the  negotiation,  since  the  close  of  the  conference, 
of  some  sixty  treaties  of  compulsory  arbitration,  of  which  twenty- 
four  have  been  concluded  by  the  United  States,  shows  that  an 


insistent  public  opinion  is  forcing  nations  not  merely  to  confess 
their  faith  in  arbitration  but  also  to  evidence  it  through  inter- 
national agreement. 

It  was  the  desire  of  an  overwhelming  majority  to  adopt  a 
general  treaty  of  arbitration,  reserving  from  the  obligation  of 
arbitration  questions  affecting  the  independence,  vital  interests 
and  honor  of  the  contracting  nations,  and  to  include  in  the  treaty 
various  specified  subjects  in  which  the  reservation  of  independ- 
ence, vital  interests  and  honor  were  renounced.  Thirty-two  states 
voted  for  the  draft  convention  prepared  by  the  Committee  of 
Examination,  nine  voted  against  it  (Germany,  Austria-Hungary, 
Belgium,  Bulgaria,  Greece,  Montenegro,  Roumania,  Switzerland 
and  Turkey),  and  three  abstained  from  voting  (Italy,  Japan  and 
Luxemburg). 

Germany,  which  led  the  opposition  to  the  treaty  of  compul- 
sory arbitration  in  1899,  confessed  its  mistake  at  the  Second  Con- 
ference by  accepting  the  principle,  and  it  is  to  be  expected  that 
the  experience  of  the  interval  between  the  Second  and  Third 
Conference  will  cause  that  enlightened  country  not  only  to  con- 
fess but  also  to  accept,  if  it  does  not  actually  propose,  a  project 
of  compulsory  arbitration  at  the  Third  Conference.  Should  it 
do  so,  the  faithful  allies,  Austria-Hungary  and  Italy,  would  declare 
themselves  in  favor  of  compulsory  arbitration,  because  Austria- 
Hungary  is  not  unmindful  of  the  desires  of  Germany,  and  Italy 
is  an  outspoken  partisan  of  compulsory  arbitration,  even  without 
the  reservation  of  independence,  vital  interests  and  honor.  The 
Triple  Alliance  is,  however,  still  in  existence,  and  Germany  is 
the  Triple  Alliance. 

The  negotiation  of  a  general  treaty  of  arbitration,  as  well  as 
the  individual  treaties  between  the  various  states  and  the  univer- 
sal acceptance  of  the  Hague  conventions,  makes  an  international 
court  for  the  determination  of  disputes  arising  out  of  these  various 
international  instruments  almost  a  necessity. 

It  is  a  familiar  doctrine  that  a  judgment  merely  binds  the 
litigating  parties,  but  the  interpretation  of  a  treaty  to  which  all 
civilized  nations  are  parties  is  of  scarcely  less  interest  to  the 
signatories  than  it  is  to  the  parties  litigant.  The  decision  of  a 
tribunal  constituted  by  two  contending  nations  binds  only  the 
nations  constituting  the  tribunal  and  participating  in  the  trial, 


238 

whereas  the  interpretation  of  an  international  treaty  by  an  inter- 
national tribunal  constituted  by  the  community  of  nations  would 
bind  not  merely  the  parties  litigant  but  all  parties  to  the  treaty 
and  interpret  it  authoritatively  for  all. 

The  tribunal  would  need  to  be  permanent,  because  without 
permanency  continuity  in  international  decisions  can  hardly  be 
expected. 

It  is  therefore  neither  Utopian  nor  improbable  that  an  inter- 
national court  of  justice  will  be  established  by  the  Third  Confer- 
ence, if  indeed  it  be  not  constituted  by  the  powers  during  the  inter- 
val between  the  Second  and  Third  Conference.  Every  treaty 
of  arbitration  concluded  between  nations  is  a  step  toward  the 
establishment  of  such  a  tribunal  and  the  opponents  of  compul- 
sory arbitration  are  certain  to  be  entangled  in  the  net  of  arbitra- 
tion treaties  which  are  rapidly  encircling  the  globe. 

The  establishment  of  the  International  Court  of  Prize  by 
the  Second  Conference  is  a  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  an 
international  court  of  justice  can  and  will  be  constituted  when- 
ever the  international  need  is  apparent,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
believe  that  nations  will  content  themselves  with  the  establish- 
ment of  a  tribunal  for  the  determination  of  cases  arising  out  of 
war  to  the  neglect  of  a  tribunal  for  the  peaceful  determination  of 
conflicts  arising  in  peace,  and  which  if  unsettled  may  either  cause 
war  or  produce  friction  and  animosity,  inclining  nations  to  a 
resort  to  arms.  It  is  indeed  not  unlikely  that  the  two  courts 
will  be  combined  into  an  international  judiciary  competent  to 
decide  civil  as  well  as  prize  cases.  The  Prize  Court  as  it  now 
exists  might  be  invested  with  the  powers  of  a  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice  in  accordance  with  the  draft  convention  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  adopted  by  the  conference 
and  recommended  to  the  powers. 

The  Second  Conference  specifically  recommended  "that  the 
preparation  of  regulations  relative  to  the  laws  and  customs  of 
naval  warfare  should  figure  in  the  program  of  the  next  confer- 
ence," and  the  recent  naval  conference,  composed  of  the  ten  lead- 
ing maritime  powers,  held  in  London  from  December  4,  1908, 
to  February  26,  1909,  adopted  a  declaration  dealing  with  the 
important  subjects  of  blockade,  contraband,  destruction  of  neu- 
tral prizes  and  hostile  assistance — subjects  discussed  at  the  Sec- 


239 

ond  Conference  but  upon  which  no  agreement  was  reached. 
Should  the  non-represented  powers  refuse  adherence  to  this  dec- 
laration, the  subjects  embraced  within  it  will  undoubtedly  be 
discussed  at  the  Third  Conference,  and  in  any  event  will  likely 
be  considered  by  it  and  form  a  part  of  a  more  ambitious  codifi- 
cation of  the  laws  and  customs  of  naval  war. 

The  Second  Conference  adopted  a  convention  respecting  the 
rights  and  duties  of  neutral  powers  and  persons  in  case  of  war  on 
land,  but  failed  to  include  in  it  "the  position,  as  regards  charges, 
of  foreigners  residing  within  other  territories."  This  subject, 
which  formed  the  third  recommendation  of  the  conference,  will 
undoubtedly  be  considered  by  the  Third  Conference  as  unfinished 
business  of  the  Second,  and  will  not  only  be  included  in  the  pro- 
gram but  also  be  the  subject  of  an  international  agreement  at 
the  approaching  conference. 

It  is  common  knowledge  that  the  First  Conference  was  called 
into  being  by  the  enlightened  and  humanitarian  Czar  of  Russia 
to  secure  "by  means  of  international  discussion  the  most  effectual 
means  of  insuring  to  all  peoples  the  benefits  of  a  real  and  durable 
peace,  and,  above  all,  of  putting  an  end  to  the  progressive  devel- 
opment of  the  present  armaments."  It  is  also  common  knowledge 
that  the  Conference  was  unable  to  reach  an  agreement  upon  the 
important  question  of  the  limitation  of  armaments,  although  the 
subject  was  considered  carefully,  profoundly  and  sympathetically 
in  all  its  bearings. 

The  discussion  was  not,  however,  fruitless,  because  a  resolu- 
tion condemning  the  excessive  militarism  of  the  present  was 
unanimously  adopted: 

"The  conference  is  of  opinion  that  the  restriction  of  military 
charges,  which  are  at  present  a  heavy  burden  on  the  world,  is 
extremely  desirable  for  the  increase  of  the  material  and  moral 
welfare  of  mankind." 

In  addition  to  this  measured  denunciation  of  the  present 
system,  which  exhausts  and  wastes  the  resources  of  the  nations 
in  times  of  peace,  lays  intolerable  burdens  upon  their  peoples  and 
exposes  the  nations  to  annihilation  and  their  peoples  to  needless 
and  brutal  slaughter  upon  the  battlefield,  the  conference  expressed 
two  voeux  or  opinions  which  sooner  or  later  will  be  considered  and 
realized : 


240 

"The  Conference  expresses  the  wish  that  the  question  with 
regard  to  rifles  and  naval  guns,  as  considered  by  it,  may  be 
studied  by  the  governments  with  the  object  of  coming  to  an  agree- 
ment respecting  the  employment  of  new  types  and  calibers. 

"The  conference  expresses  the  wish  that  the  governments, 
taking  into  consideration  the  proposals  made  at  the  Conference, 
may  examine  the  possibility  of  an  agreement  as  to  the  limitation 
of  armed  forces  by  land  and  sea,  and  of  war  budgets." 

It  is  well  known  that  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
specifically  reserved  the  right  to  bring  to  discussion  at  the  Second 
Conference  the  limitation  of  armaments  and  that  the  following 
resolution,  proposed  by  Great  Britain  and  seconded  by  the  United 
States,  was  unanimously  adopted  : 

"The  Second  Peace  Conference  confirms  the  resolution 
adopted  by  the  Conference  of  1899  i"  regard  to  the  limitation  of 
military  expenditure ;  and  inasmuch  as  military  expenditure  has 
considerably  increased  in  almost  every  country  since  that  time, 
the  Conference  declares  that  it  is  eminently  desirable  that  the 
governments  should  resume  the  serious  examination  of  this 
question." 

The  question  of  limitation  of  armaments  is  thus  in  the  nature 
of  unfinished  business  for  the  Third  Conference,  and  it  is  morally 
certain  that  it  will  make  its  appearance  at  the  conference,  whether 
or  not  it  be  included  in  the  official  program,  for,  like  Banquo's 
Ghost,  it  will  not  down. 

It  is  inconceivable  that  nations  should  look  for  relief  from  the 
burdens  of  armament  in  economic  exhaustion  rather  than  by  an 
appeal  to  reason  solve  the  problem  by  mutual  concession  while 
there  is  yet  time  without  the  waste  that  threatens  their  economic 
existence.  It  is  a  question  for  statesmanship,  and  the  failure  to 
meet  it  and  solve  it  argues  a  lamentable  and  inconceivable  lack  of 
statesmanship. 

It  may  well  be  that  the  Third  Conference  will  not  content 
itself  as  did  the  Second  with  the  recommendation  that  a  future 
conference  meet  "within  a  period  corresponding  to  that  which 
has  elapsed  since  the  preceding  conference,"  but  will  either  rec- 
ommend or  provide  that  a  conference  of  the  nations  be  held  at 
regularly  recurring  intervals,  thus  raising  the  international  and 
occasional  conference  to  the  dignity  of  an  established  institution. 


241 

Many  more  subjects  will  undoubtedly  be  included  in  the 
program  for  the  Third  Conference,  but  however  important  any 
or  all  of  them  may  be,  the  establishment  of  a  stated  international 
conference  would  be  a  crowning  achievement  of  diplomacy,  for 
an  instrumentality  would  be  created  and  set  in  operation  whereby 
the  world's  interests  might  be  considered,  promoted  and  safe- 
guarded by  an  international  assembly  capable  of  legislating  ad 
referendum  for  the  nations  because  composed  of  representatives 
of  the  nations. 

Thus  would  be  realized  the  hope  of  the  founder  of  interna- 
tional law,  for,  to  quote  the  words  of  Grotius,  written  in  1625, 
in  the  gloom  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  "It  would  be  useful, 
and  indeed  it  is  almost  necessary,  that  congresses  of  Christian 
powers  should  be  held,  in  which  the  controversies  which  arise 
amongst  some  of  them  may  be  decided  by  others  who  are  not 
interested,  and  indeed  measures  may  be  taken  to  compel  the 
parties  to  accept  peace  on  equitable  terms." 

Mr.  Crapsey: 

We  have  present  on  the  platform  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished workers  in  this  great  movement  for  the  peace  of  the 
world  as  it  has  expressed  itself  in  positive  institutions.  We  have 
with  us  the  Honorable  W.  I.  Buchanan,  of  New  York,  who  was 
one  of  the  United  States  delegates  to  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, who  represented  the  United  States  in  the  Peace  Con- 
ference which  established  the  Central  American  High  Court  of 
Justice,  and  represented  President  Roosevelt  at  the  inauguration 
of  that  court.  He  was  also  United  States  High  Commissioner 
to  Venezuela  and  is  at  the  present  agent  at  The  Hague  Court 
for  the  Venezuelan  cases.  He  was  the  hig^h  arbitrator  between 
Chile  and  Argentina,  which  established  the  rule  between  those 
states  of  perpetual  peace,  which  was  signified  by  the  erection 
of  the  statue.  The  Christ  of  the  Andes,  between  those  countries. 
It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  this  session  of  the  Congress  is 
highly  honored  by  the  presence  of  Mr.  Buchanan  and  it  will  not 
consent  to  adjourn  until  it  hears  fully  from  him.    (Applause.) 


242 

The  Application  of  the  Principle  of  Arbitration 

Honorable  W.  I.  Buchanan, 

It  is  manifestly  unfair,  both  to  a  speaker  and  to  his  audi- 
ence, to  ask  one  to  speak  informally  and  entirely  impromptu, 
after  so  many  carefully  and  excellently  prepared  papers  have 
been  read  regarding  these  most  interesting  and  transcendental 
subjects,  but  if  you  will  assume  your  share  of  the  responsibility, 
I  am  willing  to  assume  mine.    (Applause.) 

Each  one  of  the  gentlemen  who  has  spoken  has  referred  to 
the  desideratum  of  a  permanent  judicial  court  at  The  Hague. 
One  of  the  gentlemen  was  not  only  fortunate  but  happy  in  insert- 
ing an  "if" — that  is,  that  it  would  be  brought  about  if  it  was 
possible  to  devise  some  plan  by  which  judges  could  be  selected. 
It  may  interest  you  to  know  that  this  was  the  crux  of  the  case  at 
The  Hague.  It  seemed  simple  in  the  beginning;  it  seemed 
natural  to  assume  that  it  would  be  impracticable  to  have  a  court 
composed  of  forty-two  judges.  Hence  the  number  must  be 
reduced  to,  let  us  say  as  a  maximum,  seventeen  judges;  then  it 
seemed  reasonable  to  assume  that  the  greater  nations  should,  each 
of  them,  be  entitled  to  a  permanent  representative  on  that  court. 
If  you  could  have  seen  the  different  attempts  made  to  devise  some 
form  of  mathematics  which  would  allow  forty-two  countries  to 
be  permanently  represented  on  a  court  of  seventeen  members,  I 
am  quite  certain  you  would  not  be  too  critical  of  the  result  that 
finally  took  place. 

Any  of  us  could,  no  doubt,  take  a  piece  of  paper  and  elaborate 
a  scheme  to  our  entire  satisfaction.  We  would  probably  begin 
by  stating  that  the  United  States  was  entitled  to  a  permanent 
member  on  that  court.  We  would  go  through  perhaps  seven  or 
eight  other  countries  and  be  bound  to  admit  that  each  of  these 
was  entitled  to  a  representative.  With  but  fifteen  judges,  or 
seventeen  at  the  outside,  we  would  be  left  with  the  interesting 
problem  of  dividing  nine  judges  between  twenty-seven  countries, 
giving  each  a  judge.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  That  was  the 
difficulty  that  was  met  with. 

We  must  remember  that  it  is  impossible  to  have  an  inter- 
national  conference   except  by   agreement   of   the   powers   that 


243 

are  to  take  part  in  the  conference,  and  that  neither  the  United 
States  nor  any  other  country  will  blindly  agree  to  take  part  in 
a  conference  and  accept  its  results.  As  a  consequence  interna- 
tional conferences  are  called  after  the  subject  matter  has  been 
thoroughly  understood,  discussed  and  limited  in  its  scope,  between 
the  countries  that  are  to  take  part.  The  Hague  Conference  was 
based  on  the  sovereignty  of  each  participating  country,  and  it 
seemed  difficult  to  suggest  some  way  by  which  sovereignty  could 
be  reduced  into  fractions. 

If  the  members  of  this  congress  wish  to  have  a  permanent 
judicial  court  at  The  Hague,  and  are  not  too  much  occupied  in 
other  affairs,  they  might  do  the  most  splendid  piece  of  work  of 
their  lives  by  devising  some  way  by  which  forty-two  countries  can 
be  represented  on  a  court  the  membership  of  which  shall  not 
exceed  seventeen. 

The  present  permanent  court  at  The  Hague,  in  my  humble 
judgment,  ought  to  take  care  of  all  the  cases  of  international 
differences  that  may  arise.  If  more  use  is  made  of  that  court  and 
all  joint  commissions  abolished  it  would  be  one  of  the  greatest 
steps  forward  in  the  direction  of  arbitration. 

Anyone  who  has  had  experience  in  these  matters  knows  that 
it  is  the  rarest  case  where  two  countries  are  satisfied  with  the  deci- 
sion of  a  joint  commission,  because  that  joint  commission  usually 
consists  of  one  member  from  each  of  the  two  countries  parties  to 
the  misunderstanding,  with  a  third  member  designated  as  an 
umpire,  so  that  the  court  consists  in  reality  of  two  counsel,  one 
for  each  side,  and  of  one  judge.  The  Hague  tribunal  requires  at 
least  three,  and  you  can,  if  you  desire,  have  five  or  seven  members 
sit,  and  it  requires  a  majority  vote ;  that  is,  that  two  persons  at 
least  shall  decide  every  case.  In  a  joint  commission  it  is  one 
person  usually  who  decides  and  that  is  the  umpire.  In  the  Hague 
tribunal  it  requires  two,  and  if  the  procedure  is  followed — which 
I  believe  in — of  eliminating  members  of  the  court  who  are 
nationals  to  the  question  at  issue,  you  then  have  three  judges 
foreign  to  the  countries  in  dispute  and  two  of  those  judges  must 
agree.  The  convention  providing,  as  it  does,  that  there  shall  be 
no  appeal  from  that  decision,  except  in  the  case  of  new  evidence 
being  brought  up  and  then  that  this  appeal  must  be  decided  by 


244 

the  same  court  that  has  rendered  the  decision,  you  reach  a  definite 
conclusion  to  a  case.    With  a  mixed  commission  you  may  reach  it. 

One  of  the  cases  that  grew  out  of  the  mission  it  was  my 
pleasure  to  carry  out  in  Venezuela  recently  is  a  case  of  the  latter 
kind.  We  are  now  going  to  The  Hague  to  determine,  first, 
whether  a  decision  given  in  1903  in  Venezuela  by  a  mixed  com- 
mission shall  stand.  We  could  have  gone  to  The  Hague  in  the 
beginning  and  the  question  could  have  been  determined  for  all 
time. 

I  am  not  a  believer  in  what  is  usually  termed  "compulsory 
arbitration."  I  am  unable  to  conceive  of  such  a  thing  as  com- 
pulsory arbitration.  All  arbitration  must  be  voluntary.  Even 
what  is  known  as  compulsory  arbitration  treaties  must  be  volun- 
tary ;  that  is,  they  must  be  entered  into  voluntarily  and  ratified 
by  both  sides  before  they  become  treaties.  In  reality  what  we  call 
compulsory  arbitration  does  not  exist.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
greatest  step  toward  peace  and  toward  a  better  understanding 
between  countries  would  be  reached  if  all  of  us  were  more  tem- 
perate and  conservative  in  our  views  with  regard  to  disputes  that 
arise  between  our  own  country,  let  us  say,  and  some  other  country. 
I  believe  that  the  best  way  to  arbitrate  is  to  prevent  arbitration 
by  making  it  unnecessary.  Some  of  the  most  marked  cases  where 
arbitration  finally  settled  the  dispute  need  never  have  occurred 
had  there  been  any  such  thing  as  temperate  popular  opinion  on 
either  side  in  discussing  beforehand  the  question  which  finally 
grew  until  it  reached  such  a  point  that  no  solution  was  practicable. 

Let  me  illustrate.  The  difficulty  that  arose  between  the 
Argentine  Republic  and  Chile  in  the  matter  of  their  frontier  line 
and  brought  about  a  debt  of  more  than  twenty-five  million  dollars 
on  either  side  for  armament  and  brought  those  countries  to  the 
verge  of  war  arose  because  of  the  possibility  and  plausibility  of 
two  distinctly  different  interpretations  and  meanings  to  one  single 
word  in  a  treaty.  That  word  unfortunately  had  to  do  with  the 
course  the  divisional  line  between  the  two  countries  should  take. 
The  word  was  "vertiente,"  which  happens  to  mean  two  things, 
one  a  spring,  and  hence  watershed,  and  again  the  slope  or  side  of 
a  mountain,  and  hence  a  straight  line  without  regard  to  water. 
At  the  time  the  treaty  was  written  the  land  in  dispute  was  worth 
little.    As  years  went  by  and  the  dispute  grew,  it  became  better 


^45 

known,  very  valuable,  and  hence  personal  and  national  interests 
became  involved,  and  finally  it  reached  such  a  point  that  some 
solution  had  to  be  found  to  prevent  war.  To  the  great  credit  of 
both  countries,  it  can  be  said  that  the  solution  was  found,  and  it 
was  one  of  the  greatest  honors  of  my  life  that  I  happen  to  have 
had  part  in  connection  with  that  solution.    (Applause.) 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  Central  American  Court  of 
Justice.    May  I  say  a  word  about  that ;   I  will  not  tire  you 

A  Delegate  :     Go  on ;  let's  have  a  lot  of  it. 

A  Voice  :     You  can't  tire  us. 

Mr.  Buchanan  :  It  is  creditable  to  the  five  Central  Amer- 
ican republics  to  say  that  they  established  the  first  international 
judicial  court  that  the  world  has  ever  had.  (Applause.)  Lest 
we  may  be  too  enthusiastic,  may  I  say  that  even  in  that  instance 
difiiculties  have  been  met  with.  The  question  of  the  number  of 
judges  was  not  an  issue  there  because  each  of  the  five  countries 
has  a  judge.  That  court  has  certain  not  very  well  known  rights. 
It  has  the  right,  upon  a  case  being  presented  to  it  by  two  of  the 
signatory  countries,  to  fix  the  status  quo  which  shall  exist  and 
be  maintained  by  each  country  pending  the  consideration  and 
decision  of  the  suit.  That  to  my  own  mind  is  the  greatest  advance 
that  has  been  made  in  any  such  work.  It  has  the  right  not  only  to 
hear  cases  between  citizens  of  one  of  the  signatory  countries  and 
another  signatory  country,  but  equally  a  right  by  mutual  agree- 
ment to  hear  a  case  between,  let's  say,  the  United  States  and  one 
of  the  signatory  countries.  Every  precaution  was  taken  in  the 
designation  of  judges.  They  are  designated  by  the  Congress  of 
each  country  and  receive  equal  pay  in  gold  from  a  common  fund 
to  which  each  of  the  countries  binds  itself  to  contribute  a  fixed 
amount.  In  this  way  it  was  believed  that  the  influence  of  the 
executive  or  the  obligations  of  a  judge  toward  the  executive  of 
either  countiy  would  be  eliminated  so  far  as  possible,  so  that  the 
judge  would  represent  the  country  rather  than  the  executive,  his 
appointment  coming  from  Congress.  That  court  was  inaugurated 
in  May  last  at  Cartago,  the  ancient  capital  of  Costa  Rica,  and  you 
may  be  interested  to  know  that  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie,  among 
other  notable  acts,  gave  $100,000  for  the  construction  of  a  palace 
for  that  court  (applause),  his  wish  being  that  by  the  construction 
of  a  permanent  edifice  for  the  court  there  might  be  no  possibility 


246 

of  its  dissolution,  that  it  might  be  a  hnk  toward  bringing  those 
countries  together  and  keeping  them  together  in  peace  and  equal- 
ity, and  toward  enabling  them  to  find  a  rational  way  to  settle  their 
difficulties.  The  first  case  that  came  before  the  court  was  between 
Honduras  and  Guatemala  and  Salvador.  The  treaty  provides 
that  each  country  is  obligated  to  submit  to  that  court  every  case 
they  are  unable  to  settle  between  their  foreign  offices.  Honduras 
did  not  believe  there  was  anything  to  be  gained  by  waiting  and 
going  through  the  formality  of  discussing  with  Guatemala  the 
aggravating  incident  that  arose;  so  she  went  to  the  court  and 
said:  "We  ask  you  to  take  jurisdiction  of  this  case."  Gua- 
temala said :  "No,  you  have  no  right  to  take  jurisdiction, 
because  this  case  has  not  been  discussed  between  us  diplomat- 
ically." Honduras  answered:  "I  have  the  right  to  renounce  my 
right  to  discuss  it  and  to  place  it  before  the  court  and  let  the 
court  determine  whether  it  will  take  jurisdiction  or  not."  The 
court  determined  that  it  would  take  jurisdiction,  that  it  had  the 
right  of  jurisdiction.  So  you  see  that  even  with  the  most  care- 
fully prepared  piece  of  machinery  in  the  shape  of  court  pro- 
cedure, limited  to  five  countries,  their  interests  similar,  their  citi- 
zenship practically  transferable  from  one  country  to  another, 
that  a  question  arose  in  the  first  case  brought  under  the  treaty. 

Two  or  three  advances  have  been  made  in  arbitration  which 
I  wish  to  touch  upon  for  a  moment.  One  is  that  there  is  today  a 
greater  inclination  on  our  own  part  to  submit  questions  to  arbitra- 
tion and  equally  on  the  part  of  other  countries.  I  do  not  know 
how  familiar  you  may  be  with  the  subject,  but  it  is  a  fact  that 
the  United  States  has  submitted  to  arbitration  cases  in  which, 
unless  I  am  mistaken,  there  have  been  involved  more  than  thirty 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  That  has 
been  the  greatest  lesson  and  the  greatest  encouragement  to  other 
countries  in  the  way  of  agreeing  to  arbitrate  cases  where  differ- 
ences arise  growing  out  of  court  decisions  that  has  occurred  dur- 
ing the  past  fifty  years,  to  my  knowledge.  There  is  not  much 
difficulty  in  arriving  at  an  agreement  to  arbitrate  if  people  can 
only  be  brought  to  the  point  where  they  are  willing  to  sit  down 
and  discuss  a  question  and  not  write  too  much  about  it.  The  diffi- 
culty with  much  writing  about  a  subject  is  that  it  is  always  neces- 
sary to  build  upon  the  thing  previously  written,  adding  one  story 


247 

after  another  to  the  house ;  whereas,  if  you  can  discuss  a  case 
verbally,  on  a  friendly  basis,  I  believe  every  instance  of  an  inter- 
national difficulty  can  be  easily  and  satisfactorily  adjusted  by 
arbitration. 

I  recall  that  during  my  visit  to  Venezuela  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  a  most  delightful  and  charming  man,  a  man 
with  whom  it  was  the  greatest  pleasure  to  treat  and  negotiate, 
and  I  discussed  the  questions  we  had  to  adjust  for  twenty-seven 
days,  every  day,  and  reached  a  solution  concerning  which  we 
were  both  entirely  satisfied  and  happy,  and  which  put  an  end  to 
all  the  differences  that  had  grown  up  during  ten  or  twelve  years. 
During  those  twenty-seven  days  there  had  not  been  fifty  lines 
written  on  either  side.    (Applause.) 

So  that  I  get  back  to  my  original  thesis.  If  all  of  us  will 
just  be  temperate  in  our  utterances;  if  we  will  not  undertake 
in  the  beginning  to  determine  beforehand  questions  like  the 
Japanese  question,  which  concern  our  country;  if  we  will  ever 
reach  that  point  where  we  are  willing  to  admit  the  possibility, 
even  though  we  may  not  know  the  whole  case  (laughter  and 
applause),  and  that  wisdom  is  not  going  to  die  with  us  (renewed 
laughter  and  applause),  and  that  there  is  a  possibility,  just  a  bare 
possibility,  that  the  United  States  may  not  be  entirely  and  abso- 
lutely and  wholly  right  with  regard  to  the  question  (laughter  and 
applause),  we  will  have  little  difficulty  in  reaching  solutions  of 
all  of  our  questions  that  will  be  an  honor  and  a  credit  to  us  as  a 
people ;  that  will  raise  us  in  our  own  estimation ;  that  will  make 
our  relations  with  other  countries  satisfactory,  peaceful  and 
encouraging,  and  will  not  require  so  deep  and  so  abstruse  a  knowl- 
edge of  mathematics  as  I  have  indicated  will  be  necessary  to  find 
a  solution  for  this  permanent  judicial  court.     (Applause.) 

Mr.  Crapsey: 

If  there  is  anyone  on  the  floor  who  has  any  pertinent  thought 
to  add  to  the  discussion,  we  will  be  very  glad  to  hear  from  him 
or  her,  allowing  just  one-half  minute  for  that  pertinent  person 
to  make  up  his  mind ;  otherwise  we  shall  adjourn  this  session  in 
order  that  we  may  refresh  ourselves  for  the  very  important 
session  that  is  to  be  held  this  evening,  when  educational  questions 
are  to  be  considered.  The  half  minute  is  up  and  the  session  is 
adjourned. 


SIXTH  SESSION 

WOMAN'S  WORK  FOR  PEACE 
Tuesday  Afternoon,  May  4,  1  :30  o'clock 

Chicago  Woman's  Club 

MES.  ELLEN  M.  HENROTIJS",  Presiding 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

Ladies  :  I  am  sure  it  is  a  great  pleasure  to  see  so  many 
here.  I  believe  I  am  a  little  late,  but  I  was  detained  at  a 
luncheon  given  to  Mrs.  Philip  N.  Moore,  president  of  the  Gen- 
eral Federation  of  Women's  Clubs.  Mrs.  Moore  is  making  them 
a  very  interesting  address  and  therefore  she  and  Mrs.  Mead  and 
Miss  Addams  will  be  a  little  late. 

Meanwhile  I  am  going  to  speak  a  little  about  the  progress 
of  the  peace  movement  and  what  I  think  it  means  to  women. 
Not  but  that  I  think  it  means  as  well  an  immense  amount  to 
men,  but  I  think  it  means  more  to  women  in  this  way,  that  it 
means  the  same  thing  to  every  woman  born  into  the  world.  No 
matter  what  her  race,  or  what  her  country,  or  what  her  relatives, 
or  anything  else,  are,  peace  means  blessing  to  her.  It  means 
comfort  in  a  way. 

I  think  we  women  of  the  twentieth  century  can  hardly  realize 
what  it  means  to  us  to  live  in  a  period  of  comparative  peace. 
When  you  think  of  the  lives  of  the  women  under  the  great 
Napoleon  (I  must  confess  that  I  always  in  spite  of  my  principles 
had  a  sneaking  fondness  for  Napoleon — I  think  he  strikes  the 
imagination  with  a  certain  dramatic  element) — but  when  you 
think  of  the  lives  that  the  women  led  under  his  reign,  then  you 
feel,  I  am  sure,  what  it  is  to  us  to  live  in  a  period  of  compar- 
ative peace.  The  height  of  men  in  France  decreased  several 
inches,  the  army  requirements ;  the  age  down  to  fifteen.  Think 
of  your  little  sons  of  fifteen  going  into  the  army !  Forty  thou- 
sand men  alone  perished  in  the  great  Russian  campaign  in  one 
battle.  And  while  we  think  of  the  dead,  we  can  hardly  imagine 
the  agony  of  the  living. 

248 


249 

I  have  been  interested  in  the  addresses  of  the  Peace  Con- 
gress in  that  I  have  heard  so  few  references  to  woman's  part 
in  war,  but  surely  it  is  on  us  comes  the  burden.  Think  of  the 
Civil  War !  It  took  away  the  best  men  in  the  United  States. 
The  man  of  the  ideal  perished  in  the  Civil  War.  That  is  true  both 
North  and  South,  that  the  man  of  the  ideal,  the  man  on  whom 
we  depend  for  our  poetry  and  our  art  and  our  literature  and  our 
humanity,  died  in  that  great  struggle  between  brothers.  Go  to 
any  of  the  great  national  cemeteries  and  think  what  it  means  to 
the  women  of  that  generation.  Think  what  it  means  in  memory 
to  us  today.  North  and  South,  East  and  West,  we  all  can  recall 
the  man  of  the  ideal  who  perished  in  that  great  conflict. 

I  am  sure,  too,  that  the  Civil  War  had  an  immense  influence 
on  the  economic  and  industrial  condition  of  women.  So  many 
men  died,  so  many  heads  of  families,  so  many  young  husbands, 
and  so  many  young  husbands  to  be,  that  it  left  the  women  where 
they  must  support  themselves,  and  aided  that  influx  of  women 
into  the  competitive  industrial  life.  And,  again,  the  man  who  died 
in  the  war  was  usually  the  picked  man,  because  war  always  wants 
your  best.  War  does  not  want  your  undersized  son,  but  wants 
your  biggest  and  strongest  and  cleverest  son,  who  has  the  best 
physique,  and  therefore,  of  course,  more  or  less  the  best  mental 
powers.  That  is  what  war  wants.  It  is  not  contented  with  the 
refuse  of  civilization ;  it  wants  the  best  you  and  I  can  give. 
Therefore  the  Civil  War  left  an  immense  number  of  women  and 
children  dependent  on  their  own  exertions.  It  was  a  much 
greater  factor  in  the  entrance  of  women  into  the  commercial  and 
industrial  life  of  this  country  than  I  think  we  realize  unless  we 
go  back  and  think  about  it. 

Then  there  is  another  very  interesting  point,  I  think,  and 
that  is  the  birth  rate.  The  more  intelligent  women  become,  the 
less  will  they  consent  to  bear  sons  for  cannons'  mouths.  (Ap- 
plause.) Certainly  it  is  not  in  the  statistics,  but  what  is  the 
meaning  of  the  decreasing  birth  rate  among  the  women  of 
France  ?  It  means  they  are  becoming  too  intelligent ;  they  have 
been  through  the  mill.  Don't  they  read  the  story  in  the  Napo- 
leonic wars?  Of  course  they  do.  and  are  they  going  to  pour  out 
sons  to  die  in  that  way?  No,  they  will  not  do  it.  Germany  is 
catching  on,  as  you  may  say,  and  more  and  more  as  the  German 


250 

women  become  intelligent,  even  economic  conditions  cannot 
account  for  the  decrease  in  the  birth  rate.  It  Hes  largely  in  the 
fear  of  the  German  woman  that  her  sons  must  go  into  the  army. 
It  is  a  tremendous  influence.  You  let  this  country  become  a 
military  country,  and  do  you  suppose  the  American  women  for 
an  instant  will  give  their  best  and  bear  sons  for  this  purpose? 
No.  We  will  gladly  bear  sons  for  peace  and  humanity  and  for 
fine  purposes  and  righteousness,  but  not  for  food  of  cannons' 
mouths.  I  am  sure  that  that  is  more  and  more  becoming  a  great 
point,  and  that  it  must  be  reckoned  with  in  the  birth  rate  of  the 
great  nations. 

Last  night  I  had  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  a  very  won- 
derful address  by  Professor  Jordan,  of  California,  and  he  went 
over  in  a  masterly  and  magnificent  way  the  biology  of  war,  show- 
showing  the  effect  of  which  we  reckon  so  little  and  think  so  little, 
on  the  history  of  the  great  nations  of  the  world.  He  showed  how 
England  has  planted  one  of  her  sons  on  every  rod  of  earth  almost, 
and  she  has  not  planted  her  worst  sons,  but  she  sent  all  of  her 
bravest  and  best  and  handsomest.  And  so,  as  I  say,  on  us 
women  falls  the  great  burden. 

You  all  know  I  am  a  very  ardent  suflfragist.  There  is 
nothing  like  seizing  your  opportunity  by  the  horns,  so  to  speak, 
and  I  am  sure  until  women  have  a  voice  in  governmental  afiFairs 
that  the  problems  of  peace  will  not  be  solved.  (Applause.)  If 
war  and  all  the  great  political  problems  press  harder  on  us, 
economically,  industrially  and  socially,  then  surely  we  are  entitled 
to  say  when  war  shall  rage  and  when  it  shall  stop. 

We  will  have  the  pleasure  of  listening  now  to  Mrs.  George 
C.  Sikes,  delegate  from  the  Association  of  Collegiate  Alumnae. 
(Applause.) 

Mrs.  George  C.  Sikes: 

The  Association  of  Collegiate  Alumnse,  which  I  represent, 
has  a  particular  pleasure  and  pride  in  welcoming  the  delegates, 
because  one  of  tlie  speakers  this  afternoon,  Mrs.  Moore,  has 
served  the  association  for  some  years  as  president  and  now  is 
secretary,  so  we  feel  we  have  a  double  representation. 

The  college  woman,  it  seems  to  me  logically,  ought  to  bear 
a  large  part  in  the  responsibility  of  the  work  for  peace  for  a 


251 

double  reason,  because  from  time  immemorial  the  woman  and  the 
student  have  been  unconditionally  wedded  to  peace.  Therefore 
it  seems  to  me  only  logical  to  expect  that  the  college  woman 
should  help  this  movement  in  many  ways  for  this  double  reason. 

More  than  that,  the  college  woman  presumably  has  had 
special  opportvmities  to  compare  the  results  of  war  and  peace 
in  an  impersonal  and  an  impartial  way  as  a  student. 

I  can  only  add  for  our  association  and  promise  for  it  that 
in  the  future  it  will  take  more  interest  than  in  the  past,  if  any- 
thing, in  this  movement  and  will  co-operate  in  every  way  with 
those  who  are  trying  to  promote  it.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

The  next  speaker  is  Mrs.  Henry  Solomon,  from  the  National 
Council  of  Jewish  Women.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henry  Solomon  : 

I  just  wish  to  bring  a  word  of  greeting  to  the  peace  meeting 
from  the  Council  of  Jewish  Women.  We  of  course  are  a  very 
peaceful  organization.  We  have  ten  standing  committees,  every 
one  of  which  would  be  more  or  less  disturbed  if  we  had  to  engage 
in  warlike  practices.  We  represent  religion,  philanthropy  and 
all  the  other  lines,  and  I  am  sure  that  we  shall  be  very  happy  to 
join  in  any  work  that  will  promote  universal  peace. 

Life  is  altogether  an  attitude  of  mind,  and  I  think  if  we  all 
keep  ourselves  in  a  peaceful  attitude  instead  of  a  warlike  attitude, 
we  shall  soon  have  that  universal  peace  for  which  we  are  all 
working,  and  which  will  make  possible  what  the  prophet  said  was 
to  come,  that  the  nations  should  not  learn  war  any  more.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

We  will  hear  now  from  Mrs.  Bright,  of  the  Congress  of 
Mothers. 

Mrs.  Orville  F.  Bright: 

I  represent  the  Illinois  Congress  of  Mothers,  and  in  the  name 
of  motherhood  I  welcome  this  Peace  Congress. 

Motherhood  today  means  more  than  it  used  to  mean  in  a 
way  because  the  mothers  today  are  recognizing  the  fact  that  they 
must  mother  the  childhood  of  all  the  world.    There  are  children 


252 

that  are  unmothered  and  it  is  for  us  who  are  mothers  to  mother 
those  too,  and  our  work  is  for  all  the  children.  One  of  the  aims 
of  our  congress,  which  I  always  love  to  repeat  because  I  think 
it  is  so  beautiful,  is  this : 

"To  surround  all  childhood  with  that  loving  and  wise  care 
in  the  impressionable  years  of  life  that  shall  make  for  good  citi- 
zenship." 

Mothers  of  that  kind,  mothers  with  that  aim,  must  welcome 
such  a  movement  as  this  conference  stands  for,  and  I  can  assure 
the  members  and  delegates  of  the  Peace  Conference  that  the 
mothers  of  Illinois,  and  I  feel  safe  in  saying  the  mothers  of  the 
whole  country,  will  be  glad  to  aid  in  this  movement.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

Miss  Addams  has  just  come  in  and  has  to  leave  very  early, 
so  I  will  ask  Miss  Addams  to  speak  now.     (Applause.) 

Woman's  Special  Training  for  Peacemaking 

Miss  Jane  Addams. 

It  is  rather  difficult  to  find  new  things  to  say  concerning 
the  necessity  for  peace  in  a  large  conference  of  peace  people 
gathered  from  all  over  the  nation,  but  perhaps  there  are  some 
special  things  which  might  be  said  to  an  audience  of  women 
that  would  not  be  so  applicable  to  an  audience  of  men. 

One  of  these  things  is,  I  suppose,  that  men  very  early  learned 
to  do  things  together,  because  they  were  obliged  to  fight  together ; 
that  one  of  the  things  which  war  bequeathed  to  mankind  and  to 
the  male  portion  of  mankind  was  this  ability  to  go  out  together, 
to  go  in  tribes,  to  go  in  phalanxes,  to  go  in  regiments,  to  go  in 
whatever  body  of  men  was  the  safest  to  those  who  were  fighting, 
and  to  bring  the  most  destruction  to  those  whom  they  were 
fighting  against.  But  we  women  never  had  this  training.  It  is 
said  that  even  when  women  were  used  as  beasts  of  burden,  which 
began  very  early,  one  woman  always  went  by  herself  or  went 
with  another  beast,  but  two  women  never  pulled  together. 
Whether  that  is  true  or  not,  I  think  it  is  certainly  true  that  the 
thing  which  is  happening  now  to  this  special  generation  of  women 
is  the  ability  and  the  learning  how  to  act  together. 


253 

This  very  meeting-,  with  representatives  from  women's 
organizations  of  all  sorts,  shows  that  at  last  women  are  learning 
to  pull  together,  to  pull  in  bodies.  We  may  call  those  bodies 
clubs  or  we  may  call  them  benefit  societies,  or  we  may  call  them 
this,  that  and  the  other,  but  they  are  all  bodies  of  women  as  such, 
and  they  are  going  out  to  do  away  with  such  evil  as  they  see  and 
to  bring  about  such  good  as  they  may  be  able  to  perform. 

There  is  one  thing  which  the  theory  of  evolution  has  given 
to  us.  It  is  very  hard  for  use  to  detach  ourselves  from  the  past. 
That  is,  whether  we  call  ourselves  evolutionists  or  not,  whether 
we  think  much  about  it  or  not,  it  has  so  changed  our  point  of 
view  that  unconsciously  we  realize  we  are  children  of  the  past. 
The  things  which  we  are  now  are  the  results  of  the  things  which 
have  gone  before  us.  If  at  last  in  the  fullness  of  time  it  has  come 
about  that  Anglo-Saxon  women  have  received  a  larger 
measure  of  freedom,  if  they  can  go  to  clubs  without  being 
accused  by  the  men  of  their  family,  or  by  the  newspapers,  which 
are  often  much  worse,  of  neglecting  their  children  at  home,  in 
their  cradles ;  if  various  things  have  happened  so  that  we  can 
without  detaching  ourselves  too  much  from  the  past,  organize 
into  these  clubs  and  movements,  it  is  now  up  to  us — if  I  may  use 
that  phrase — to  see  what  we  are  going-  to  do  with  this  power  of 
organization  and  with  this  new  ability  to  act  together.  If  men 
learned  it  in  fighting,  it  may  be  harder  for  them  to  forget  the 
method  by  which  they  learned  it.  It  may  always  be  harder  for 
a  body  of  men  to  go  out  to  do  things,  to  reform,  than  it  will  be 
for  women.  They  are  not  quite  free  from  the  fighting  instinct 
yet. 

It  is  said  that  one  of  the  charms  of  political  life — of  course 
we  will  have  to  speak  of  that  entirely  by  hearsay ;  we  cannot 
even  have  any  reminiscences  in  our  blood,  I  suppose,  of  that — 
is  the  fighting  element  that  still  remains ;  the  consciousness  that 
you  are  one  of  a  large  body  of  men  going  out  to  battle  against 
your  enemy  of  the  other  party.  If  we  lack  all  of  that  training 
and  have  now  come  into  this  new  movement  with  the  power  of 
acting  together,  we  ought  to  bring  a  distinct  factor  into  the  peace 
of  the  world.  We  ought  to  make  it  clear  that  bodies  of  people 
can  act  together  without  this  fight  spirit,  without  the  spirit  of 
competition,   without  the   spirit  of  rivalry;   simply  moved  by  a 


254 

common  impulse,  going  out  to  do  the  things  which  ought  to  be 
done,  and  finally  we  have  at  last  learned  to  do  them  together. 

So  it  seems  to  me  we  are,  as  women's  organizations,  bringing 
into  the  civilizing  forces — or  shall  I  say  social  forces? — or  those 
things  which  make  for  progress,  a  new  combination  which  while 
it  does  make  for  progress  will  make  for  peace  as  perhaps  no 
organizations  have  ever  done  before.  I  hope  that  is  not  fantastic, 
and  I  hope  we  will  show  that  it  is  true.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

Mrs.  Mead,  who  has  given  and  is  giving  her  life  to  the  fur- 
therance of  the  peace  movement,  will  now  speak  on  some  com- 
mon fallacies.     (Applause.) 


Some  Common  Fallacies 

Lucia  Ames  Mead. 

We  hear  much  of  the  "practical"  American.  But  if  to  be 
''practical"  means  to  see  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect,  to  be 
governed  by  reason,  not  prejudice,  to  know  a  fallacy  when  we  see 
it,  and  to  aim  straight  for  the  mark,  it  is  a  serious  question 
whether  we  as  a  people  can  boast  of  being  practical  instead  of 
visionary  in  dealing  with  the  greatest  political  problem  of  the 
age.  This  is  the  just  and  peaceful  settlement  of  international 
difficulties. 

The  visionary,  who  gets  his  political  philosophy  from  the 
newspaper  headlines  as  he  hangs  to  the  carstrap,  sees,  as  he 
thinks,  insuperable  obstacles  to  ending  war  and  the  huge  arma- 
ments as  costly  to  our  government  in  1908  as  was  war  itself  in 
1898.  These  obstacles  exist  only  in  the  minds  of  those  w^ho, 
however  practical  when  dealing  with  bricks  and  steel  and  coal, 
are  visionary  when  they  deal  with  problems  of  human  nature  and 
statesmanship,  and  see  spooks  and  bogeys  which  are  but  the  fig- 
ments of  their  own  imaginations.  Five  fallacies  about  national 
dangers  and  defense  have  deluded  not  only  the  man  on  the  street 
but  his  teachers  as  well.  Preachers,  editors,  Congressmen  repeat 
the  ancient  catchwords  and  befog  the  millions  who  look  to  them 
to  do  their  thinking  for  them.    Daily  antidotes  are  needed  for  the 


255 

poison  in  these  plausible  phrases  which  have  caused  rivers  of 
blood  to  be  shed  and  the  treasure  of  the  nation  to  be  thrown  into 
a  bottomless  pit.  The  average  college  man  seems  quite  as  likely 
to  be  deluded  about  national  defense  as  is  the  cowboy. 

I.  His  first  delusion  is  thus  expressed:  "As  long  as  police 
are  necessary  in  cities  to  protect  citizens,  so  long  navies  will  be 
needed  to  protect  nations.  These  are  merely  national  police." 
There  are  two  types  of  organized  force — the  police,  which  use 
the  minimum  of  force  to  secure  a  judicial  decision,  and  armies 
and  navies  which  use  the  maximum  of  force  and  avoid  a  judicial 
decision.  Police  are  forbidden  to  use  more  than  the  minimum  of 
force  to  get  a  culprit  to  court.  Their  usual  task  requires  no 
exercise  of  force  at  all.  They  rescue  the  helpless  from  burning 
buildings  and  the  motor  car;  they  perform  a  thousand  kindly, 
protective  deeds  as  their  daily  task,  never  being  allowed  to 
avenge  a  wrong  or  punish  a  miscreant,  but  only  to  get  him  before 
a  jury  of  his  peers.  The  police  represent  the  noblest  type  of 
force  and  an  always  necessary  one.  As  President  Eliot  has  well 
said,  it  "is  a  force  eminently  superior  to  that  of  the  soldier." 
The  militia  belongs  to  the  same  category  as  the  police.  They 
exist  not  to  fight  the  militia  of  another  state  but  to  keep  order 
within  their  own.  They  are  authorized  only  to  use  the  minimum 
of  force  and  never  to  pursue  a  mob  that  disperses.  Police  and 
militia  exist  solely  for  protective  purposes  and  to  promote  judicial 
settlement  of  every  wrong.  Navies  do  not.  What  attempt  to 
secure  judicial  decision  do  our  fabulously  costly  Dreadnoughts 
make?  Possibly  battleships  were  once  useful  in  protecting  us 
from  pirates ;  but  pirates  are  as  dead  as  the  Spanish  Inquisition, 
and  the  men  who  captured  them  sailed  in  little  wooden  ships. 
These  diabolical  steel  constructions,  each  one  costing  the  price 
of  ten  colleges  and  each  of  service  less  than  ten  years,  these 
are  not  police,  they  are  merely  weapons  of  nations  preparing  for 
a  duel.  The  old  time  duel  of  two  men,  fought  with  equal 
weapons,  with  no  ambuscade  or  treacherous  mine  or  mean  advan- 
tage, had  some  slight  claim  upon  our  admiration.  It  did  not 
ignore  all  sense  of  honor  like  its  titantic  counterpart,  the  duel 
between  nations,  in  which  with  cold  blooded,  mathematical  pre- 
cision. Christians,  who  have  no  quarrel  with  the  men  they  slay, 
by  a  touch  of  the  button  blow  hundreds  of  helpless  fellow  mortals 


2'56 

into  shreds.  Though  an  occasional  battleship  sometimes  per- 
forms police  functions  and  carries  bread  and  blankets  to  earth- 
quake sufferers,  every  child  knows  that  we  are  not  building 
armor-plated  vessels  for  such  purposes.  In  building  them  we 
are  preparing  for  a  duel  and  not  to  get  our  quarrels  settled  in 
a  court.  Away  with  our  silly,  dangerous  euphemisms,  exalting 
the  duelist  and  fooling  ourselves  with  prattle  about  "police." 

An  international  police  the  world  will  surely  see  this  cen- 
tury, but  rival  navies  and  armies  are  doomed ;  thousands  of 
years  before  police  can  be  discarded  these  monstrous  anachronisms 
of  civilization  must  be  turned  into  beneficent  messengers  of 
commerce,  and  Krupp  guns  transformed  into  lamp-posts  and 
bridges.  A  little  army  and  navy  under  orders  from  an  inter- 
national parliament  will  then  police  the  seas  and  prevent  war 
between  such  outlying  regions  as  still  are  savage.  Then  and  not 
till  then  can  we  speak  of  a  navy  as  a  police  force. 

2.  The  second  great  fallacy  is:  "You  cannot  end  war 
until  you  change  human  nature.  So  long  as  feuds  exist  in  Corsica 
and  Tennessee,  so  long  as  savages  go  on  bloody  forays  and  boys 
give  each  other  black  eyes,  so  long  will  w^ars  continue."  On  the 
contrary,  wars  between  any  of  the  nations  represented  at  the 
Hague  Conference  of  1907  will  end  a  thousand  years  before  all 
these  other  forms  of  strife  disappear.  It  is  only  the  visionaries 
who  see  insuperable  obstacles  in  the  way.  But  let  us  clearly  dis- 
tinguish between  international  war  and  other  kinds  of  strife. 
The  confounding  of  strife  tmthin  nations  with  strife  between 
nations  has  dangerously  obscured  thought  on  this  subject  and 
made  a  thousand  pessimists  where  there  should  be  none.  The 
same  method  of  organization  and  unity  that  today  prevents  war 
between  the  Italian  cities  which  in  the  day  of  Dante  or  Michael 
Angelo  were  in  frequent  strife ;  the  same  method  that  keeps  the 
peace  between  Kentucky  and  her  neighbors,  though  night  riders 
disturb  her  inward  peace,  will  when  applied  more  widely  keep 
peace  between  the  nations.  Organization  and  a  Supreme  Court 
at  Washington  have  prevented  any  one  state  of  all  our  forty-six 
ever  warring  with  another.  However  great  Pennsylvania's  graft 
or  New  York's  greed  in  mulcting  their  own  citizens,  upon  their 
state  line  has  been  peace  and  justice.  Civilized  human  nature 
does  not  crave  bloodshed.    It  will  gladly  avoid  it  if  an  easier  way 


257 

is  provided  of  getting  justice.  In  Gladstone's  school  days  every 
boy  fought,  today  fighting  is  unfashionable  on  the  playground. 
Human  nature  is  changing,  but  whether  it  changes  or  not,  the 
business  of  the  v^orld  will  not  much  longer  tolerate  two  nations 
making  a  cockpit  of  the  people's  highways  and  dragging  the 
neutral  nations  into  commercial  loss.  The  common  people  are 
getting  their  eyes  open  and  beginning  to  see  the  relation  between 
the  destruction  of  more  than  two  billions  of  dollars  in  two  recent 
wars  and  the  panic  of  1907.  A  comparatively  few  influential 
persons  in  a  few  influential  countries  can  end  international  war, 
and  will  end  it.  The  majority  of  the  1,500,000,000  on  the 
planet  will  have  little  to  do  with  it.  It  is  chiefly  a  question  of 
statesmanship  and  will  be  accomplished  without  any  essentral 
change  in  human  nature  in  forty-six  nations,  as  interstate  war 
has  been  prevented  by  less  than  one  hundred  framers  of  our 
Constitution  for  forty-six  states,  without  all  the  people  within 
those  states  becoming  saints.  The  United  States  can  show  the 
way  to  achieve  a  United  World. 

3.  The  third  fallacy  is  that  all  government  is  based  on 
force.  All  governments  use  force  certainly,  but  no  republic  could 
remain  a  republic  and  be  based  on  force.  Our  republic  is  pri- 
marily based  on  the  good-will  and  consent  of  the  governed,  and 
it  is  the  stablest  of  governments  because  it  uses  the  least  force 
to  maintain  itself.  Russia  is  the  least  stable  because  it  uses  the 
most  force  to  coerce  loyalty.  The  perpetuity  of  our  government 
rests  a  thousand  times  as  much  upon  its  newspapers  and  schools 
as  upon  its  navy.  Abolish  the  latter  and  we  can  secure  arbitra- 
tion treaties  with  every  land  to  make  us  even  more  secure  than 
we  were  twenty  years  ago  when  our  navy  was  a  negligible  quan- 
tity, yet  we  were  never  attacked.  Abolish  newspapers  and  schools 
and  presently  our  government  would  be  like  that  of  Hayti.  Our 
government  rests  on  a  dozen  things,  and  where  it  rests  on  force 
at  all  it  is  upon  the  force  of  the  police  and  the  state  guard,  not 
upon  its  menacing  ironclads.  Our  enemies  are  all  within.  In 
all  our  foreign  wars  combined,  since  we  became  a  nation,  not  over 
12,000  men  fell  by  foreign  bullets,  but  little  more  than  those 
murdered  every  year  by  the  enemies  within,  which  no  battleship 
can  reach. 

4.  The  fourth  fallacy  is  that  hoary  one,  "In  time  of  peace 


258 

prepare  for  war."  Certainly  prepare  for  war  if  war  is  what  you 
want.  We  usually  get  what  we  prepare  for.  But  if  you  want 
peace,  in  the  name  of  common  sense  why  not  prepare  for  peace? 
In  1817  we  prepared  for  a  century's  peace  with  England  by 
uniting  with  Canada  in  demolishing  our  forts  upon  our  northern 
frontier  and  both  agreeing  to  have  no  battleships  or  forts  along 
that  3,000  miles  of  borderland.  Without  any  cost,  that  has 
remained  the  safest  borderland  in  the  world.  Norway  has  pre- 
pared for  peace  by  getting  Russia,  England,  France  and  Ger- 
many to  agree  to  let  no  foreign  foe  attack  her.  Why  not  get 
the  powers  to  guarantee  the  same  neutrality  for  the  Philippines 
when  we  grant  them  independence  and  thus  remove  one  danger 
spot?  England  prepared  for  peace  with  France  by  initiating  the 
entente  cordiale,  an  interchange  of  visits  and  gentlemanly  treat- 
ment. The  nations  at  Algeciras  prepared  for  peace.  The  return 
of  the  Chinese  indemnity  which  did  not  belong  to  us  has  done 
more  for  peace  than  would  twenty  Dreadnoughts. 

The  armed  man  in  the  frontier  mining  camp  creates  sus- 
picion and  dread  and  provokes  attack.  The  unarmed  gentle- 
man going  about  his  business  on  Wabash  avenue  or  on  an  Illinois 
farm  is  safer.  England  and  Germany  endanger  and  weaken  them- 
selves with  every  Dreadnought  they  build  and  with  blind  folly 
bend  their  backs  under  an  ever  increasing  load  which  brings  no 
more  security.  Lord  Roberts  and  the  Navy  League  ignore  the 
facts  of  human  nature,  and  with  goad  and  spur  of  wild  alarm 
create  danger  where  none  exists  and  invite  the  certain  enemies  of 
starvation  and  poverty  within  their  borders  in  their  frantic  efforts 
to  prepare  to  fight  an  enemy  largely  of  their  own  creation  out- 
side their  borders. 

5.  The  fifth  fallacy,  and  a  specially  dangerous  one,  is  that 
the  best  advisers  as  to  what  and  how  large  our  defenses  shall  be 
are  the  men  who  are  trained  to  only  one  form  of  defense,  that 
is,  by  use  of  explosives,  and  the  very  men  whose  whole  chance 
of  honor  or  promotion  must  come  by  using  this  defense.  The 
last  man  to  advise  whether  one  needs  a  new  coat  or  not  is  the 
tailor  who  is  to  make  it.  The  last  man  a  consumer  wants  to 
settle  the  tariff  on  gloves  is  the  man  who  makes  gloves.  The  last 
man  who  should  decide  whether  I  need  a  new  house  is  the  archi- 
tect I  should  engage  to  build  it. 


259 

The  need  of  defense  depends  solely  upon  the  degree  of  dan- 
ger. That  is  for  the  statesmen,  traveler,  and  business  man  to 
perceive.  It  is  a  psychological  problem.  It  is,  "How  can  we  keep 
Germany,  Russia,  Japan,  France  and  the  other  nations  which 
have  been  our  friends  for  a  century  still  our  friends  ?"  The  prob- 
lem as  the  militarist  sees  it  is  simply,  "How  shall  we  menace  or 
kill  these  old  friends  when  by  some  piece  of  folly  we  have  turned 
them  into  enemies  ?"  As  well  expect  the  Tsar  to  turn  a  democrat 
as  to  expect  men  who  have  focused  their  minds  for  thirty  years 
upon  physical  problems  like  the  trajectory  of  projectiles  to  under- 
stand the  significance  and  force  of  the  new  substitutes  for  war. 
How  can  they  be  expected  to  undermine  their  own  profession  or 
not  to  try  to  enlist  the  vested  interests  to  clamor  for  Congress  to 
buy  the  munitions  of  war  that  they  want  to  sell?  Small  blame 
to  the  soldier  or  navy  man  that  he  is  not  a  statesman ;  we  do 
not  blame  an  engineer  because  he  is  not  a  doctor.  But  let  him 
not  usurp  the  functions  of  statesman  and  tell  us  what  our  dangers 
are  or  when  nations  should  go  to  war.  Said  a  United  States 
rear-admiral  during  the  Boer  War,  "I  tell  you  what  England 
ought  to  do.  She  ought  to  whip  France."  "What,  when  her 
hands  are  tied  in  South  Africa?"  he  was  asked.  "Yes,  yes,"  he 
retorted;  "she  could  do  it  and  it  would  clear  the  air."  "But  go 
to  war  on  general  principles  ?"  "Yes,  yes ;  it  would  be  a  good 
thing."  Alas  that  the  expert  in  managing  squadrons  is  often  an 
infant  in  political  philosophy  and  international  ethics !  Let  his 
bravery  and  excellence  in  his  own  profession  not  blind  our  eyes 
to  the  folly  of  his  wild  demands  for  twenty  Dreadnoughts  on  the 
Pacific  before  we  have  given  a  thought  to  securing  from  all 
nations  what  England  in  1897,  in  the  Olney-Pauncefote  treaty, 
was  ready  to  sign  with  us,  pledging  to  settle  all  dififerences  be- 
tween us  by  some  peaceful  means.  What  nations  would  refuse 
were  we  to  ofifer  interchange  of  such  a  pledge?  Let  not  news- 
paper sentimentality  about  prestige  or  cowardly  fear  of  non- 
existent enemies,  or  the  glamor  of  brass  buttons  permits  us  as  a 
nation  to  retrograde  further  towards  the  Old  World's  travesty 
upon  human  brotherhood  and  its  toboggan  slide  towards  bank- 
ruptcy. It  is  only  the  fetich  worshippers  of  steel  and  dynamite, 
the  theorists  who  guess  that  though  never  having  been  attacked 
we  probably  shall  be  attacked,  who  fool  us  into  paying  six  times 


26o 

as  much  for  our  navy  this  year  as  we  paid  sixteen  years  ago.  Let 
practical  citizens  use  their  own  reason  and  refuse  to  be  scared 
by  vested  interests  and  navy  leagues.  Let  us  again  be  leaders,  not 
servile  followers  of  world  policies.  Upon  our  sanity  depends 
in  large  measure  the  progress  of  the  world. 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

I  now  have  the  pleasure  of  presenting  to  you  Mrs.  Philip 
N.  Moore,  president  of  the  General  Federation  of  Women's 
Qubs,  and  I  shall  ask  you  to  rise  to  greet  her  in  recognition  of 
the  work  she  has  done.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Philip  N.    Moore: 

Madam  Chairman  and  Ladies:  I  fancy  I  am  speaking 
to  members  of  the  Peace  Congress,  and  I  am  the  first  one  to  bring 
the  greetings  of  the  General  Federation  to  these  members  of  the 
Peace  Congress.  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  in  bringing  the 
greetings  of  this  large  body  to  you  to  show  you  how  and  why 
it  is  that  we  have  not  been  actually  members  of  the  Peace  Con- 
gress, national  or  international.  We  have  been  an  organization 
that  has  been  formed  with  the  policy  of  doing  anything  that  we 
choose  to  do  individually.  Every  club  is  perfectly  welcome  to 
study  any  subject  that  may  come  to  that  club.  Every  state  has 
the  matter  of  state's  rights  clearly  in  hand,  and  can  study  any- 
thing that  may  come  to  that  state.  I  am  pleased  to  notice  that 
there  are  so  many  representatives  today  from  the  diflferent  states 
to  the  Peace  Congress.  It  means  that  they  have  taken  up  this 
subject  as  they  ought  to  take  it.  We  started  out,  the  General 
Federation,  with  a  very  conservative  body,  and  some  timid,  fear- 
ful bodies  of  women  were  always  afraid  that  we  would  take  up 
a  subject  that  we  could  not  endorse  and  we  have  been  very 
careful  in  the  different  phases  of  it  in  the  Federation  to  yield  a 
little  to  those  very  conservative  bodies.  We  have  not  taken  up 
national  subjects  which  national  organizations  naturally  have  con- 
sidered their  own.  We  have  not  taken  up  prohibition,  we  have 
not  taken  up  suffrage,  we  have  not  taken  up  religious  debates, 
we  have  not  considered  any  of  those  as  our  special  province 
because  we  are  composed  of  women  that  wish  to  come  together 
to  study  both  sides  of  every  question.     If  any  state  takes  up  the 


26 1 

subject  of  peace,  I  fancy  you  will  find  in  that  federation  that  they 
are  studying  in  regard  to  this  matter  the  disarmament  of  all 
nations,  the  statistics  in  regard  to  them  and  everything  that  per- 
tains to  the  peace  question,  especially  arbitration.  You  will  find 
this  body  of  women  looking  on  every  side  to  find  out  what  has 
been  done  and  what  should  be  done  in  the  future. 

I  have  been  very  glad  indeed  that  Mrs.  Mead  preceded  me 
with  her  very  fine  address.  You  will  understand  that  when  she 
has  for  the  last  two  or  three  or  four  years  beseeched  the  General 
Federation  to  take  up  the  subject  of  peace,  that  she  has  been  abso- 
lutely imperative  in  that  demand,  and  that  we  have  quietly  and 
persistently  set  it  aside  until  we  have  realized — perhaps  I  might 
say  we  realized  it  first  at  the  last  Hague  Conference — that  our 
own  people  are  deeply  interested  in  peace  and  are  going  to  do 
the  very  things  that  she  asks  for.  (Applause.)  We.  sent  at  that 
time  to  the  Hague  Conference  our  recognition  of  arbitration 
as  one  of  the  greatest  principles  for  which  we  could  stand,  and 
now  we  are  going  to  do  still  more  and  we  are  going  to  ask  Mrs. 
Mead  and  a  peace  organization  to  give  into  our  educational  forces 
some  lines  of  work  which  will  show  our  Avomen  just  what  peace 
means  in  the  world,  what  arbitration  means,  and  will  help  us  in 
an  educational  way,  because  I  have  to  say  right  there  that  the 
great  work  of  the  General  Federation  is  educational.  We  have 
taken  up  almost  every  subject  of  special  interest  to  women,  but 
we  have  always  taken  it  up  in  an  educational  way  because  we 
have  realized  that  you  who  are  taking  one  subject  alone  of 
thought  and  devoting  your  whole  time  to  it  may  not  realize  that 
we  have  taken  up  ten  different  lines  of  thought  and  have  taken 
the  subjects  that  those  committees  consider  from  the  very  best 
point  of  view.  This  has  been  our  work  in  this  great  organization 
of  800,000  women.  We  do  not  stand  back  for  any  organization 
but  we  do  wish  to  come  forward  and  help  any  organization. 
There  is  no  question  that  any  of  these  organizations  take  up  that 
we  are  not  most  anxious  to  help  in. 

We  have  decided  in  the  General  Federation  that  at  the  next 
biennial  convention  we  will  ask  the  Peace  Congress  to  present  to 
us  both  sides  of  the  question.  That  is  the  only  way  that  we  can 
consider  anything,  and  I  ask  you  to  present  the  matter  of  peace 
and   arbitration.     We   shall   ask   you  to   present   arguments   in 


262 

regard  to  armament,  and  possibly  we  will  not  use  the  phrase  "In 
time  of  peace  prepare  for  war,"  because  I  think  Mrs.  Mead  is 
absolutely  right  in  her  position  in  regard  to  that ;  but  we  want  to 
know  just  why  armament  should  be  put  on.  We  get  statistics 
that  come  to  us,  remarkable  figures,  indicating  the  vast  amount 
of  money  that  is  being  spent  upon  armament.  We  also  realize 
that  sometimes  it  is  necessary  to  be  forewarned  and  forearmed 
in  the  same  way.  We  want  to  know  absolutely  every  side  of  the 
question,  and  I  think  you  will  never  have  a  better  chance  to 
hear  it  than  to  come  to  Cincinnati  on  May  10  and  hear  the  two 
sides  presented. 

I  never  realized  so  much  what  war  meant  as  I  did  last  night 
in  hearing  that  masterly  address  upon  biology  of  war.  If  you 
did  not  hear  it  I  hope  you  will  get  the  speech  as  it  is  printed  and 
read  it.  It  is  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  against  war  that 
has  been  presented  to  me  in  any  way,  because  it  goes  beyond 
statistics,  even  the  statistics  of  money  that  might  be  used  for 
other  purposes.  We  all  believe  that  war  should  be  stopped ;  we 
have  believed  that  education  would  finally  bring  that  about,  but 
this  biology  of  war  brings  the  matter  home  in  a  new  light  and 
it  shows  why  all  these  nations  have  had  the  decadence  which 
we  have  recognized  in  the  Latin  nations,  that  their  best  men  have 
gone  to  war,  their  best  men  have  been  destroyed  by  war,  and 
the  others  have  been  left  at  home  to  give  the  next  generation  of 
weaklings  to  the  world.  That  to  me  is  one  of  the  strongest 
arguments  I  can  bring  to  myself;  I  believe  it  is  one  of  the 
strongest  arguments  that  can  be  presented. 

It  has  been  of  the  greatest  interest  to  feel  that  we  could  send 
a  representative  to  this  Peace  Congress,  that  we  were  asked  to  do 
so,  and  that  the  General  Federation  unanimously  selected  me  to 
represent  them  at  this  time. 

Madam  Chairman,  it  is  with  great  humility  but  with  great 
earnestness  that  I  tell  you  and  the  members  who  are  here  today 
that  we  are  most  desirous  of  looking  carefully  into  this  subject 
of  peace  and  presenting  it  to  our  members.  We  believe  that  we 
may  effectively  do  so,  through  the  800,000  members  of  our 
Federation,     (Applause.) 


263 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

Miss  Mary  McDowell  will  now  address  us. 

Woman  in  Industrialism  and  Her  International  Interests 

Miss  Mary  McDowell. 

Madam  Chairman  and  Ladies:  I  did  not  know  when  I 
began  to  think  about  this  subject  this  morning — because  I  have 
not  had  time  to  think  much  of  it  and  I  thought  I  would  just 
bring  a  little  greeting — I  had  not  thought  how  tremendously  inter- 
ested the  working  woman  is  in  this  whole  subject  of  peace.  We 
heard  last  night  in  the  great  meeting  down  stairs  how  interested 
the  workingman  was,  that  it  is  the  workingman,  the  common 
workingman,  who  goes  out  to  fight  the  battles.  It  is  not  the 
kings,  it  is  not  the  capitalists,  it  is  not  our  Secretary  of  War, 
or  our  President ;  it  is  the  common  workingman.  It  is  the  com- 
mon workingwoman  that  has  to  feel  that.  I  think  it  is  brought 
home  to  you  when  you  hear  just  one  figure.  I  cannot  give  you 
the  rest  of  the  figures,  I  lost  them,  but  this  is  one  that  I  am 
sure  of. 

When  you  are  in  Bohemia  and  all  through  Austria  and  Hun- 
gary— you  are  shocked  at  the  things  the  women  do.  You  are 
shocked  to  see  a  woman  nursing  a  baby  and  carrying  mortar 
or  brick  on  a  well  adjusted  hod,  that  is  adjusted  so  that  she  can 
still  care  for  her  baby  and  step  up  to  some  place  to  put  the  brick 
or  mortar  where  it  is  to  go.  You  are  shocked  to  see  women 
climbing  up  and  down  with  these  hods  and  doing  all  kinds  of 
work.  As  you  go  on  the  railroads  you  see  women  flag  the 
trains,  salute  the  trains  as  they  go  by,  instead  of  the  men.  All 
through  Germany  it  is  true,  all  through  Austria  it  is  true,  and 
I  am  told  in  Russia  it  is  very  true  also  women  are  in  the  fields. 
They  are  compelled  to  do  the  heavy  work  that  men  have  always 
naturally  done. 

Why  is  it?  It  is  because  the  men  are  in  the  army  and  the 
women  have  to  take  their  places.  In  Bohemia  alone  forty-seven 
and  some  hundredths  per  cent  of  the  workers  are  women  doing 
all  different  kinds  of  work. 

There  is  another  side  of  it,  and  a  side  that  comes  right  home 
to  us,  and  especially  very  close  to  me.     In  our  neighborhood  we 


264 

have  found  in  the  very  last  few  years  immigrant  girls  coming 
in  almost  in  gangs,  coming  without  the  mother,  coming  without 
the  father,  coming  generally  to  some  woman  or  some  man  whom 
they  had  known  in  the  little  province  or  the  little  town  they  came 
from,  coming  to  our  neighborhood ;  one  girl  eighteen  or  twenty, 
unprotected,  coming  to  work  in  the  stock  yards ;  because  they  are 
unskilled,  they  cannot  speak  any  English  and  it  does  not  make 
any  difference,  they  can  easily  take  hold  of  a  knife  and  cut  ice- 
cold  meat  from  ice-cold  fat,  and  that  is  all  the  skill  they  have 
to  have;  and  so  they  have  come  in  here.  I  asked  a  Lithuanian 
gentleman  who  was  very  intelligent  why  so  many  of  these 
Lithuanian  girls  came.  He  said,  quite  seriously,  not  joking  as 
Americans  are  apt  to  joke  about  girls  getting  married — he  said: 
"It  is  a  serious  question  in  Lithuania.  All  the  able-bodied  mar- 
riageable young  men  are  coming  over  here  to  escape  the  army. 
Because  they  have  a  horror  of  being  drafted  into  the  army,  they 
are  coming  over  here.  Naturally  the  girls,  who  must  have  hus- 
bands, are  coming  after  them,  and  settling  in  our  district."  Every 
Saturday  night  and  Sunday  night  there  are  many  weddings  be- 
cause of  this.  That  affects  them  very  much.  It  also  affects  the 
industrial  conditions  of  our  own  American  working  girl.  It  is 
pushing  her,  it  is  pushing  the  workingman,  who  has  done  this 
work  before  in  certain  departments,  because  an  immigrant  girl 
will  work  for  any  wages,  so  she  is  taking  a  man's  place. 

You  see  today  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  state  living  to  itself, 
or  a  nation  living  to  itself.  We  are  commercially  and  indus- 
trially international,  and  there  are  no  state  lines  in  industry  at 
all.  There  cannot  be  any  state  lines  in  labor.  In  that  respect  I 
am  glad  to  give  one  hopeful  touch.  I  represent  the  Women's 
Trade  Union  League.  We  stand  for  the  protection  of  the 
workingwoman  and  we  stand  for  those  who  believe  in  the  work- 
ingwomen  looking  after  their  own  interests.  We  stand  with 
them  as  allies  with  them. 

Mrs.  Henrotin,  Miss  Addams,  Mrs.  Robbins  and  many 
others  of  our  Chicago  women  stand  with  these  girls  in  the  effort 
to  look  after  their  own  interests,  because  we  believe  womxcn  must 
look  after  themselves  and  not  be  always  waiting  for  some  man 
to  look  after  them.     (Applause.) 

In  the  industrial  world  a  girl  cannot  afford  to  wait  for  some- 


265 

body  to  look  after  her.  She  must  look  after  herself,  and  it  is  a 
tremendous  problem — she  is  a  tremendous  problem.  She  never 
had  the  franchise,  she  is  unorganized  generally  until  she  is 
skilled  enough  or  gets  wages  enough  to  have  a  little  leisure  to 
think  a  little  bit,  and  then  she  begins  to  see  what  her  interest  is. 
So  we  stand  for  the  organization  of  women  into  trades  unions  to 
work  with  men  and  look  after  their  own  interests,  and  we  stand 
for  the  investigation  of  conditions  and  for  legislation  to  amelio- 
rate those  conditions. 

All  of  this  seems  to  me  to  have  a  very  distinct  relation  to 
peace,  this  making  the  workingwomen  who  organize  stand 
together  to  make  contracts,  and  I  wish  we  had  the  boot  and  shoe 
working  young  lady  here  today  to  tell  )^ou  how  they  make  their 
contracts  which  result  in  peace ;  and  they  keep  their  contract  too. 
And  I  wish  we  had  the  glove  worker  girl  here  too  to  tell  how 
that  union  makes  its  contract,  and  they  have  no  war  on  because 
they  do  it.    I  could  go  on  and  tell  you  many  others. 

Then  we  come  to  legislation.  The  young  women  themselves 
are  working  for  legislation.  They  are  working  for  it  in  this 
state  and  trying  to  limit  the  hours,  which  have  no  limit  now.  A 
young  girl  can  be  made  to  work  all  day  and  all  night  if  she  wants 
to.  We  call  that  freedom  of  contract,  and  there  is  no  such  thing 
as  a  contract  in  the  work  of  a  young  girl  or  young  woman. 

Now,  a  helpful  touch  is  this.  Labor's  Hague  tribunal  is  in 
Switzerland,  and  in  Switzerland  there  is  this  office  called  the 
Bureau  of  International  Labor  Legislation,  because  the  people  of 
the  different  countries,  especially  in  Europe,  believe  that  it  would 
be  more  fair  and  more  just  for  all  the  countries  together  to  work 
for  certain  labor  legislation,  because  they  see  that  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  a  line  in  industry,  and  so  it  has  come  to  pass  that  in 
1906,  September  26,  fourteen  European  countries,  including  the 
German  Empire,  Austria,  Hungary,  Belgium,  Denmark,  Spain, 
France,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  Luxemburg,  the  Netherlands, 
Portugal,  Sweden  and  Switzerland,  have  signed  a  treaty  prohibit- 
ing night  work  for  women.  Think  of  it!  The  plenipotentiary 
representatives  from  these  governments  signed  prohibiting  night 
work  for  women  because  they  said  it  was  so  detrimental  to  the 
health  of  women  that  there  must  be  some  limit  to  the  work  of 
women.     (Applause.) 


266 

The  second  great  treaty  that  so  many  of  these  countries  have 
signed — not  all  of  them — just  last  year  that  at  last  Great  Britain 
against  her  own  business  self-interest,  because  there  was  a  fight 
there — they  have  signed  against  using  the  poisonous  phosphorus 
in  matches.  There  are  two  kinds  of  phosphorus.  One  is  white 
and  one  is  yellow,  I  think.  One  is  very  poisonous,  and  when  used 
and  used  carelessly  at  all,  a  horrible  disease  which  cannot  be  cured 
comes  into  the  jaw  through  the  teeth,  or  in  some  way,  a  most 
awful  disease.  Now,  these  countries  have  signed  against  it. 
Italy  signed  against  it,  France  signed  against  it,  the  Netherlands, 
Switzerland,  Luxemburg  and  at  last  England  by  parliamentary 
act  in  December,  1908,  adopted  the  same  principle. 

So  you  see  that  all  this  works  for  peace.  Anything,  I  sup- 
pose, that  makes  us  think  internationally,  that  makes  us  feel  that 
the  brotherhood  and  sisterhood  is  worldwide,  that  it  does  not 
belong  to  our  state  or  our  city,  and  that  no  one  of  us,  either  indi- 
vidually or  as  a  club,  or  as  a  state  or  as  a  nation,  can  live  any 
longer  exclusively.  We  belong  altogether  to  each  other,  world- 
wide, and  so  I  think  you  will  see  how  necessary  it  is  that  the 
workingwomen  should  be  made  to  see  that  it  is  a  world  task  that 
we  are  getting  at  this  great  meeting  now.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

We  will  now  be  glad  to  hear  from  Mrs.  William  T.  Lewis, 
of  California,  who  is  a  delegate  to  the  Peace  Congress.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Mrs.  William  T.  Lewis: 

I  have  just  come  to  represent  the  Ebell  Club,  of  Los  Angeles, 
from  the  Pacific  Coast,  where  they  are  all  wishing  for  peace, 
and  today  they  are  listening  to  what  is  carried  over  the  wires  to 
know  what  you  are  doing  today. 

As  I  came  up  the  street  this  afternoon  a  gentleman  said  to 
me :  "If  there  is  anything  done  in  this  Peace  Congress  it  will  be 
done  through  the  women."  Now,  there  are  women  on  the  Coast 
who  are  willing  to  join  hands  with  you  in  doing  all  that  is  pos- 
sible, and  when  this  Eleventh  Amendment  or  this  Educational 
Amendment  is  in  your  Constitution,  as  it  will  be  at  the  next 
general  federation,  those  ladies  will  be  ready  to  do  all  they  can  to 


267 

study  the  subject,  and  will  do  everything  possible,  I  know,  to 
further  the  work.  They  have  peace  in  the  heart  and  in  the  home, 
and  now  we  wish  it  in  the  universe  at  large.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

We  have  the  pleasure  of  having  with  us  Mrs.  Burdette,  also 
of  California.    We  must  have  a  word  from  Mrs.  Burdette. 

Mrs.  Robert  J.  Burdette  : 

Mrs.  Burdette  has  just  one  word  to  say.  I  believe  in  the 
Peace  Congress.  I  believe  peace  is  to  be  brought  about,  but  I  also 
know  th^t  it  cannot  be  brought  about  except  by  your  individual 
efforts.  As  with  just  the  handful  of  disciples  who  were  sent  out 
with  a  little  educational  mission,  so  you  must  go  home  from  this 
Peace  Congress  to  carry  the  educational  side  of  this  to  all  with 
whom  you  talk,  and  talk  you  must  because  it  means  peace  for 
your  home,  and  as  the  home  is  the  foundation  of  the  nation  it 
means  peace  in  your  home  as  well  as  for  the  nation.  I  simply 
might  bring  you  greetings  from  the  various  portions  of  the  state 
of  California  which  I  represent,  but  I  want  you  to  know  that  the 
state  of  California,  while  solving  its  own  Chinese  and  Japanese 
problems  in  its  own  way,  still  believes  in  peace.     (Applause.) 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

I  shall  ask  Mrs.  Mead  to  close  the  session.  You  know  there 
are  sessions  this  afternoon  in  the  Peace  Congress  and  this  session 
was  put  for  half-past  i  o'clock  in  order  not  to  interfere  with  the 
other  sessions  of  the  Congress. 


'&' 


Mrs.  Mead: 

I  have  the  privilege  of  introducing  to  you  this  afternoon  a 
young  school  girl  from  New  York  who  has  been  trained  by  her 
former  teacher.  Miss  Pierson,  and  who  belongs  to  the  large  num- 
ber of  boys  and  girls  whom  Miss  Pierson,  a  school  teacher  of 
New  York,  has  trained.  Two  years  ago  at  the  National  Peace 
Congress  we  had  in  Carnegie  Hall  four  thousand  delegates  from 
the  grammar  schools,  each  one  coming  with  a  notebook  and  pencil, 
prepared  to  go  back  and  report  to  their  respective  schools  what 
they  learned.     Those  children  from  the  private  as  well  as  from 


268 

the  public  schools  sat  there  for  three  hours  and  drank  in  the 
words  of  the  distinguished  foreigners  and  other  guests  there. 
Among  them,  I  believe,  was  this  young  girl  who  is  to  recite  to 
you  this  afternoon  a  poem  which  I  have  not  yet  heard,  but  which, 
I  believe,  is  called  "The  Anglo-Saxon." 

(Miss  Rae  Goller,  of  New  York,  then  recited  a  poem  entitled 
"Oh,  Mighty  Anglo-Saxon.") 

Mrs.  Henrotin  then  read  the  following  communication  from 
Mrs.  Hess,  the  delegate  from  the  Arizona  Federation : 

"To  this  most  noted  gathering  of  most  noted  people  Arizona 
sends  greetings,  and  begs  me  to  tell  you  in  as  few  words  as  pos- 
sible how  earnestly  her  people,  especially  the  Federation  of 
Women's  Clubs,  are  working  for  the  principles  of  peace. 

"While  yet  but  a  territory,  in  a  short  time  we  hope  to  become 
a  state ;  and  as  a  state  we  bring  peace  with  us  into  the  Union,  for 
our  big,  silent,  cactus-covered  deserts,  with  their  shimmering 
sands,  breathe  peace. 

"Our  balmy,  orange-laden  air  sends  forth  a  fragrance  that 
speaks  peace.  Our  towering,  mist-covered  mountains  command 
peace. 

"In  the  valley  of  the  Nile  of  America,  as  the  silvery  Colorado 
is  called,  the  different  women's  clubs  are  very  closely  united. 
Much  good  work  is  being  done,  and  "Newer  Ideals  of  Peace" 
is  no  stranger  to  our  libraries,  and  we  promise  our  heartiest  and 
most  earnest  endeavors  to  further  so  worthy  an  object. 

"May  we  all  meet  again  at  an  early  date  and  say  in  lusty 
tones  as  Friar  Tuck,  'Pax  Vobiscum.'  '' 

Mrs.  Henrotin  : 

I  see  Dr.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  has  just  come  in,  and  cer- 
tainly no  one  could  better  close  this  meeting.  He  is  always  the 
firm  friend  of  women,  as  he  is  of  all  humanity,  and  from  him  we 
have  gathered  much  of  the  inspiration  of  the  work  we  carry  on. 

Dr.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  : 

I  am  very  glad  of  you,  sisters ;  I  am  very  proud  of  you. 
You  trouble  me  a  lot,  but  you  are  the  hope  of  the  land  and  the 
promise  of  the  future.     The  reserve  corps  of  civilization  is  here 


269 

represented,  the  line  without  which  the  banners  cannot  be  car- 
ried much  farther  forward. 

Providence  has  been  holding  you  against  your  will,  and  mine 
perhaps,  in  the  camp  of  instruction.  You  have  been  in  high 
training,  although  it  may  be  enforced  training,  and  now  at  last, 
as  you  have  heard  this  afternoon,  I  am  sure  you  have  a  platform 
upon  which  no  one  will  deny  you  the  right  to  stand.  You  have  a 
cause  which  no  one  can  challenge  your  right  to  work  for, 
and,  if  need  be,  to  die  for.  In  this  cause,  in  the  interests  of  which 
you  are  here  assembled,  we  find  focalized  the  loftiest  science,  the 
noblest  philanthropy,  the  profoundest  economics  of  the  world. 
There  is  a  strange  and  perplexing  paradox  confronting  us  just 
now.  Here  all  the  lines  of  life  bear  toward  the  camps  of  peace. 
But  still  at  this  very  time  confronted  by  these  inspirations,  we 
meet  the  ghastly  fact  that  the  burden  of  the  camp,  the  strain  of 
the  warship,  the  clamorous  demands  for  appropriations,  are  more 
burdensome  than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  world.  How 
can  you  account  for  that  paradox?  I  will  not  undertake  to  do  it 
for  fear  I  might  spoil  my  evening's  treat.  Madam  President 
(laughter)  ;  but  it  is  certainly  up  to  you  more  than  the  other  sex, 
although  I  do  not  like  to  put  it  that  way,  for  there  are  realms 
where  sex  must  not  and  does  not  enter.  But  it  is  up  to  you  more 
than  the  men  to  bring  the  powers  that  be,  and  they  are  the  ones 
that  seem  insane  on  this  matter,  I  mean  the  executive  and  legis- 
lative forces  of  the  world,  I  mean  that  baneful  something  that  is 
represented  by  the  power  with  the  capital  "P"  that  coerces  our 
legislators  and  intimidates  them,  and  us. 

Inasmuch  as  you  are  saved  from  their  temptations  and  dan- 
gers, inasmuch  as  you  are  not  subject  to  the  demoralizations  of 
congresses  and  of  cabinets,  of  presidents  and  of  kings,  I  say  it 
is  up  to  you  somehow  to  solve  this  paradox.  We  all  agree  we 
have  got  to  quit  this  shooting  business  and  we  ought  to  quit  it 
right  now ;  but  while  we  all  agree  to  that,  we  are  not  agreed  that 
if  we  are  going  to  stop  shooting,  what  is  the  use  of  making  shoot- 
ing machines?  What  are  guns  good  for  if  they  are  not  to  be 
used?  What  is  the  use  of  cannon  if  thev  are  never  to  be  trained 
on  an  enemy?  What  is  the  use  of  claiming  that  the  fuss  and 
feathers  and  the  millinery  of  the  military  is  necessary  in  order  to 
enforce  the  high  behests  of  judgment,  reason  and  of  science,  in 


270 

order  to  make  good  our  hyprocritical  claim  of  being-  followers  of 
a  Prince  of  Peace  ? 

I  know  it  is  in  bad  taste  to  be  in  earnest  at  the  end  of  a  meet- 
ing. I  think  you  hoped  I  would  tell  a  story  and  get  out  of  the 
way.  I  was  trying  to  think  of  a  story  coming  up,  but  confronted 
by  this  impressive  company,  remembering  that  many  of  you  are 
not  Chicago  residents,  knowing  that  in  this  little  room  at  this 
present  time  is  represented  a  fellowship  that  reaches  from  ocean 
to  ocean,  a  fellowship  that  forgets  the  limitations  of  space  and 
sections,  I  was  knocked  down  into  the  subconscious  realms  of  my 
life  which  by  birth  and  training  is  given  to  the  pathos  of  preach- 
ing.    (Applause.) 

The  meeting  then  adjourned. 


SEVENTH  SESSION 

THIRD  ANNUAL  INTERSTATE  INTERCOL- 
LEGIATE ORATORIAL  CONTEST 

Tuesday  Afternoon,   May  4,  at  3  o'clock 

Mandel  Hall,  University  of  Chicago 

DEAN  GEO.  E.  VINCENT,  Presiding 

Prof.  Vincent  : 

On  behalf  of  the  university  I  desire  to  welcome  to  this  place 
those  who  represent  the  Peace  Congress  which  is  now  in  session 
in  this  city.  It  is  appropriate  that  a  university  should  harbor  and 
give  welcome  to  an  association  of  this  sort.  If  the  university 
stands  for  anything  it  stands  for  progressive  control  of  the  mind 
over  the  passions.  One  who  studies  higher  education  may  be  at 
times  a  little  skeptical  about  the  rapid  progress  of  this  mastery, 
but  at  any  rate  the  ideals  of  an  educational  institution  represent 
this  higher  rational  control,  not  only  of  the  individual  but  gradu- 
ally of  the  group  and  of  the  nation.  International  peace,  so  far  as 
it  is  promoted — and  it  is  hard  to  say  how  it  can  be  promoted 
otherwise  than  by  the  aid  of  individual  and  collective  intelligence 
— ought  to  be  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  is  furthered  by  the  life  of 
universities  and  colleges. 

Moreover,  scholarship  represents  one  of  these  many  inter- 
national associations  by  means  of  which  nations  are  knit  together. 
The  great  empire  of  scholarship  is  co-existent  with  all  lands  and 
with  all  climes  where  research  and  truth  and  the  ideals  of  the 
development  of  the  individual  and  of  the  community  prevail. 
So  that  on  both  these  accounts  the  University  of  Chicago  feels 
itself  favored  and  counts  it  a  privilege  to  be  able  to  have  this 
meeting  held  under  its  auspices. 

The  contest  of  this  afternoon  is  held  under  the  immediate 
charge  of  the  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association.     It  is  a  contest 

271 


272 

in  oratory  between  five  representatives  of  educational  institu- 
tions in  the  Middle  West.  On  the  program  you  have  the  names 
of  the  speakers  and  the  institutions  from  which  they  come. 

The  judges  on  this  occasion  are  President  David  Starr  Jor- 
dan, of  Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University,  Miss  Jane  Addams, 
Professor  Nathaniel  Butler,  Mr.  Jesse  A.  Baldwin  and  Mr.  Frank- 
lin H.  Head. 

The  first  contestant  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  introduce  is 
Mr,  M.  L.  Lowery,  of  Denison  University,  who  will  speak  upon 
"The  Significance  of  a  Permanent  Peace  Congress."   (Applause.) 

(Mr.  Lowery  is  now  in  Japan  and  it  has  been  impossible  to 
secure  his  manuscript  in  time  for  publication.) 

Professor  Vincent: 

The  next  speaker  is  Mr.  Levi  T.  Pennington,  of  Earlham 
College,  who  will  speak  on  "The  Evolution  of  World  Peace." 
(Applause.) 

The  Evolution  of  World  Peace 
Mr.  Levi  T.  Pennington. 

In  the  progress  of  the  world  the  dream  of  yesterday  becomes 
the  confident  hope  of  today  and  the  realized  fact  of  tomorrow. 
As  old  systems  fail  to  meet  new  conditions  and  new  ideals  they 
are  discarded,  and  into  the  limbo  of  worse  than  worthless  things 
is  passing  the  system  of  human  sacrifice  to  the  Moloch  of  inter- 
national warfare.  For  centuries  world  peace  has  been  the  dream 
of  the  poet,  the  philanthropist,  the  statesman  and  the  Christian. 
That  dream  is  becoming  a  confident  hope.  This  generation  should 
see  it  an  accomplished  fact. 

There  was  a  time  when  individual  prowess  determined  the 
issue  of  every  difiference.  Might  made  right,  and  the  winner  in 
any  controversy  was  he  who  had  the  heaviest  club,  the  strongest 
arm  or  the  thickest  skull.  Man's  inter-relationships  multiplied  as 
humanity  advanced ;  with  each  new  relation  came  new  causes  for 
quarrel;  and  for  a  time  advancing  civilization  brought  but  an 
increase  in  murders  and  assassinations. 

We  know  the  process  by  which  personal  combat  ceased ; 


^7Z 

how  the  duel  replaced  murder  and  ambush  and  assassination ; 
how  courts  of  law  replaced  the  duel.  The  dreamer  saw  the  day 
when  personal  combat  should  be  no  more ;  the  thinker  refuted  all 
the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  duel  of  men  ;  the  constructive  states- 
man of  that  early  day  instituted  courts  of  law  and  equity.  Men 
who  had  a  difference  insisted  that  it  was  their  quarrel  and  they 
alone  could  settle  it ;  but  reason  saw  that  two  combatants  inflamed 
by  passion  are  least  fitted  of  all  men  to  see  where  justice  lies. 
Many  held  that  where  honor  is  involved,  no  one  can  adjust  the 
difficulty  but  those  most  directly  concerned ;  but  reason  saw  that 
a  man's  honor  cannot  be  vindicated  by  killing  his  enemy  or  being 
killed  by  him.  Men  said,  "If  personal  combat  is  abolished,  cour- 
age and  strength  will  perish  from  the  earth."  But  reason  saw  that 
personal  combat  in  a  selfish  cause  does  not  bring  out  the  highest 
type  of  courage,  and  that  there  are  opportunities  enough  for  the 
exercise  of  the  highest  and  best  moral  and  physical  courage  to 
keep  valor  alive  forever.  It  was  finally  urged  that  there  would  be 
no  power  to  enforce  the  decree,  if  personal  differences  were  left 
to  the  adjudication  of  others;  but  reason  said,  "That  power  will 
come  with  the  need  for  it."  So  courts  of  law  and  equity  arose, 
based  on  the  need  of  humanity ;  and  when  one  man  wronged  an- 
other, that  wrong  was  settled  in  court,  by  the  power  of  the  whole 
people,  and  not  in  personal  combat  with  the  bludgeon  or  the  knife. 

For  similar  reasons  wars  between  states  and  tribes  have 
ceased ;  and  face  to  face  with  the  inevitable  logic  of  past  progress 
stands  the  world  today.  Though  humanity  has  been  slow  to  see 
it,  the  truth  has  begun  to  dawn  in  the  hearts  of  men,  that  inter- 
national wars  are  no  more  to  be  justified  than  civil  strife,  tribal 
warfare  or  personal  combat.  Gradually  the  omnipotent  power 
of  right  is  overcoming  the  inertia  of  humanity,  and  the  world  is 
moving.  One  by  one  the  awful  truths  concerning  war  are  forcing 
themselves  upon  the  consciousness  and  consciences  of  men.  The 
mighty  power  of  fact  is  beating  down  the  opposition  to  world 
peace. 

Men  have  begun  to  realize  the  terrible  cost,  the  unbelievable 
wastefulness,  of  actual  war  and  the  preparation  for  possible  war. 
When  we  read  that  the  armed  peace  of  Europe  the  past  thirty- 
seven  years  has  cost  $111,000,000,000,  nearly  as  much  ?s  the 
aggregate  value  of  all  the  resources  of  the  United  States,  the 


274 

richest  nation  on  earth,  the  figures  are  so  appalling  that  mortal 
mind  cannot  conceive  them,  and  they  lose  their  force.  When  we 
remember  that  three-fourths  of  the  national  revenues  of  the 
United  States  are  spent  on  wars  past  or  prospective,  the  matter 
comes  closer  home.  When  we  realize  that  the  cost  of  a  single 
battleship  exceeds  the  value  of  all  the  grounds  and  buildings 
of  all  the  colleges  and  universities  in  Illinois,  the  figures  have 
more  meaning  to  us.  And  when  we  reflect  that  the  cost  of  a 
single  shot  from  one  of  the  great  guns  of  that  battleship  would 
build  a  home  for  an  American  family,  a  comfortable  home  cost- 
ing $1,700,  the  common  man  realizes  that  the  richest  nation  on 
earth  cannot  afiford  to  go  to  war  nor  prepare  for  war. 

But  mere  money  is  one  of  the  cheapest  things  in  all  the 
world.  The  price  of  war  can  never  be  paid  in  gold.  Not  in 
national  treasuries  can  you  see  the  payment  of  that  price,  where 
smug,  well-groomed  politicians  sign  bonds  and  bills  of  credit. 
If  you  would  see  the  payment  of  the  price  of  war,  you  must  go 
to  the  place  of  war.  With  all  your  senses  open,  step  upon  the 
battlefield.  Smell  the  smoke  of  burning  powder,  the  reek  of 
charging  horses,  the  breath  of  fresh,  red  human  blood.  Feel  the 
warmth  of  that  blood  as  you  seek  to  stanch  the  wound  in  the 
breast  of  one  of  the  world's  bravest,  dying  for  he  knows  not 
what.  Hear  the  screams  of  the  shells,  the  booming  roar  of  the 
cannonade,  the  clash  of  the  onslaught,  the  shrieks  of  the  wounded, 
the  groans  of  the  dying,  the  last  gasp  of  him  whose  life  has 
reached  its  end.  Such  is  the  infernal  music  of  war.  See  the 
victim  of  the  conflict  reel  in  the  saddle  and  fall  headlong.  Cast 
your  eyes  on  the  mangled  forms  of  godlike  men,  fallen  in  the 
midst  of  fullest  life.  Come  in  the  night  after  the  battle,  and 
look  upon  the  ghastly  faces  upturned  in  the  moonlight.  Gaze 
on  the  windrows  of  the  dead,  Mars's  awful  harvest,  that  impov- 
erishes all  and  enriches  none — and  you  know  something  of  the 
cost  of  war. 

And  yet  we  have  seen  but  little.  Could  we  but  enter  the  wasted 
homes,  and  see  the  broken  hearts  that  war  has  made;  could  we 
go  to  the  almshouses  and  soldiers'  orphans'  homes,  and  see 
widows  and  children  by  the  thousands  suffering  the  doled-out 
charity  of  state  or  nation,  because  war  has  robbed  them  of  their 
rightful  protectors ;  could  we  but  realize  the  agony  of  the  broken 


275 

home,  a  thousandfold  worse  than  the  agony  of  the  battlefield, 
then  might  we  know  more  of  the  real  cost  of  war. 

And  still  our  idea  would  be  inadequate,  though  we  realized 
the  full  measure  of  every  groan  and  heartache.  Earth's  most 
priceless  treasures  are  still  more  intangible  things,  the  treasures 
of  justice  and  kindliness  and  love.  In  that  higher  realm  the  cost 
of  war  is  most  terrible  and  most  deadly.  The  spirit  of  war  in  the 
soldier  sets  aside  the  moral  law,  makes  human  life  seem  valueless, 
human  suffering  a  thing  to  be  disregarded,  human  slaughter  an 
honorable  profession.  The  war  spirit  perverts  the  mind  of  the 
statesman,  till  wrong  seems  right,  folly  seems  expediency  and 
the  death  of  thousands  seems  preferable  to  the  life  and  happiness 
of  all  under  terms  of  peace  not  dictated  by  his  own  will.  Justice 
is  dethroned,  and  Revenge  takes  up  the  iron  scepter  and  lets  fly 
the  thunderbolt.  The  war  spirit  perverts  the  mind  of  the  pub- 
licist, till  the  achievements  of  honorable  peace  sink  into  insignifi- 
cance, and  the  press  clamors  for  the  war  that  means  money  to 
the  publisher  but  death  to  innocent  thousands  who  can  have  no 
possible  interest  in  the  conflict.  The  war  spirit  takes  possession 
of  the  pulpit,  and  the  minister  called  to  preach  the  loving  mes- 
sage of  the  Prince  of  Peace  stirs  up  the  spirit  of  contention  and 
animosity,  of  hate  and  murder.  Could  we  but  draw  aside  the 
curtain,  and  back  of  the  tinsel  and  gold  braid  see  the  crime,  the 
hate,  the  moral  degradation  that  war  always  brings  and  leaves, 
never  again  would  a  friend  of  humanity  ask  for  war. 

The  eyes  of  the  world  are  opening  to  the  fact  that  the  cost 
of  war  is  far  too  high  in  money  and  in  men,  in  suffering  and  sac- 
rifice, and  in  those  higher  values  of  justice  and  kindliness  and 
love.  And  as  the  thought  once  grew  that  personal  differences 
might  be  settled  without  personal  combat,  so  men  are  looking 
toward  the  settlement  of  international  difficulties  without  recourse 
to  the  sword.  They  have  seen  that  every  argument  agamst  the 
duel  of  men  applies  with  still  greater  force  against  the  duel  of 
nations.  And  the  world  has  moved  farther  toward  world  peace 
in  the  past  twenty-five  years  than  in  all  the  centuries  of  history 
that  have  preceded.  World  peace  is  the  task  whose  accomplish- 
ment is  set  for  the  men  of  this  generation. 

One  by  one  the  obstacles  to  world  peace  are  being  broken 
down.    Commerce  has  destroyed  much  of  international  prejudice. 


2/6 

Community  of  interest  has  obviated  many  former  causes  of  quar- 
rel. The  sophistical  arguments  of  the  friends  of  war  are  being 
answered  by  the  logic  of  hard  facts.  Warfare  has  been  amelio- 
rated by  international  agreement.  Vast  reaches  of  territory  have 
been  neutralized.  Unfortified  cities  are  no  longer  to  be  bom- 
barded in  any  country.  Actual  disarmament  has  taken  place 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada,  between  Chile  and  Argen- 
tina. Norway  and  Sweden  have  separated  peaceably.  Bulgaria 
has  achieved  her  independence  without  bloodshed.  The  Dogger 
bank  incident,  which  a  century  earlier  would  have  plunged  Eng- 
land and  Russia  into  war,  has  been  adjusted  amicably.  Two 
Hague  Conferences  have  advanced  tremendously  the  progress  of 
international  amity.  Over  eighty  arbitration  treaties  are  now  in 
force.  We  already  have  a  permanent  high  court  of  nations, 
to  which  are  being  referred  questions  that  would  once  have 
resulted  in  certain  war.  And  we  are  nearer  than  the  dreamer  of 
the  last  century  dared  to  hope  to  "the  parliament  of  man,  the 
federation  of  the  world." 

But  not  yet  has  the  millennium  dawned.  In  the  face  of  all 
this  progress,  armies  and  navies  are  stronger  and  more  burden- 
some than  ever.  The  United  States  spends  more  on  wars  past 
and  prospective  than  for  all  educational  purposes,  and  England, 
France,  Germany,  Russia,  groan  under  the  burdens  of  the  armed 
peace  of  Europe.  Armed  to  the  teeth,  the  nations  of  the  world 
lie  watching  one  another.  The  mind  of  the  world  is  convinced 
that  war  is  futile  and  terribly  wasteful.  The  heart  of  the  world 
is  convinced  that  war  is  cruel  and  inexcusable.  The  conscience 
of  the  world  has  admitted  that  war  is  wrong,  and  morally  unjusti- 
fiable. And  still  the  preparation  for  war  goes  on,  and  unless 
conditions  are  changed  war  is  inevitable.  What  is  to  be  done? 
The  world's  will  must  be  moved,  and  men  must  be  led  to  do 
what  they  have  already  admitted  is  right  and  just  and  expedient. 

As  we  have  led  in  other  days,  so  must  America  lead  today. 
As  the  light  of  republican  government  and  complete  justice  to 
the  individual  first  saw  full  dawn  in  the  United  States,  so  the 
eyes  of  the  world  are  turned  toward  us  to  see  the  dawn  of  world 
peace,  and  full  justice  to  all  the  nations.  It  is  ours  to  lead.  The 
example  of  the  United  States  will  do  more  than  a  century  of 


2T7 

argument  and  conference.  America  should  begin  the  disarma- 
ment that  will  eventually  mean  the  triumph  of  world  peace. 

We  have  naught  to  fear.  We  are  far  distant  from  the  storm- 
centers  of  the  world.  We  have  no  foes  w'ithin  that  demand  a 
large  standing  army,  and  there  are  no  enemies  without  that  are 
anxious  to  try  conclusions  with  us  on  land  or  sea.  Then  away 
with  war  talk  and  war  scares  and  "jingoism."  In  time  of  peace 
let  us  prepare  for  peace,  that  all  the  world  may  enjoy  peace. 
American  disarmament  will  be  a  tremendous  stride  toward  the 
accomplishment  of  the  world's  desire — the  cessation  of  interna- 
tional warfare ;  a  great  world's  court,  to  settle  all  international 
differences;  an  international  police  force  to  give  effect  to  the 
decrees  of  this  court ;  and  the  end  of  the  burdens  of  armies  and 
navies  under  which  the  whole  world  is  groaning.  Let  heart  and 
voice  and  pen,  pulpit  and  press  and  platform,  soldier  and  states- 
man and  private  citizen  ask  for  peace,  and  not  for  war. 

This  is  a  part  of  the  world's  larger  hope.  Pessimists  there 
are  who  say  that  human  nature  is  belligerent,  and  that  war  will 
never  be  abolished.  But  international  warfare  has  already  seen 
the  handwriting  on  the  wall — Mars  has  been  weighed  in  the 
balance  and  found  wanting.  The  fruitless  slaughter  of  the  mil- 
lions is  not  to  be  forever  nor  for  long.  Let  us  hasten  the  day 
when  the  rolling  war  drum  will  be  hushed  forever,  the  bugle-note 
no  longer  call  to  carnage ;  when  "nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword 
against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war  any  more."  Love 
shall  take  the  place  of  Hate,  and  Justice  sit  on  the  throne  instead 
of  Greed.  Some  day  in  the  not  distant  future  the  nations  that 
have  all  these  centuries  bowed  before  the  god  of  war  shall  own 
eternal  allegiance  to  the  Prince  of  Peace.  And  "of  the  increase 
of  His  government  and  of  Peace  there  shall  be  no  end." 

Professor  Vincent: 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reynolds,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  will 
speak  upon  the  subject  of  "Justice  and  Peace."    (Applause.) 


278 

[Justice  and  Peace 

Albert  H.  Reynolds. 

Our  ideals  of  peace  are  gradually  growing  broader  and 
higher.  The  cry  of  peace  for  the  sake  of  peace,  for  the  mere 
absence  of  conflict,  is  no  longer  heeded.  The  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance  is  no  longer  seriously  considered.  The  causes  of  war 
are  no  longer  overlooked  in  the  struggle  to  make  its  effect  more 
tolerable,  and  thoughtful  men  of  today  have  looked  deeper  into 
the  real  problem  of  peace.  They  have  discovered  that  men  no 
longer  make  war  for  the  mere  love  of  bloodshed,  but  to  satisfy 
their  own  greed,  or  to  defend  themselves  against  injustice.  With 
the  conviction  that  the  spirit  of  injustice  born  of  selfishness  and 
greed  is  the  great  obstacle  to  international  peace,  the  advocates 
of  peace  have  become  champions  of  justice.  United  in  one  great 
brotherhood,  it  is  their  purpose  to  overcome  the  selfishness  and 
greed  that  lead  to  war  by  the  spirit  of  mutual  helpfulness,  and  to 
substitute  for  war  a  peaceful  means  of  settling  international  dis- 
putes. On  the  irresistible  strength  of  this  double  purpose  the 
dream  of  permanent  and  righteous  peace  must  depend  for  its  real- 
ization. In  it  there  is  the  motive  power  that  leads  to  victory,  for 
every  man  and  every  nation  with  a  patriotism  as  broad  as  human- 
ity can  cry  out  with  a  passion  equal  to  that  of  Webster,  "Justice 
and  Peace,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable." 

In  carrying  out  their  purpose  the  advocates  of  peace  direct 
their  efforts  along  two  great  channels.  One  leads  to  adjustment 
of  disputes  without  an  appeal  to  arms,  and  seeks  to  lessen  the 
horrors  of  war  when  arbitration  is  abandoned.  The  other  leads 
to  the  universal  love  of  justice,  and  seeks  to  hasten  the  reign  of 
peace  over  a  world  in  which  no  cause  for  war  can  be  found.  One 
strikes  a  blow  at  war  itself,  the  other  at  its  cause.  One  tries  to 
stop  it,  the  other  to  prevent  it.  The  former  is  often  successful, 
but  at  best  it  is  only  a  remedy.  The  absence  of  war  is  not  always 
a  condition  of  true  peace.  The  oppressor  is  often  so  powerful 
that  resistance  is  impossible  and  the  injury  to  his  victims  so  great 
that  arbitration  would  be  unjust.  This  may  be  peace,  but  such 
peace  is  worse  than  war.  "Peace  on  earth"  is  angelic  as  a  song, 
but  it  does  not  always  mean  "good-will  toward  men."    We  have 


279 

sung  and  quoted  it  too  long  with  emphasis  on  the  first  part. 
When  the  world  has  learned  the  lesson  of  "good-will  toward 
men,"  there  will  be  the  kind  of  "peace  on  earth"  that  is  linked 
eternally  with  Justice. 

Today  the  world  is  rapidly  approaching  the  goal  of  peace 
along  the  road  of  arbitration.  Greater  success  than  men  could 
reasonably  expect  has  crowned  their  efforts  to  secure  peaceful 
settlements.  Nations  have  adopted  the  court  of  arbitration  as  a 
permanent  institution  and  the  appeal  to  arms  is  already  excep- 
tional. But  there  is  evidence  that  the  world  has  neglected  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  lasting  peace  and  that  the  nations  have  failed 
to  protect  the  victims  of  injustice.  Crimes  against  humanity  that 
stagger  the  imagination  have  gone  unpunished.  Unspeakable  out- 
rages still  exist  to  blacken  the  history  of  the  twentieth  century, 
while  civilized  nations,  content  to  boast  of  arbitration  treaties  and 
temples  of  peace,  are  idle  and  indifferent.  Had  the  conscience  of 
the  nations  been  alive  to  a  sense  of  justice,  and  their  courage 
stirred  to  action,  the  world  would  now  be  much  nearer  the  true 
ideal  of  peace.  The  same  opportunities  await  us  today  and  no 
greater,  nobler  work  can  be  done  in  the  name  of  peace  than  to 
break  down  the  walls  of  selfishness  and  greed  which  shut  in  our 
sympathy  and  "let  justice  roll  down  as  waters,  and  righteousness 
as  a  mighty  stream." 

Rousseau  once  said,  "War  is  the  foulest  fiend  ever  vomited 
forth  from  the  mouth  of  hell."  But  had  he  lived  to  witness  the 
unspeakable  butchery  of  helpless  men  and  women  that  for  years 
has  been  going  on  in  the  heart  of  Africa  under  the  instigation  of 
King  Leopold,  he  must  have  said,  "Fouler  still,  by  far,  is  the 
fiend  that  crushes  out  the  life-blood  of  an  innocent  and  defenseless 
people."  This  Leopold  is  still  at  work  among  the  natives  of  the 
Congo  Basin.  He  has  stolen  their  land  and  given  it  to  private 
companies  to  be  exploited  at  their  will.  He  has  forced  them  to 
labor  incessantly  in  gathering  rubber  to  pay  impossible  revenues. 
He  has  refused  to  listen  to  their  appeals  for  justice  and  has  hired 
a  force  of  cannibal  soldiers  to  torture  and  destroy  them.  You  are 
already  familiar  with  that  tale  of  unparalleled  atrocity.  You  know 
that  the  nations  who  more  than  twenty  years  ago  entrusted  the 
welfare  of  that  helpless  people  to  the  Belgian  King,  like  spectators 
at  a  bull  fight,  have  watched  the  slaughter  for  the  last  four  years ; 


28o 

they  have  allowed  Leopold  to  give  the  Congo  Free  State  to  the 
Belgian  people  under  stipulations  which  guarantee  the  perpetua- 
tion of  his  brutal  system  of  exploitation.  And  yet  the  nations 
hesitate  to  intervene !  You  are  well  aware  that  the  most  atrocious 
crime,  the  most  damnable  cruelty,  the  foulest  treachery  of  any  age 
is  being  perpetuated  today  in  Africa.  And  yet  we  talk  of  peace ! 
We  "shut  our  eyes  against  the  painful  truth"  and  "indulge  in  illu- 
sions of  hope !"  Must  we  hear  the  groans  and  shrieks  of  dying 
men,  the  wails  of  little  children,  the  report  of  the  rifle  and  the 
crack  of  the  sentry's  lash ;  must  we  scent  the  odor  of  human  flesh 
as  the  cannibal  soldier  prepares  his  evening  meal ;  must  we  walk 
among  the  skeletons  that  lie  thick  upon  the  scene  of  a  once  peace- 
ful village,  before  we  awake  from  our  lethargy  to  restore  justice 
and  punish  the  criminal?  Is  it  peace  these  helpless  people  want? 
Somehow  it  seems  as  if  the  silent  lips  of  those  Congo  natives 
whom  death  has  granted  peace  cry  out  for  justice.  How  they 
would  fight  for  justice  if  they  were  alive!  and  how  righteous 
would  be  their  cause !  But  the  nations  remain  in  idleness.  Will 
they  never  learn  that  injustice  is  the  cause  of  war;  that  if  war 
shall  cease,  injustice  must  cease?  Will  they  never  shake  ofT 
the  selfishness  and  greed  that  blind  their  vision  and  distract  their 
sympathy,  and  act  together  in  the  cause  of  righteous  peace  whose 
end  is  always  justice?  Verily,  they  have  abandoned  the  cause  of 
suffering  humanity,  and  like  the  Priest  and  Levite  of  the  parable, 
have  looked  on  the  afflictions  of  their  neighbors,  but  have  passed 
by  on  the  other  side. 

Today  we  are  assembled  to  further  the  interests  of  worldwide 
peace.  With  one  accord  we  have  come  to  worship  at  the  shrine 
of  peace  and  lay  our  offerings  on  the  altar  of  justice.  All  that 
can  be  done,  all  that  ought  to  be  done  to  promote  this  sacred 
cause  it  is  our  duty  to  consider.  But  what  matters  it  to  us  that 
millions  of  our  brethren  in  that  portion  of  darkest  Africa,  now 
drenched  with  blood  and  rendered  hideous  with  slaughter,  are 
still  beggars  and  slaves  in  their  own  country?  What  matters  it 
that  from  every  corner  of  the  earth  the  cry  for  help,  the  cry  for 
mercy,  goes  up  unheeded?  Is  it  for  us  to  heed  the  despairing 
appeal  of  the  long-suffering  Jew,  driven  by  injustice  about  the 
earth  ?  Must  we  listen  to  the  cry  of  millions  of  Russian  peasants 
enduring  the  brutalities  of  despotism  or  the  horrors  of  exile  on  the 


28 1 

frozen  steppes  of  Siberia?  Can  we  endure  in  silence  the  unutter- 
able atrocities  practiced  by  the  Turks  upon  the  helpless  Armenian  ? 
Shall  we  be  moved  by  the  stifled  sobs  of  the  children  in  our  own 
mills  and  factories,  oppressed  by  the  unrelenting  hand  of  capital? 
If  w^e  are  true  to  our  manhood  and  to  the  holy  purposes  that 
guide  our  thoughts  and  actions,  there  is  but  one  course  for  us  to 
pursue.  We  must  intervene  by  diplomacy  if  possible,  by  force  if 
necessary.  Every  injustice  tolerated  by  the  nations  is  a  mockery 
of  peace  and  a  challenge  to  its  advocates.  When  such  horrors 
exist  in  the  broad  daylight  of  the  twentieth  century,  when  bar- 
barism breaks  loose  under  the  bright  sunlight  of  Christianity  and 
the  nations  that  trust  to  arbitration  are  guilty  of  such  destructive 
inactivity  and  awful  delay,  every  advocate  of  peace  should  hang 
his  head  in  shame.  There  are  greater  obstacles  to  surmount, 
greater  conquests  to  be  made  than  men  have  dreamed  of.  It  is 
not  so  much  the  love  of  fighting  as  the  lust  of  power  and  the 
greed  for  gold  that  we  must  overcome.  It  is  not  so  much  the 
willingness  to  arbitrate  as  the  consciousness  of  human  interdepend- 
ence embodied  in  the  spirit  of  brotherhood  that  we  must  seek  to 
cultivate.  The  eternal  demands  of  justice  challenge  the  peace- 
loving  nations  of  our  day  to  act  in  defense  of  an  outraged  human- 
ity and  stop  forever  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood.  What 
greater  conquest  in  the  name  of  peace  could  be  achieved?  Hav- 
ing labored  together  in  restoring  the  rights  and  liberties  of  down- 
trodden peoples,  the  nations  must  henceforth  be  bound  together 
by  eternal  cords  of  sympathy  and  a  common  love  of  justice. 

On  the  highest  accessible  peak  of  the  Andes  where  they  mark 
the  boundary  between  Chile  and  the  Argentine  Republic  may  be 
seen  a  colossal  statue  of  Christ.  The  words  inscribed  on  a  bronze 
tablet  at  its  base  tell  us  the  story  of  its  erection:  "Sooner  shall 
these  mountains  crumble  into  dust  than  Argentines  and  Chileans 
break  the  peace  to  which  they  have  pledged  themselves  at  the  feet 
of  Christ  the  Redeemer." 

It  is  indeed  a  fitting  memorial  of  the  day  when  the  people  of 
those  two  republics  laid  aside  the  swords,  laid  aside  all  bitter- 
ness and  distrust,  and  solemnly  pledged  their  mutual  friendship 
and  good-will.  But  it  may  be  something  more  than  a  memorial 
of  that  happy  day.  It  may  be  the  subhme  prophecy  of  other 
statues  of  Christ  that  the  future  must  unveil.     When  the  nations 


282 

acting  together  in  response  to  the  cry  for  mercy  have  arrested  the 
slaughter  of  the  Congo  natives,  proclaimed  the  liberty  of  the 
African  slave  and  atoned  for  the  monstrous  crimes  of  their 
agent  Leopold,  a  colossal  statue  of  Christ  will  commemorate  the 
return  of  Justice  to  its  divine  mission  of  peace.  With  the  dawn 
of  that  glorious  day  the  sword  of  injustice  will  be  wrenched  from 
the  oppressor's  hand,  a  tribunal  of  the  nations  will  pronounce  his 
condemnation ;  the  cruelties  of  the  "unspeakable  Turk"  will  cease 
forever;  Gentile  and  Jew,  prince  and  peasant  will  share  alike 
in  the  priceless  heritage  of  a  civilized  world.  The  Christ  of  the 
Andes  stands  as  the  emblem  of  friendship  and  good-will.  The 
Christ  of  the  Congo  will  stand  as  the  emblem  of  mercy  and  justice 
enthroned  in  the  hearts  of  the  nations.  It  will  stand  as  a  sublime 
prophecy  of  a  better  age  when  internationalism  shall  respond  to 
the  dictates  of  a  quickened  conscience  and  assume  its  responsibility 
for  the  kind  of  peace  that  only  justice  can  secure. 

Professor  Vincent  : 

The  next  speaker,  Mr.  William  Clancy,  of  Marquette  Uni- 
versity, will  speak  on  "International  Arbitration."    (Applause.) 


International  Arbitration  and  Peace 
William  Clancy 

In  treating  the  subject  of  International  Arbitration,  it  is  not 
my  intention  to  rehearse  the  horrors  and  miseries  of  war,  together 
with  its  accompanying  evils  and  deplorable  effects,  as  a  potent 
argument  for  the  abolition  of  war  and  substitution  instead  of  a 
peaceable  method  of  adjudicating  dispute  among  nations.  Rather 
it  is  my  purpose  to  bring  home  to  you  the  fact  that  our  under- 
standing of  the  undying  and  unalterable  principles  of  righteous- 
ness is  in  direct  opposition  to  the  very  idea  of  a  settlement  of 
international  controversies  by  forcible  means. 

True,  I  might  depict  to  you  the  terrors  and  ravages  of  war ; 
I  might  take  you  to  Thermopylae  and  there  show  you  Xerxes, 
arrayed  in  ranks  of  death,  a  million  able-bodied  soldiers ;  or 
again  to  the  battleground  of  Pharsalia  to  witness  Caesar  giving 
over  to  slaughter  the  flower  of  Roman  citizenship ;   I  might  point 


283 

to  the  plains  of  Austerlitz,  where  armed  Europe  met  in  that  uni- 
versal struggle  when  the  joined  chivalry  of  militant  France,  clad 
in  shining  steel,  armed  with  those  terrible  death-dealing  imple- 
ments, met  the  combined  forces  of  Austria  and  Germany ;  where 
the  bodies  of  the  unfortunate  victims  lay  in  veritable  heaps — a 
sumptuous  banquet  for  the  carrions  on  the  morrow. 

Yea,  I  might  picture  to  you  the  charge  at  Lodi,  where  the 
ravage  and  loss  of  life  was  so  horrible  that  human  flesh  formed 
a  span  across  the  seething  waters  in  the  mountains  of  death ;  I 
might  picture  to  you  the  work  of  destruction  that  is  carried 
beyond  the  battlefields  to  the  many  millions  of  homes  decimated 
and  left  desolate ;  I  might  ask  you  to  consider  the  almost  irrepara- 
ble losses  every  nation  sustains  as  a  direct  result  of  war.  I  might 
bring  before  you  statistics  and  prove  that,  not  satisfied  with  hav- 
ing spilt  a  nation's  best  blood,  the  monster  war  penetrates  into 
the  very  heart  of  both  national  and  commercial  life ;  that  the  cost 
of  war  is  steadily  progressing  and  assuming  proportions  which 
fifty  years  ago  would  have  appeared  well  nigh  incredible ;  that 
Napoleon's  war  drew  from  the  coffers  of  France  three  hundred 
million  dollars  a  year ;  that  the  Crimean  War,  although  shorter 
in  duration,  with  smaller  enlistment  of  men,  reached  the  sum  of 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  a  year ;  that  the  Civil  War 
drained  the  United  States  Treasury  of  one  billion  five  hundred 
million  dollars  a  year. 

Still,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  all  these  horrible  examples  of 
carnage  and  ruthless  forfeiture  of  life,  these  pictures  of  desolation, 
misery  and  destruction,  these  undeniable  facts  proving  the  reck- 
less expenditure,  the  enormous  cost  incurred  in  the  preparation 
and  maintenance  of  war,  never  deterred  nations  from  a  continu- 
ance of  arbitrament  by  the  sword. 

Therefore  I  shall  not  deal  in  statistics.  I  maintain  that  the 
striking  solution  of  this  great  problem  of  abolition  of  war  rests 
in  a  nation's  realization  that  in  cases  of  international  difficulties 
it  is  against  the  very  essence  of  right  to  resort  to  war,  unless  all 
other  means  of  settlement  have  been  tried  and  have  failed. 

What  is  our  unbiased  and  unprejudiced  understanding  of  the 
law  of  righteousness  ?  What  is  right  ?  What  is  the  definition  of 
right?  Right  is  an  inviolable  moral  power  belonging  to  the  indi- 
vidual, which  therefore  all  other  men  are  bound  to  respect.     It 


284 

tells  me,  and  Pagan  and  Christian  philosophy  alike  bow  to  the 
dictum,  that  I  must  do  no  more  injury  to  my  aggressor  than  will 
insure  my  own  safety. 

It  tells  me  that  I  must  not  take  my  aggressor's  life  if  my 
safety  can  be  assured  by  maiming  him.  It  tells  me  that  I  must 
not  maim  my  aggressor  if  my  life  and  property  can  be  secured  by 
other  means,  viz.,  a  court  of  justice.  This  is  the  undeniable  and 
universally  recognized  law  governing  the  individual ;  this  is  the 
binding  law  exercised  in  family  ties ;  this  is  the  indisputable  law, 
obligatory  for  states  to  obey.  And  I  maintain  that  these  princi- 
ples of  right,  dictating  to  me,  to  you  and  every  individual,  apply 
with  even  greater  cogency  to  nations.  Unlike  individuals,  who 
flare  up  and  fight  in  a  moment  of  passion,  they  coolly  take  time 
to  prepare  for  the  slaughter,  and  therefore  are  more  blameworthy 
than  individuals  suddenly  attacked  and  taken  unawares. 

A  thief  enters  my  private  abode,  intent  upon  appropriating 
my  personal  property  and  goods.  I  discover  him  in  the  act  of 
escaping.  The  law  of  righteousness  demands  that  I  have  a  right 
to  defend  my  property  even  at  the  risk  of  my  aggressor's  blood. 
The  thief  in  his  efforts  to  escape  no  longer  assumes  the  part  of 
an  aggressor  and  I  have  no  moral  right  to  take  his  life,  as  my 
safety  can  be  secured,  my  property  assured,  by  other  lawful  means 
— a  court  of  justice. 

As  with  individuals,  so  with  nations,  which  are  but  aggre- 
gations of  men.  A  government  is  no  more  required  to  do  wrong 
than  the  individual.  The  right  governing  the  individual  should 
be  the  right  guiding  the  nation.  And  therefore  one  country  dis- 
covering another  people  encroaching  upon  its  domains  has  not, 
according  to  the  principles  of  righteousness,  the  moral  power  to 
demand  the  blood  of  the  trespasser,  if  it  can  obtain  justice  by 
recourse  to  arbitration. 

Years  ago  men  of  honor  and  self-respect,  such  men  as  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  Henry  Clay,  Daniel  O'Connell,  considered  it 
honorable  and  right  to  engage  in  a  duel  to  settle  personal  con- 
troversies and  disputes.  What  a  storm  of  protest,  ridicule  and 
opposition  would  arise  on  every  side  if  statesmen  of  today,  men 
of  unquestionable  moral  standing,  men  of  integrity,  foresighted- 
ness  and  honor,  should  attempt  this  earlier  form  of  adjusting 
personal  differences !     Yet  one  would  think  that  in  instances  of 


285 

international  controversies  there  would  be  some  court  of  appeal 
other  than  the  battlefield;  one  would  think  that  nations,  mindful 
of  the  ideas  of  righteousness,  would  not  engage  in  blind  conflict 
of  force  to  establish  the  justice  and  supremacy  of  a  claim. 

Therefore  should  not  the  ridicule,  the  opposition,  the  punish- 
ment that  would  be  encountered,  were  individuals  to  settle  per- 
sonal disputes  by  the  sword,  be  applied  to  nations  who,  deplorable 
as  it  is  true,  continually  invoke  the  power  of  the  sword,  that 
mockery  of  justice,  to  settle  international  difficulites? 

Ah,  what  barbarous  recourse  for  the  adjustment  of  inter- 
national contentions !  How  repulsive  to  the  nobler  instincts  of 
mankind !  How  incontestably  at  variance  with  the  higher  ideals 
of  civilization !  That  civilization  which  teaches  man  to  put  down 
his  animal  appetites  and  obey  the  higher  dictates  of  his  reason; 
that  civilization  which  induces  a  nation  to  deal  honestly  with 
his  brother;  that  civilization  which  is  virtually  the  foundation  of 
all  government ;  that  civilization  which  impels  nations  to  smother 
within  themselves  the  fighting  spirit,  the  inclination  to  declare  war 
at  the  least  provocation. 

Go  back  to  the  cradle  of  the  human  race,  to  the  family  of  the 
first  man.  Realizing  that  in  taking  his  brother's  life  he  was  acting 
in  direct  opposition  to  the  law  of  righteousness,  Cain  slew  Abel. 
This  was  murder.  Because  of  this  act,  he  incurred  the  condemna- 
tion and  curse  of  the  infallible  Judge,  and  he  was  cast  forth  a 
wanderer  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  No  man  challenges  the 
justice  of  this  Divine  verdict. 

As  families  grew  and  multiplied  and  the  human  race  was 
divided  into  shepherd  tribes,  when  Lot  and  Abraham  pitched  their 
sheltering  tents  upon  the  sunny  pasture  fields  of  Mesopotamia, 
this  unalterable  law  of  righteousness  still  remained  binding,  and 
one  tribe,  on  the  plea  of  alleged  wrong  and  aggression  on  the 
part  of  a  neighboring  tribe,  had  not  the  moral  right  to  demand 
forfeiture  of  life  as  a  punishment  and  method  of  retaliation.  So 
when  civilization  assumed  larger  proportions  and  the  nations  of 
Babylon  and  Memphis  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile  and 
the  Euphrates,  the  binding  force  of  this  unchangeable  law  still 
remained,  strikingly,  a  necessary  concomitant  of  justice. 

Therefore,  originating  in  the  family  of  Adam,  sustaining  its 
binding  principles  in  the  later  evolution,  the  tribes  of  Lot  and 


286 

Abraham,  unaltered  in  the  affairs  of  the  nations  of  Babylon  and 
Memphis,  the  law  of  righteousness  comes  down  to  the  present 
age,  still  binding,  unchanged,  unaltered,  the  handmaid  of  Jus- 
tice, the  moral  teacher  of  the  militant  nations  of  today.  Instruct- 
ing them,  as  it  does,  that  it  is  wrong  for  an  individual  to  seek 
his  aggressor's  life  unless  his  own  safety  be  in  jeopardy,  right, 
explicitly  and  implicitly,  in  like  manner  forbids  the  nation  to 
engage  in  conflict  of  force  to  revenge  an  alleged  aggression. 

It  is  my  earnest  and  fondest  belief  that  this  age  is  ready 
for  great  achievements,  and  if  we  are  loyal  workers  in  the  cause 
of  international  arbitration  our  lot  is  cast  amid  hopeful  surround- 
ings. In  the  course  of  history  Providence  selects  one  nation  to 
be  the  guide  and  exemplar  of  humanity's  progress.  When  the 
Christian  era  opened  mighty  Rome  led  the  vanguard,  and  it  is 
my  firm  conviction  that  a  great  era,  the  like  of  which  has  never 
been  seen,  is  dawning  upon  the  horizon.  It  is  my  firm  conviction 
that  Providence  in  his  wisdom  will  choose  a  nation  to  guide  the 
destinies  of  mankind,  inculcating  into  it  the  realization  of  the 
necessity  of  application  of  the  principles  of  righteousness  and 
reason  to  national  life. 

The  chosen  nation !  I  see  her  in  my  dreams !  She  is  ever 
before  my  soul's  vision!  A  mighty  continent,  whose  shores  two 
oceans  lave,  touched  on  the  north  and  south  by  lands  of  pros- 
perity and  freedom,  inbosoming  precious  and  useful  metals,  fertile 
in  soil,  self-sustainable,  in  no  fear  of  sudden  attack  and  invasion, 
she  stands  pre-eminent,  the  teacher  of  coming  ages,  to  gather  in 
civilized  humanity,  under  the  sheltering  wings  of  Peace  and 
Prosperity.  The  nation  of  the  future!  Need  I  name  it?  Your 
hearts  quiver  loving  it ! 

"My  country,  'tis  of  thee, 
Sweet  land  of  liberty, 
Of  thee  I  sing!" 

It  is  the  United  States  of  America ! 

To  her,  I  say,  I  am  firmly  convinced,  will  be  intrusted  this 
ennobling  task.  And  rightly  so.  She  it  is,  I  believe,  shall  be  first 
and  foremost  to  expound  to  those  who  persist  in  clinging  to  war 


287 

the  truth  that  a  controversy  which  is  not  settled  according  to 
law  of  righteousness  must  necessarily  violate  the  law  of  justice, 
for  until  the  nations  of  the  world  can,  by  force  of  self-interest, 
be  surely  convinced  that  our  understanding  of  the  principles  of 
righteousness  demands  substitution  of  peaceful  arbitration  for 
the  murderous  sword,  we  can  never  hope  to  realize  a  cessation 
of  war. 

My  country,  I  hail  thee  this  day !  I  hail  thy  future  work 
and  thy  future  triumphs !  Gird  thyself  well !  Put  forth  thy 
greatest  energies !  "Our  hearts,  our  tears,  our  hopes  of  future 
years  are  all  with  thee,  are  all  with  thee !" 

And  when  the  establishment  of  peace,  the  confirmation  of  uni- 
versal friendship  is  effectuated  and  the  brotherhood  of  mankind 
and  the  increase  in  security  of  each  nation  is  realized,  the  war 
clouds  of  discontent,  suspicions  and  hatred  shall  fade,  and  then 
we  shall  behold  the  spotless  dove  of  Peace,  resplendent,  trium- 
phant, a  glorious  substitute  for  the  bloody  sword  of  war;  then 
shall  dawn  upon  the  brightened  horizon  the  era  of  God's  work- 
manship, the  era  governed  not  by  hatred,  violence  and  might,  but 
by  love,  justice  and  right — yea,  the  era  of  true  patriotism  and  true 
civilization. 

Professor  Vincent  : 

The  last  address  of  the  contest  will  be  made  by  Mr.  Harold 
P.  Flint,  of  Illinois  Wesleyan  University,  who  will  speak  upon 
"America  the  Exemplar  of  Peace."    (Applause.) 


America  the  Exemplar  of  Peace 

Harold  P.  Flint 

No  influence  is  more  powerful  than  environment.  There  will 
be  problems  to  solve  and  controversies  to  settle  so  long  as  men 
dwell  in  different  surroundings.  From  the  beginning  of  time  might 
has  made  right,  the  man  of  physical  force  has  been  master  of  all 
situations,  and  as  the  result  history  ever  revels  in  the  rich  warmth 
of  wasted  human  blood.  We  read  of  Greece,  and  see  Alexander  and 
his  campaigns ;    of  Rome,   Caesar  and  his  mighty  legions ;    of 


288 

France,  Napoleon  and  his  empire  of  steel ;  of  America,  we  see 
Washington  and  his  Yorktown,  Grant  and  his  Appomattox. 

I  would  not  stand  here  to  question  the  mighty  movements  of 
the  past.  We  all  know  the  position  defensive  warfare  has  held 
in  human  progress.  The  armies  of  the  ages  have  only  been  the 
vigils  of  necessity  guarding  human  liberty  until  it  has  spread  and 
encompassed  the  nations  of  the  world.  We  still  erect  edifices  in 
memory  of  the  great  heroes  of  war.  We  visit  those  old  battle- 
fields of  the  Southland  where  lives  have  consecrated  their  last 
measure  of  devotion,  and  there,  with  our  hearts  full  of  reverence, 
receive  a  quickened  realization  of  the  reality  of  the  awful  struggle. 
I  believe  if  ever  a  man  was  tempted  to  turn  his  face  toward  the 
blue  canopy  of  heaven  and  decry  the  existence  of  a  just  and  all- 
wise  God,  it  was  that  worn,  haggard,  torn  Confederate  soldier, 
W^ar  had  ruined  his  home,  his  friends,  his  family  and  himself; 
no  glad  hearts  to  greet  him  on  his  return,  no  helping  hands  to 
dress  his  wounds,  no  generous  government  to  open  its  pocket- 
book  for  his  support — nothing  but  ruin  and  desolation  every- 
where. Yet  we  love  our  Stars  and  Stripes  the  more  because  our 
fathers  have  dedicated  their  lives  that  those  stars  might  remain  in 
the  same  blue  field  forever.  Today  were  you  and  I  Russian  peas- 
ants struggling  under  the  despotic  heel  of  a  brutal  and  parasitic 
aristocracy,  we  would  have  one  breath  of  freedom  even  if  that 
breath  must  be  gained  standing  in  a  torrent  of  human  blood.  But 
there  is  something  deeper,  purer  and  nobler.  War  has  had  its 
just  allotment  and  we  would  not  remove  one  luster  of  its  glory. 
Today,  as  the  result  of  the  growth  of  Christianity,  nations  are 
attaining  that  state  of  unselfish  benevolence  for  which  they  long 
sought;  not  for  the  pageantry,  devastation  or  spoil  of  war,  but 
for  the  utilization  of  all  human  energy  for  the  benefit  of  man- 
kind. Thus  by  an  observation  of  facts,  in  the  study  of  American 
ideals  and  their  development,  we  must  admit  that  a  world  organ- 
ization based  upon  the  principles  of  democratic  brotherhood  as 
they  are  exemplified  in  this  our  own  peaceful  and  prosperous 
republic,  is  the  one  absolutely  sure  method  of  obtaining  universal 
conciliation. 

Every  attempt  to  trace  the  current  of  American  expansion 
must  begin  at  Plymouth.  Renouncing  the  oppressions  of  a  gov- 
ernment in  which  they  had  no  voice  and  which  was  hostile  to 


289 

their  religious  principles,  our  Puritan  forefathers  braved  the 
wilds  of  America  where  they  could  dwell  in  peace,  serving  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  conscience.  In  the  per- 
petuation of  the  other  colonies  special  inducements  were  offered 
to  immigrants.  Q)nsequently  the  Puritan  was  followed  by  the 
downtrodden  outcasts  of  every  nationality  in  Europe,  who,  aside 
from  the  desire  to  gain  a  new  start  in  life,  came  chiefly  to  escape 
the  terrible  scourge  of  war.  After  a  time  the  mother  country 
began  to  realize  the  possibilities  of  her  children  across  the  sea. 
When  she  began  to  show  the  same  disregard  for  the  rights  of 
the  colonists  that  she  manifested  when  they  renounced  citizenship 
in  the  home  land,  it  was  only  natural  that  she  should  meet  with 
serious  opposition.  The  colonists  hated  war,  but  liberty  was 
dearer  to  them  than  life.  Accordingly  they  rose  up,  and  after 
eight  long  years  of  what  General  Sherman  afterwards  appropri- 
ately called  "hell"  established  the  most  momentous  doctrine  the 
world  has  ever  known — the  right  of  men  to  themselves  and  to 
their  God-given  liberties. 

The  termination  of  that  struggle  produced  a  gigantic  gov- 
ernmental problem.  The  colonies  were  free.  They  were  sov- 
ereign in  their  relations  to  one  another  and  to  the  entire  world. 
The  confederation  was  formed  under  which  the  states  retained 
their  sovereignty  and  under  which  they  then  experienced  approxi- 
mately the  same  difficulties  in  the  regulation  of  their  affairs  that 
nations  experience  now.  These  experiences  taught  them  that  local 
prejudice  is  hostile  to  the  formation  of  any  successful  union; 
that  as  long  as  it  existed  they  would  suffer  from  constant  reverses 
in  prosperity  and  disturbance  of  peace.  After  eight  years  of 
miserable  existence,  they  recognized  the  folly  of  their  ways  and 
abandoned  forever  their  local  animosities  by  establishing  the 
Constitution. 

Today  this  nation  is  composed  of  forty-six  states,  each  a 
government  in  itself,  but  all  subjected  alike  to  a  government  of 
the  whole.  Our  states  cannot  wage  war  with  one  another ;  they 
cannot  even  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  another.  It  is  true  that 
the  great  civil  strife  occurred,  but  it  was  caused  by  a  recurrence 
of  that  old  spirit  of  local  prejudice  animated  by  a  violation  of  that 
law  of  human  right  that  man  cannot  hold  property  in  man.  But 
civil  war  between  individual  states  is  impossible  although  they 


290 

may  often  have  diverse  interests  and  antagonistic  opinions.  The 
poHtical  machinery  is  built  for  the  settlement  of  all  differences 
according  to  forms  of  justice  which  are  alike  in  all  parts  of  the 
country.  Yet  these  peaceful  and  prosperous  relations  have  not 
been  secured  by  any  direct  agreement  between  the  states  indi- 
vidually. Our  own  Illinois  has  no  industrial  or  political  treaty 
with  far-off  Texas,  nor  even  with  Indiana.  Massachusetts  has 
not  carried  fire  and  sword  into  South  Carolina  in  order  to  invest 
her  capital  there  in  cotton  manufactures.  New  Hampshire  did 
not  desolate  the  plains  of  Kansas  with  the  smoke  of  burning  homes 
and  the  slaughter  of  innocent  women  and  children  in  order  to 
secure  the  safety  of  her  investment  in  western  farm  mortgages. 
Such  disorders  cannot  take  place  because  the  states  must  recog- 
nize the  superiority  of  the  Union. 

Nations  have  today  reached  virtually  the  same  point  in  an 
organization  for  the  amicable  adjustment  of  their  differences  that 
the  American  colonies  had  reached  when  they  formed  the  Con- 
federation. There  exists  at  The  Hague  a  tribunal,  composed  of 
the  best  statesmanship  of  the  entire  civilized  world,  whose  pur- 
pose is  to  prevent  war  and  secure  international  justice  through 
parliamentary  action.  Yet,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  this  court 
has  already  substantially  proven  its  efficiency,  nations  carry  on, 
with  undiminished  zeal,  stupendous  preparations  for  war  in  times 
of  peace.  Thus  we  are  forced  to  ask  ourselves  the  question.  Is 
national  prejudice  now  a  hindrance  to  international  peace,  as 
local  prejudice  was  detrimental  to  national  peace  in  America  one 
hundred  and  twenty  years  ago? 

There  is  but  one  answer.  This  old  world  is  a  battlefield 
strewn  with  the  wrecks  of  creeds  and  of  theories,  of  governments 
and  institutions,  all  because  men  would  not  conform  to  the  divine 
law  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  fatherhood  of  God.  War, 
with  its  enormous  consumption  of  money  and  property,  its 
waste  of  human  energy,  genius  and  brains,  and  its  long  trains  of 
broken  ambitions,  broken  hopes  and  broken  hearts,  is  difficult  to 
vindicate.  It  is  the  destroyer  of  commerce,  the  ruination  of 
morality  and  the  condemner  of  God.  It  has  done  more  to  defeat 
justice  than  any  other  form  of  sin  this  world  has  ever  known. 
Through  a  blood-soaked  history  of  international  afflictions  comes 
the  long,  clear  call  for  indemnification.    Which  shall  it  be,  war  or 


291 

arbitration?  War — attempting  to  degrade  humanity?  Arbitra- 
tion— striving  to  uplift  humanity  ?  War — brute  force  and  destruc- 
tion? Arbitration — reason  and  construction?  War — ignorance 
and  disrespect  for  the  law  of  God  ?  Arbitration — intelligence  and 
reverence  for  the  teachings  of  the  Prince  of  Peace?  The  contest 
between  these  two  radically  antagonistic  principles  grows  more 
intense  as  the  days  go  by.  Let  us  be  assured  that  the  millennium 
for  which  we  plead  can  only  come  through  the  principles  of  inter- 
national justice  and  love  secured  only  by  the  elimination  of  inter- 
national prejudices. 

Therefore,  if  war  is  to  be  eradicated,  we,  the  common  people, 
who  bear  the  brunt  of  battle,  must  resolve  first  to  conquer  the 
pride  and  passion  in  our  own  lives,  for  these  are  the  two  great 
war-makers.  Secondly,  we  must  employ  every  means  at  our 
command  as  citizens  of  this  country  to  secure  the  extermination  of 
international  prejudice  by  an  application  to  the  nations  of  the 
world  of  America's  example  as  a  peaceful  and  prosperous  republic. 

Aphoristic  Emerson  said,  "As  goes  America,  so  goes  the 
world."  It  was  prophesied,  at  the  time  of  the  modern  extension 
of  printing,  that  this  nation  would  become  the  seat  of  the  most 
universal  education  and  intelligence.  This  became  true.  When 
the  Bible  was  unchained,  and  man  was  brought  face  to  face  with 
his  Maker  for  the  settlement  of  the  great  issues  of  life  and 
eternity,  it  was  said  that  this  nation  would  be  the  home  of  the 
most  universal  religion,  and  that  has  become  true.  Now  it  seems 
that  if  any  people  are  obligated  by  efficiency  to  ledd  in  the  perfec- 
tion of  this  great  organization  for  the  obliteration  of  war,  it  is 
we  of  the  United  States. 

There  are  many  conditions  that  fervently  call  us  to  this  mis- 
sion, but  only  three  may  be  mentioned  here.  First,  we  stand,  by 
the  very  composition  of  our  people,  as  the  conciliator  of  the  great 
races,  making  it  therefore  impossible  for  us  to  wage  war  against 
any  people  lest  We  do  so  against  ourselves.  Secondly,  no  other 
nation  is  so  familiar  with  the  process  of  federation  and  its  diffi- 
culties as  we.  Consider  what  a  task  it  was  to  successfully  federate 
the  original  thirteen  states.  More  than  once  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1787  was  almost  rent  asunder  because  of  the  preju- 
dices which  animated  its  constituency.  How  much  greater  then 
must  be  the  attempt  to  harmonize  the  relations  of  the  fifty  nations 


292 

'of  the  world  with  all  their  varieties  of  race,  language,  religion, 
law,  government  and  prejudice!  Thirdly,  we  are  the  greatest 
Christian  nation  in  the  world.  Christianity  destroys  the  preju- 
dices of  nationality  and  teaches  universal  love,  regardless  of  race, 
rank  or  merit.  It  warns  us  against  cruelty  by  holding  before  our 
eyes  that  simple  decree  of  the  Master — "for  inasmuch  as  ye  have 
done  it  unto  one  of  the  least  of  these  my  brethren,  ye  have  done 
it  unto  me."  ''Thou  shalt  not  kill,"  is  a  fundamental  law  of  God. 
Therefore,  it  is  a  reproach  to  the  nineteen  centuries  of  Chris- 
tianity and  ought  to  be  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  every  patriotic 
American  citizen  that  nations  still  resort  to  the  unchristian 
method  of  war  for  the  settlement  of  their  disputes.  Our  coun- 
try's policies  must  prevail — love,  justice,  manhood,  the  cardinal 
principles  upon  which  we  builded  from  the  beginning  must  per- 
meate the  political  and  social  fabric  of  all  Christendom.  This 
nation  must  teach  the  world  the  possibility  of  universal  peace 
through  its  example  as  a  harmonious  union  of  states  based  upon 
the  God-given  principle  of  the  brotherhood  of  all  men. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  speaking,  the  Chairman  said : 
"The  committee  will  now  seciire  from  the  judges  their  rat- 
ings, and  while  these  ratings  are  being  collated  and  the  decision 
reached — a  decision  wdiich  will  be  announced  by  President  Jor- 
dan— we  shall  listen  to  an  address  on  'The  Cosmopolitan  Clubs,' 
by  Mr.  Louis  P.  Lochner,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin." 
(Applause.) 

The  Cosmopolitan  Clubs 
Louis  P.  Lochner 

Internationalism  is  the  spirit  of  our  age.  In  no  sphere,  per- 
haps, is  this  more  conspicuously  true  than  in  the  scholastic  world. 
Cecil  Rhodes  has  rendered  an  inestimable  service  by  establishing 
scholarships  for  German,  American  and  colonial  students.  His 
example  was  emulated  by  the  German  Emperor,  who  instituted 
a  policy  of  exchange  professors  and  fellows.  Other  countries 
followed.  During  the  past  year  two  hundred  and  seventy  young 
Chinese  were  sent  to  the  United  States,  chiefly  upon  the  encour- 
agement of  the  imperial  government.     The  Filipino  government 


293 

annually  offers  one  hundred  scholarships.  The  number  of  stu- 
dents from  Central  and  South  American  countries  enrolled  in 
the  colleges  and  technical  schools  of  this  country  is  estimated  at 
several  thousand.  At  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  which  I  rep- 
resent, the  number  of  foreign  students  has  risen  from  seven  in 
1899  to  ninety-six  in  1909.  The  complexion  of  the  American 
student  body  is  thus  assuming  an  entirely  new  character,  and  the 
question  becomes  pertinent,  What  is  there  being  done  to  meet 
these  new  conditions?  I  believe  that  we  shall  find  a  partial  solu- 
tion of  this  problem  in  the  work  of  the  Association  of  Cosmopol- 
tan  Clubs,  whose  aims,  purposes  and  ideals  I  shall  endeavor  to 
present  to  you  tonight. 

This  association  is  composed  of  international  and  cosmopoli- 
tan students'  organizations  at  nineteen  leading  universities.  The 
total  membership  is  about  fifteen  hundred,  and  almost  sixty  coun- 
tries are  represented.  The  purpose  of  these  clubs  is  to  bring 
together  college  young  men  from  different  countries,  to  aid  and 
direct  foreign  students  coming  to  America,  to  eliminate  racial 
prejudices,  and  to  establish  international  friendships. 

That  this  movement  is  not  merely  a  passing  feature  of  Amer- 
ican college  life  may  be  seen  from  the  phenomenal  growth  of 
the  central  body  and  of  the  individual  chapters.  In  1903  there 
was  but  one  such  organization  in  existence  at  an  American  insti- 
tution of  learning — the  International  Club  of  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  having  a  membership  of  but  nineteen.  A  year  ago, 
when  the  first  annual  convention  was  held  at  Madison  and  a 
national  organization  perfected,  eight  clubs  were  in  a  flourishing 
condition  and  were  represented  by  delegates.  During  the  one 
year  of  united  work  which  followed  the  number  of  chapters  has 
been  more  than  doubled,  and  the  prospects  are  the  very  brightest 
that  soon  every  large  institution  of  learning  will  count  such  an 
organization  among  its  valuable  assets. 

The  activities  of  the  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  are  numerous  and 
varied.  Lectures  on  international  topics,  discussions  on  subjects 
of  foreign  interest,  and  occasional  social  functions  are  some  of 
the  forms  which  these  activities  take.  But  most  conspicuous  are 
the  so-called  "national  nights."  In  these  the  members  of  one 
nation,  if  possible  on  the  evening  of  their  country's  holiday, 
describe   the   history  and   institutions  of  their   fatherland,   play 


294 

music  by  their  native  composers,  project  on  the  canvas  pictures 
of  their  native  land,  and  discuss  the  relation  of  their  state  to 
other  powers.  At  times  they  also  recite  masterpieces  of  their 
country's  literature,  thus  affording  the  members  an  opportunity 
of  hearing  many  different  languages.  In  the  course  of  these 
national  nights  the  members  get  a  better  insight  into  the  mode  of 
living,  customs  and  viewpoints  of  people  of  different  race  than 
they  can  ever  gain  from  the  colored  accounts  of  travelers  in  for- 
eign lands.  This  broadening  influence  has  taught  them  to  have 
sympathy  with  their  fellowman's  religion,  however  divergent 
from  their  own,  with  his  political  opinion,  however  contrary,  with 
his  social  rank,  however  unequal,  with  his  nationality,  however 
different. 

A  significant  step  was  taken  by  the  association  at  its  second 
annual  convention  last  Christmas,  when  it  decided  upon  an  afifil- 
iation  with  the  International  Federation  of  Students  of  Europe, 
better  known  as  Corda  Fratres.  This  organization,  which  has  a 
membership  of  sixty-three  local  chapters  or  consulates  represent- 
ing fifteen  thousand  students,  aims  to  do  for  college  men  at  Euro- 
pean universities  what  the  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs 
endeavors  to  accomplish  in  America.  By  the  proposed  affiliation 
the  nineteen  chapters  of  our  association  will  join  the  sixty-three 
consulates  of  Corda  Fratres,  and  the  same  rights  and  privileges 
that  are  now  accorded  members  of  the  one  organization  will  be 
extended  to  members  of  the  other.  The  work  will  thus  be  on  an 
international  basis,  and  the  possibilities  for  effective  co-operation 
unlimited.  This  summer  an  international  convention  of  students 
will  be  held  at  The  Hague.  Members  of  Corda  Fratres  and  of 
our  association  will  then  unite  in  formulating  a  program  by  which 
the  universities  of  the  Orient  and  of  Latin  America  may  be  inter- 
ested in  the  movement.  Thus  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
we  shall  have  branch  societies  in  every  civilized  country  in  the 
world,  when  a  student  can  travel  to  what  large  university  he 
will,  and  yet  be  sure  of  meeting  sympathetic  friends,  of  finding 
men  filled  with  similar  high  ideals  of  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

The  association  is  beginning  to  assert  itself  in  other  ways. 
Recognizing  the  fact  that  the  foreign  student  is  usually  at  a  loss 
as  to  what  he  may  expect  at  American  universities,  and  what  par- 
ticular institution  will  be  best  suited  to  his  particular  needs,  the 


295 

association  recently  petitioned  the  Bureau  of  Education  to  issue 
a  pamphlet  of  information  regarding  American  universities,  to  be 
distributed  among  prospective  foreign  students  through  consuls 
and  in  whatever  other  way  practicable.  If  this  bulletin  is  issued 
— and  from  correspondence  with  the  Bureau  it  appears  that  the 
petition  is  likely  to  have  the  desired  effect — it  will  contain  a  tabu- 
lation of  such  items  as  the  cost  of  living,  tuition  fees,  entrance 
requirements,  opportunities  for  self-support,  and  special  advan- 
tages of  American  universities.  It  will  do  much  toward  adver- 
tising the  educational  facilities  of  this  country.  At  the  suggestion 
of  the  Bureau  of  Education  a  committee  of  the  association  is  now 
working  out  the  details  of  such  a  publication. 

In  order  further  to  disseminate  correct  information  concern- 
ing the  land  of  their  adoption,  many  members  in  the  association 
have  pledged  themselves  to  give  accounts  in  their  native  papers 
and  periodicals  of  American  universities  and  American  life,  thus 
removing  erroneous  impressions  which  are  prevalent  abroad  con- 
cerning this  country  and  its  educational  institutions.  What  a 
loyal  tribute  from  these  men  from  foreign  lands !  At  all  times 
they  are  willing  and  glad  to  extol  the  praises  of  our  nation  and 
its  educational  systems.  There  never  was  a  more  loyal  son  of  an 
alma  mater  than  the  foreign  student.  American  college  men  are 
at  times  prone  to  look  down  upon  the  foreigner  as  an  undesirable 
addition  to  the  university  community.  "They  are  mere  for- 
eigners— what  do  they  know?"  was  an  expression  actually  used 
by  a  group  of  students  of  an  enlightened  western  university  at 
a  recent  national  night  of  the  local  chapter — and  that,  too,  after 
they  had  listened  to  a  program  and  accepted  the  foreigners'  hos- 
pitality, extended  with  a  liberal  hand  and  a  cheerful  heart.  Amer- 
icans forget  that  they  can  learn  quite  as  much  from  the  foreigner 
as  the  foreigner  acquires  from  the  American.  Through  our  for- 
eign students  not  only  the  great  flourishing  republics  of  Latin 
America  but  also  the  venerable  and  highly  civilized  nations  of 
the  Orient  have,  in  spite  of  the  differences  which  would  mark 
them  off  from  ourselves,  been  brought  within  the  range  of  our 
sympathetic  knowledge  and  of  our  friendly  appreciation.  Con- 
sider what  an  unparalleled  opportunity  we  have  of  absorbing  the 
high  ideals  of  the  representatives  of  the  nations !  The  foreign 
student  is  here  not  merely  to  get  a  degree,  and  to  acquire  labori- 


296 

ously  from  books  written  in  a  language  not  his  own  what  he 
might  with  less  difficulty  learn  from  texts  or  translations  in  his 
mother  tongue.    He  is  here  to  give  as  well  as  to  receive ;  to  con- 
tribute his  own  knowledge  as  well  as  to  absorb  ours.    His  migra- 
tion to  a  foreign  soil  sprang  from  a  desire  to  become  a  citizen  of 
the  world.     His  patriotism  led  him  to  disregard  family  ties  and 
the  associations  of  his  youth  and  to  go  abroad  among  strange 
peoples  and  strange  nations  so  that  he  might  return  a  better  citi- 
zen and  a  more  useful  member  of  society.    The  presence  of  the 
foreigner  is  thus  a  source  of  inspiration  to  the  American.     His 
example  is  well  worth  emulating.     One  cannot  but  be  impressed 
by  his  lofty  ideals,  his  steadfastness  of  purpose,  his  broad-minded 
conception  of  his  mission.    It  is  incredible  to  think  that  we  have 
men  with  such  diversities  of  life,  creed  and  customs  in  our  midst 
without  taking  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  learn  something 
about  them,  to  form  a  first-hand  opinion,  and  to  broaden  our 
minds  and  views. 

But  the  Cosmopolitan  Club  movement  has  a  deeper  signifi- 
cance. In  the  words  of  the  well-known  secretary  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  "As  an  agency  for 
promoting  the  final  establishment  of  permanent  peace  among  the 
nations  there  is  nothing  in  the  educational  sphere  likely  to  bear 
richer  fruit."  Close  personal  contact  between  peoples  of  different 
race  is  a  necessity  in  order  that  they  may  understand  each  other. 
It  is  a  fundamental  prerequisite  to  any  movement  for  world  peace. 
National  antipathies  or  prejudices  in  a  large  part  rest  on  mutual 
ignorance.  In  the  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  young  men  from  sixty 
countries  are  brought  in  contact  with  each  other.  They  learn  to 
understand  each  other;  they  learn  to  respect  each  other;  they 
learn  to  admire  each  other ;  they  learn  to  love  each  other.  They 
cannot  help  but  carry  home  with  them  the  message  of  "peace  on 
earth,  good-will  toward  men."  The  foreign  students  are  for  the 
most  part  representatives  of  the  flower  of  their  nation,  men  com- 
ing from  the  very  best  of  families.  Many  are  sent  by  their 
governments.  They  will  occupy  positions  of  trust  and  honor  in 
their  respective  communities.  They  will  become  the  leaders  of 
public  opinion  and  even  of  the  political  spirit  and  policies  of  their 
nation.  In  proportion  as  they  are  brought  in  contact  with  their 
fellow  students  of  different  nationality,  in  proportion  as  they  learn 
to  understand  each  other,  in  proportion  as  they  realize  that  they 


297 

are,  after  all,  members  of  one  large  human  family,  and  that  war 
and  hostility  are  thoughts  unworthy  of  the  rising  generation,  will 
the  hopes  for  the  realization  of  world  peace  be  increased.  Thus 
the  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  will  join  in  rearing  upon 
foundations  already  laid  the  superstructure  of  a  world  state  in 
which  the  intelligence  and  civic  virtue  of  every  race  shall  be 
associated  for  the  common  weal  of  men.  It  will  swell  and 
strengthen  the  every  increasing  ranks  of  those  who,  not  content 
with  idle  contemplation,  are  seeking  by  conscious  endeavor  to 
bring  into  reality  the  millennium  of  Tennyson,  when — 

"The  war  drum  throbs  no  longer. 
And  the  battle-flags  are  furl'd 
In  the  parliament  of  man, 
The  federation  of  the  world." 

Professor  Vincent  : 

From  the  five  contestants,  two  are  to  be  chosen,  the  first 
honor  involving  an  honorarium  of  seventy-five  dollars  and  the 
second  honor  involving  an  honorarium  of  fifty  dollars.  The 
decision  of  the  committee  will  be  announced  by  President  Jordan. 

President  Jordan  : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  The  members  of  the  committee 
have  felt  very  much  gratified  at  their  opportunity  to  hear  these 
orations,  and  they  are  very  firmly  convinced,  after  hearing  them 
all,  in  their  opposition  to  war.  I  have  to  say  that  the  decision  is 
not  quite  unanimous,  but  it  stands  as  follows : 

For  the  second  prize,  Mr.  Harrold  P.  Flint,  of  Illinois. 
For  the  first  prize,  Mr.  Levi  T.  Pennington,  of  Indiana. 

After  the  awarding  of  the  prizes,  the  audience  was  dismissed. 


EIGHTH  SESSION 
NEXT  STEPS  IN  PEACEMAKING 

Tuesday   Evening,  May  4,  at  8  o'clock 

Orchestra  Hall 

PBESIDENT  DAVID  STAKE  JORDAN,  of  California,  Presiding 

Dr.  Jordan  : 

We  meet  tonight  to  discuss  the  next  steps  in  peacemaking, 
and  we  can  be  very  sure  that  those  next  steps  are  not  preparing 
for  war.  The  old  idea  that  "in  time  of  peace  one  should  get 
ready  for  the  next  fight"  does  not  belong  to  our  civilization. 
(Applause.)  I  have  been  told  that  a  great  navy  of  Dreadnoughts, 
great  battleships,  are  the  best  guarantee  of  peace.  It  seems  to  me 
that  if  we  have  no  better  guarantee  of  peace  than  those  great 
ships,  we  are  very  hard  up  at  this  time.  (Applause.)  I  do  not 
think  that  we  need  spend  any  money  to  amount  to  anything  in 
preparing  for  anything  that  may  come  to  us  by  way  of  attacks 
from  outside  countries,  but  if  it  should  be  necessary  I  feel  very 
sure — I  haven't  worked  it  out  entirely,  but  I  feel  very  sure  that 
for  the  cost  of  a  single  Dreadnought  we  could  insure  in  the  insur- 
ance companies  of  England,  Germany  and  France  all  our  sea- 
board towns.  And  if  those  towns  were  paid  for  in  Europe,  cer- 
tainly Europe  would  let  us  alone. 

I  have  never  been  able  to  see  why  warships  were  needed  in 
the  Atlantic,  when  there  is  no  possibility  in  any  way,  outside  per- 
haps of  the  Mediterranean,  of  there  being  any  occasion  for  the 
police  use  of  ships.  The  lanes  across  to  England  are  as  safe  as 
the  streets  of  an  ordinary  city.  It  is  proposed  to  line  them  on 
each  side  with  advertising  floats,  Jardinelli's  chocolate  and  Fairy 
soap  and  so  forth.  If  there  is  any  need  whatever  of  battleships 
at  all,  it  is  not  between  here  and  Europe,  it  is  not  between  our 
Pacific  Coast  and  Japan;  but  it  would  be  around  the  outlying 
islands,  between  India  and  Samoa  perhaps,  there  would  be  a 
possibility  of  there  being  freebooters,  if  there  were  no  means  of 
preventing  it. 

We  have  tonight  a  discussion  of  possible  steps  towards  peace, 

298 


299 

not  connected  v/ith  the  building  of  battleships,  and  for  reasons 
sufficient  unto  ourselves  the  third  address  is  to  be  given  first  and 
the  first  address  is  to  be  given  third. 

I  have  pleasure  in  presenting  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead,  of  Bos- 
ton, who  will  speak  on  "The  Arrest  in  Competitive  Arming  in 
Fidelity  to  The  Hague  Movement." 

The  Arrest  of  Armament  in  Fidelity  to  the  Hague  Spirit 

Edwin  D.  Mead. 

With  the  meeting  of  the  First  Hague  Conference  in  1899 
there  opened  a  new  era  in  the  peace  movement  and  in  human 
history.  The  reason  why  that  Conference  was  called  was  because 
the  Russian  government  felt,  and  every  government  to  which  its 
invitation  came  recognized,  that  the  burden  of  the  world's  great 
armaments,  the  cost  of  armed  peace,  had  become  so  monstrous 
and  intolerable  that  things  could  not  longer  go  on  as  they  were ; 
it  meant  universal  bankruptcy  and  ruin.  It  was  expressly  to  deal 
with  the  question  of  disarmament  that  the  First  Hague  Confer- 
ence was  called.  "A  Conference  on  Disarmament"  was  what  was 
proposed ;  that  was  the  first  official  title,  afterwards  changed  to 
that  of  the  Peace  Conference.  It  was  to  be,  "above  all,  an  inter- 
national discussion  of  the  most  efficacious  means  of  putting  a 
limit  to  the  present  progressive  development  of  armaments ;" 
and  the  commanding  necessity  of  this  limitation  was  never  stated 
more  forcibly  than  in  Count  Mouravieff's  circular  in  1898.  We 
need  to  remind  ourselves  of  his  memorable  words  more  urgently 
today  than  ten  years  ago : 

"Financial  burdens  which  are  increasing  afifect  public  pros- 
perity at  its  source.  The  intellectual  and  physical  energies  of 
peoples,  as  well  as  labor  and  capital,  are  for  the  most  part  diverted 
from  their  natural  application  and  unproductively  consumed. 
Hundreds  of  millions  are  employed  in  acquiring  frightful  engines 
of  destruction,  which  are  considered  today  as  the  acme  of  scien- 
tific invention  but  tomorrow  are  destined  to  become  valueless  in 
consequence  of  some  new  discovery  in  the  same  domain.  National 
culture,  economic  progress  and  the  production  of  wealth  are  para- 
lyzed or  warped  in  their  development.  Furthermore,  in  propor- 
tion as  the  armaments  of  each  power  increase,  they  respond  less 


300 

and  less  to  the  end  which  the  governments  had  in  view.  The 
economic  crises  due  in  a  great  measure  to  the  regime  of  arma- 
ments and  the  continual  danger  which  lies  in  this  heaping  up  of 
war  material  transform  the  armed  peace  of  our  time  into  a  crush- 
ing burden  which  peoples  find  it  harder  and  harder  to  bear.  It 
therefore  appears  evident  that  if  this  state  of  things  is  prolonged 
it  will  inevitably  lead  to  precisely  that  cataclysm  which  we  seek 
to  avert,  the  thought  of  the  horrors  of  which  causes  the  mind  to 
shudder.  To  put  an  end  to  these  incessant  armaments,  and'  to 
seek  a  means  of  averting  the  calamities  which  threaten  the  whole 
world,  is  the  supreme  duty  which  today  imposes  itself  on  all 
states." 

That  was  the  "intolerable"  situation  of  ten  years  ago.  The 
First  Hague  Conference  met.  Two  years  ago  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  met.  Both  Conferences  approached  anxiously  this 
greatest  of  the  problems  before  them.  The  First  Conference  dis- 
cussed it  seriously,  but  without  results.  The  Second  Conference 
hardly  discussed  it  at  all,  but  after  long  agony  passed  pious  reso- 
lutions upon  the  urgency  of  the  problem.  Why  did  it  not  grapple 
with  the  problem  ?  Because  of  the  conflicting  policies  and  selfish 
ambitions  of  two  great  powers,  so  uncompromising  and  irrecon- 
cilable that  to  these  the  welfare  of  the  world  had  to  be  postponed. 

Meantime  how  has  the  world  fared?  What  has  the  "intol- 
erable" burden  of  ten  years  ago  become  today?  Let  us  consider 
simply  Great  Britain,  Germany  and  the  United  States.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  go  further,  because  these  three  nations  control 
the  situation,  and  they  are  the  chief  sinners.  If  these  three 
nations  began  today  to  act,  with  reference  to  armaments,  in 
accordance  with  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  Hague  conventions, 
the  peace  and  order  of  the  world  would  be  assured  tomorrow. 

In  1898  Great  Britain  spent  on  her  navy  $124,000,000,  Ger- 
many spent  $29,000,000  and  the  United  States  spent  $50,000,000. 
Last  year  Great  Britain  spent  $170,000,000,  Germany  $83,000,- 
000  and  the  United  States  $104,000,000.  The  increase  in  pre- 
cisely the  ten  years  when  there  should  have  been  decrease  was 
enormous.  Our  own  army  expenses  last  year  were  as  great  as 
our  navy  expenses.  Our  navy  expenses  this  year  will  be  $30,000,- 
000  greater  than  last  year.  We  are  today  paying  for  expenses 
of  past  wars  and  preparations  for  possible  wars  sixty-five  per 


30I 

cent,  practically  two-thirds  of  our  total  national  revenue,  leaving 
barely  one-third  available  for  all  constructive  purposes.  What 
would  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Franklin  say  to  this?  We 
know  what  they  did  say  about  things  of  this  sort.  They  would 
say  today  that  the  Republic  was  standing  on  its  head. 

This  is  what  has  come  about  in  ten  years  in  these  three 
nations  because  the  Hague  Conference  in  1899  did  nothing  about 
the  reduction  or  arrest  of  armaments.  As  we  now  look  back,  we 
see  that  it  could  not  do  much  directly  at  that  time.  The  war 
system  of  nations  could  be  supplanted  only  by  the  gradual  devel- 
opment of  a  system  of  international  law  and  justice  to  take  its 
place.  When  the  First  Hague  Conference  created  the  Inter- 
national Tribunal  it  did  indirectly  the  most,  probably,  which  it 
could  do  in  behalf  of  the  reduction  of  armaments,  because  it 
took  a  long  step  in  furnishing  the  nations  with  such  legal  machin- 
ery for  the  settlement  of  their  differences  as  makes  recourse  to 
war  machinery  more  and  more  unnecessary  and  inexcusable.  It 
has  been  in  the  line  of  this  thought  that  the  international  lawyers 
have  had  their  hopeful  assurance.  Develop  the  legal  machinery, 
they  said,  and  the  armaments  will  perforce  crumble  of  their  own 
dead  weight. 

The  continued  and  rapid  development  during  the  decade  of 
provision  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  disputes 
has  been  something  unparalleled  in  history.  The  leaders  of  the 
movement  for  international  justice  are  sometimes  reproached  with 
being  dreamers.  The  only  trouble  with  them  in  the  last  ten  years 
has  been  that,  so  far  as  the  development  of  the  instruments  of 
international  justice  are  concerned,  they  have  not  been  able  to 
dream  daringly  enough  or  fast  enough  to  keep  up  with  the  facts. 
If  we  had  been  told  in  1899  that  we  should  see  in  the  world  today 
an  International  Tribunal,  with  half  a  dozen  cases  already  suc- 
cessfully settled  by  it,  an  International  Prize  Court  with  such  a 
code  as  that  just  agreed  upon  in  London,  a  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice  decreed  and  the  appointment  of  its  judges  a  thing  of  the 
near  future,  and  eighty  arbitration  treaties  ratified  between  dif- 
ferent pairs  of  nations  pledging  reference  to  arbitration  of  all 
disputes  not  settled  by  regular  diplomatic  negotiation  that  are 
likely  to  arise  between  them — I  say  that  if  we  had  been  told  in 
May,  1899,  when  the  First  Hague  Conference  met,  that  we  should 


302 

see  all  this  achieved  by  this  May,  1909,  we  could  none  of  us,  the 
most  optimistic  of  us,  have  believed  it.    Yet  all  this  we  see. 

What  of  it?  What  is  the  logic  of  it?  The  logic  of  it,  the 
thing  clearly  prescribed,  is  the  gradual  decrease  of  the  machinery 
for  the  settlement  of  international  differences  by  war  correspond- 
ing to  the  steady  and  now  so  wonderfully  great  increase  of  the 
machinery  for  their  settlement  by  arbitration  and  the  courts. 
This  is  perfectly  clear.  The  wayfaring  man,  though  a  fool, 
cannot  err  in  this.  And  the  wayfaring  man  does  not  err.  It  is 
so  clear  that,  seeing  the  nations  do  not  respect  the  logic,  he 
promptly  pronounces  the  Hague  conventions  waste  paper  and 
the  whole  Hague  movement  a  humbug.  In  this  he  does  err 
seriously ;  but  it  is  because  he  does  not  take  into  account  the 
extent  to  which  vested  interests,  commercial  greed,  selfish  national 
ambitions  and  the  pride  and  pervasive  influence  of  entrenched 
military  classes  hinder  straight  logical  operations.  The  sophisti- 
cated politician  is  reckoning  with  a  mass  of  premises  not  down 
in  the  books  of  the  plain  people. 

The  plain  people  are  right  on  the  main  point.  The  failure 
to  decrease  the  machinery  of  war  as  we  increase  the  machinery  of 
law,  above  all  the  actual  enormous  increase  of  armaments  at  such 
a  time  by  the  very  nations  party  to  the  Hague  conventions,  is 
rank  infidelity  to  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  those  conventions.  One 
thing  alone  could  justify  or  excuse  it — some  obvious  new  danger. 
Is  there  any  such  new  danger  ?  We  need  not  now  meddle  with 
other  people's  affairs.  How  is  it  with  ourselves?  Our  increase 
in  naval  armament  in  these  ten  years  has  been  something  por- 
tentous. No  nation  has  a  worse  record ;  perhaps  no  other  has 
so  bad  a  record,  since  we,  unlike  England  and  Germany,  have  no 
provocation  or  excuse.  We  have  no  jealous  neighbors,  no  great 
merchant  marine  to  guard,  no  concern  about  food  supply,  no 
exposure  to  invasion  or  attack — we  are  in  no  danger  whatever 
if  we  behave  ourselves.  There  is  none  from  Europe;  there  is 
none  from  Asia — the  periodic  trumped-up  visions  of  Japanese 
armies  advancing  through  the  mountains  upon  Salt  Lake  are 
worthy  only  of  the  type  of  Englishmen  whom  Cobden  dealt  with 
in  his  "Three  Panics"  and  who  are  thrilled  by  Du  Maurier's 
cheap  melodrama.  At  this  very  time  Japan  is  cutting  down  her 
naval  budget  while  we  are  pushing  up  ours.    And  South  Amer- 


303 

ica — she  needs  our  help  no  more.  Ten  years  ago  our  loudest 
apology  for  battleships  was  that  they  might  be  needed  down  there 
in  behalf  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  to  stop  some  despotism  in  col- 
lecting debts.  But  the  last  Hague  Conference  made  all  that  forci- 
ble collecting  of  debts  henceforth  illegal  and  impossible,  removing 
at  one  stroke  half  of  our  hitherto  professed  occasion  for  a  big 
navy.  Does  all  this  have  any  effect  on  the  Navy  League  or  on 
the  people  at  Washington  who  settle  these  things?  Not  the 
slightest.  Why?  Because  the  plain  people  are  asleep  and  have 
not  spoken. 

The  plain  people  read  the  newspapers.  They  have  plenty  of 
opportunities  to  know  what  the  positive  damages  are  which  our 
own  present  naval  excesses  are  doing  to  other  peoples.  They 
know  what  impulse  they  have  given  to  similar  furore  in  South 
America  and  in  Australia ;  they  know  that  they  have  furnished 
arguments  in  the  French  Senate  for  the  increase  of  the  French 
navy ;  they  know  what  bitter  disappointment  and  setback  the}' 
have  given  to  the  brave  champions  of  international  reason  and 
justice  in  every  European  nation,  working  at  such  terrible  odds 
against  the  appalling  and  increasing  burdens  there.  Mr.  Birrell, 
of  the  British  ministry,  spoke  for  all  that  is  enlightened  in 
Europe  when  he  exclaimed  concerning  the  "words  of  doom," 
as  he  called  them,  in  the  section  of  Mr.  Taft's  inaugural  relating 
to  this  subject:  "They  have  shattered  some  of  the  best  hopes 
of  humanity.  It  is  a  miserable  pity,  it  is  a  miserable  pity  that 
these  hopes  should  be  shattered  and  that  we  now  have  to  deal 
with  the  United  States  as  a  fully  equipped  military  and  naval 
nation."  He  might  have  added  that  the  most  pitiful  fact  of  all 
is  the  fact  that  in  the  present  year  the  United  States,  hitherto 
boasting  that  it  but  followed  the  lead  of  England  and  Germany  in 
building  Dreadnoughts,  and  that  its  anxiety  was  to  limit  the  size 
of  battleships,  now  takes  the  lead  in  building  larger  ships  than 
any  now  existing,  thus  forcing  up  the  standard  for  all  nations. 

That  an  English  minister,  a  conspicuous  friend  of  America, 
should  have  to  speak  a  word  like  that  of  Mr.  Birrell  about  us 
today  seems  the  veriest  irony  as  we  hark  back  thirty  years  to  a 
speech  about  us  by  John  Bright,  our  most  eloquent  English  friend 
of  the  last  generation.  It  was  exactly  thirty  years  ago,  on  a 
Fourth  of  July,  our  natal  day,  that  in  a  powerful   speech  in 


304 

Parliament,  arraigning  the  great  and  growing  burden  of  Euro- 
pean armaments,  with  the  mounting  debts  and  drain  on  national 
resources,  John  Bright  turned  to  the  United  States  to  point  out 
the  contrast:  "She  has  practically  no  army  nor  navy,  her  war 
debt  is  now  insignificant,  her  taxation  is  light,  her  resources  are 
exhaustless,  her  people  are  prosperous  and  contented.  How 
Europe,  handicapped  by  its  present  burdens,  can  expect  long  to 
compete  successfully  with  her  in  industry  and  trade  is  hard  to 
imagine.  If  she  perseveres  in  her  present  wise  and  noble  policy 
for  twenty  years,  she  will  force  Europe  to  disarm  in  sheer  indus- 
trial self-protection."  This  is  the  advantage — advantage  to  our- 
selves, advantage  as  a  friend  and  servant  of  the  nations  of  Europe 
— that  we  have  recklessly  thrown  away;  we  have  come  down  to 
their  level  instead  of  lifting  them  to  ours.  Sir  Edward  Grey, 
the  English  Foreign  Secretary,  in  a  debate  in  Parliament  just  a 
month  ago,  said  truly  that  the  vastness  of  the  present  expenditure 
on  armaments  is  a  satire  on  civilization,  and  if  it  continues  must 
lead  Europe  into  bankruptcy ;  and  he  added  no  less  truly  that 
nations  which  are  preparing  themselves  at  the  present  rate  to 
protect  themselves  from  possible  outside  attack  may  be  preparing 
themselves  for  internal  troubles  of  the  most  disastrous  and  radical 
kind. 

No  Englishman  foresaw  all  this  more  clearly  than  Glad- 
stone, the  great  statesman  who  by  his  part  in  the  Geneva  arbitra- 
tion with  ourselves,  the  most  important  arbitration  case  in  his- 
tory, did  so  much  to  prove  that  there  are  no  matters  of  "honor" 
or  "vital  interest"  so  grave  that  two  great  and  self-respecting 
nations  cannot  afford  to  settle  them  peaceably  rather  than  go  to 
war  about  them.  It  was  because  Gladstone  refused  to  be  identi- 
fied with  or  responsible  for  the  new  policy  of  greater  armaments 
into  which  England  was  advancing — let  us  never  forget  this 
great  fact  in  his  great  career — that  he  finally  retired  from 
public  life. 

I  say  the  plain  people  read  the  newspapers.  They  therefore 
know  that  any  respectability  or  plausibility  that  ever  attached  to 
the  silly  contention  that  the  way  to  promote  peace  is  to  prepare 
for  war  has  been  effectually  disposed  of  by  the  present  situation 
between  England  and  Germany,  in  their  mad  race  in  building 
rival  battleships.     So  far  from  each  new  Dreadnought  proving 


305 

an  added  bond  of  security  and  peace,  according-  to  the  theory, 
each  one  on  either  side  proves  a  new  menace,  a  new  source  of 
suspicion,  enmity  and  danger.  So  it  is  everywhere  and  always. 
Nations  are  like  men.  The  unarmed  gentleman  is  safe ;  the  cow- 
boy with  his  pockets  full  of  pistols  is  always  in  danger.  The 
present  question  is.  How  soon  will  the  nations  act  like  gentle- 
men, in  mutual  trust,  and  so  be  safe? 

The  plain  people  read  the  newspapers ;  and  so  they  have 
read  frequently  that  it  is  a  great  thing  to  have  big  navies  to 
send  about  the  world,  because  they  elicit  tumultuous  expressions 
of  friendship  and  affection  from  all  sorts  of  people,  in  Rio  Janeiro 
and  Tokio  and  elsewhere,  and  so  add  to  the  fraternity  as  well 
as  the  gayety  of  nations.  Well,  they  have  not  forgotten  that  one 
simple  American  statesman  named  Elihu  Root  elicited  vastly 
more  impressive  expressions  of  friendship  in  every  South  Ameri- 
can capital,  and  accomplished  things  of  a  vastly  more  constructive 
character,  than  all  the  sixteen  noisy  battleships  that  by  and  by 
followed  him.  And  they  wonder  why,  since  Japan  by  her  over- 
whelming demonstration  so  unansweringly  proved  her  friendship, 
it  was  or  is  so  necessary  as  the  jingoes  prate  to  display  great 
squadrons  to  keep  her  well  scared  into  good  behavior.  It  was 
not  battleships  that  Tokio  was  welcoming  so  tumultuously  the 
other  day ;  it  was  Americans.  Had  it  been  a  single  ship,  without 
a  single  gun,  bearing  the  duly  accredited  American  emissary  of 
good  will  named  Elihu  Root,  or  named  Jacob  Dickinson,  it  would 
have  been  just  the  same.  Indeed  it  would  have  been  much  better 
— and  I  suggest  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  Chicago  Association  of 
Commerce  and  other  chambers  of  commerce  that,  like  all  policies 
of  the  gentleman  as  over  against  the  policies  of  the  cowboy  in 
national  affairs  which  we  are  here  considering,  it  would  have 
been  vastly  cheaper. 

Just  before  I  left  Boston  I  read  in  a  Chicago  newspaper  an 
account  of  a  banquet  given  by  your  Association  of  Commerce 
in  honor  of  two  visiting  commissioners  of  the  Japanese  Interna- 
tional Exposition;  and  I  was  much  impressed  by  a  word  spoken 
at  that  banquet  by  Mr.  Harlow  Higinbotham,  of  your  city.  "I 
would  rather,"  said  Mr.  Higinbotham,  "send  sixteen  members  of 
this  association  around  the  world,  advancing  the  condition  of  this 
country,  than  twice  that  number  of  warships,  as  a  peace  measure. 


3o6 

The  effect  would  be  more  salutary.     What  we  want  is  more 
exposition  and  less  warships." 

Well,  that  is  what  I  call  statesmanship.  I  wish  that  Mr. 
Higinbotham  were  in  Congress.  He  has  stated  precisely  the  issue 
of  the  hour — friendship  versus  battleship.  Which  does  true 
statesmanship  prescribe?  Which  ship  does  America  wish  to  float 
— statesmanship,  friendship,  or  the  battleship?  The  Hague  con- 
ventions, in  their  whole  spirit  and  purpose,  command  the  one; 
the  old  Adam  of  false  patriotism  and  national  greed  and  pride 
will  struggle  to  thwart  that  purpose  to  the  last.  There  can  be 
but  one  issue,  for  this  is  a  world  of  growing  reason  and  human- 
ity; but  it  is  for  the  reasonable  men  of  this  safe  and  strong 
republic  to  lead  the  world  in  hastening  the  era  of  justice.  We 
must  be  unremitting  in  pushing  to  farther  perfection  the  legal 
machinery.  We  must  insist  upon  arbitration  treaties  so  broad  as 
to  pledge  reference  to  The  Hague  of  every  dispute  w^hatever  not 
settled  by  regular  diplomatic  negotiation — thus  leaving  no  loop- 
hole for  the  mischief-maker's  talk  about  "vital  interests"  and 
"honor."  But  we  must  face  the  fact  that  our  chief  problem  now 
is  a  moral  one.  All  the  conventions  in  the  world  are  good  for 
nothing  unless  the  parties  to  them  are  in  earnest  unless  they 
trust  each  other,  unless  they  seek  together  to  translate  the  spirit 
of  their  conventions  into  life.  The  implication  and  imperative 
of  the  Hague  conventions  are  clear;  the  question  of  how  and 
when  we  shall  respect  them  is  now  a  question  of  national  char- 
acter. 

The  Chairman  : 

Some  time  ago  I  had  a  letter  from  a  friend  in  Boston  who 
was  very  much  worried  lest  the  advent  of  the  fleet  in  San  Fran- 
cisco was  going  to  stir  up  the  trades  union  people  and  other 
people  in  San  Francisco  and  cause  them  to  make  attacks  upon 
the  Japanese.  I  thought  that  that  would  not  be  one  of  the  forms 
which  the  armament  agitation  would  assume,  and  I  was  quite 
sure  of  that,  for  when  the  great  white  pageant  of  ships  in  San 
Francisco  Bay  took  place  the  trades  union  people  were  just  as 
happy  over  the  arrival  of  the  ships  as  anybody  else,  and  the 
Japanese  were  shouting  "Banzai"  and  other  things  without  any 
display  of  enmity  whatever,  because  there  was  no  enmity  except 


307 

the  enmity  that  poHticians  and  some  newspapers  tried  to  stir  up 
for  their  own  purposes.  The  people  were  all  anxious  to  see  the 
ships.  It  was  a  mixture  of  curiosity  and  statesmanship,  and  the 
trades  union  people  and  all  other  people  had  the  same  feeling  at 
that  time.  The  irritation  of  armaments  comes  from  those  who 
have  the  armaments  and  want  to  use  them  on  something.  They 
are  not  satisfied  to  shoot  cannon  balls  that  cost  probably  three 
hundred  dollars  at  rocks  in  Magdalena  Bay.  They  want  to  hit 
something,  to  see  it  wiggle.  We  had  an  example  of  irritation 
of  this  kind  in  Samoa  some  years  ago.  You  may  remember  that 
an  American  battleship  and  a  British  ship  lay  in  that  harbor 
and  had  nothing  to  do,  while  Dewey  and  his  ships  were  having 
glory  over  in  the  Philippines.  Finally  the  American  and  English 
battleships  shelled  the  town  of  Apia,  and  the  matter  finally  went 
up  for  arbitration  to  Europe.  These  two  great  nations,  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  were  compelled  by  the  Court  of 
Arbitration  to  pay  for  all  the  damages  inflicted  by  them.  They 
were  treated,  in  fact,  just  as  any  other  marauder  would  have 
been  treated.  They  simply  presented  their  case,  paid  their  bill 
and  went  home,  sadder  and  more  or  less  wiser,  and  they  would 
have  been  wiser  still  if  the  newspapers  had  exploited  it.  I  haven't 
seen  as  much  anywhere  as  I  have  said  tonight. 

I  do  not  mean  to  present  the  next  speaker.     There  is  only 
one  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  and  he  is  in  Chicago. 


Armaments  as  Irritants 

Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones 

"A  fig  tree  looking  upon  figs  becomes  fruitful,"  says  the 
Arabian  proverb.  "The  sheep  thirsteth  whenever  it  sees  water," 
says  the  Welsh  proverb.  "A  soft  answer  turneth  away  wrath, 
but  a  grievous  word  stirreth  up  anger,"  says  the  Hebrew  proverb. 
"Like  produces  like"  is  a  fundamental  axiom  of  science.  The 
Greek  matron  haunted  the  places  of  noble  statuary,  spent  hours 
in  contemplating  the  benign  features  and  manly  proportions  of 
Apollo  as  carved  out  of  spotless  marble  by  the  chisel  of  the 
master,  that  her  unborn  child  might  take  on  the  matchless  form 
and  the  perfect  countenance. 


3o8 

This  fundamental  law  of  psychology  is  as  true  of  communi- 
ties as  of  individuals.  It  is  as  easily  verified  in  the  experiences 
of  a  nation  as  in  those  of  a  youth.  No  more  surely  does  the 
blood  spilled  upon  the  pasture  madden  the  bullocks  until  they 
gore  one  another  to  death  than  does  the  violent  word  and  the 
initial  blow  put  murder  into  the  heart  of  the  incipient  mob.  Every 
seed  of  violence  breeds  violence. 

"There  is  not  a  crime  wrung  upon  the  counters  of  this  world 
But  takes  its  proper  change  out  still  in  crime. 
Let  sinners  look  to  it," 

says  Mrs.  Browning.  His  life  is  most  in  jeopardy  on  our  streets 
who  carries  a  loaded  pistol  in  his  hip  pocket ;  not  only,  as  is  amply 
proven  by  statistics,  because  the  overwhelming  probabilities  are 
that  when  that  pistol  goes  ofif  it  will  go  off  at  the  wrong  time, 
in  the  wrong  place,  and  hit  the  wrong  person,  but  because  it  is 
the  provocation  that  will  draw  the  other  pistol  out  of  that  other 
side  pocket  that  will  go  off  at  the  wrong  time,  in  the  wrong 
place,  and  wound  the  wrong  person. 

As  with  individuals,  so  with  nations.  Every  cannon  inspires 
another  cannon ;  every  shot  belched  forth  from  its  unholy  lips  is 
an  appeal  to  barbarism,  a  call  of  the  brute  that  inspires  the  brutal. 
The  roar  of  the  cannon,  like  the  surly  growl  of  a  bull  dog,  sets 
all  the  kennel  a  snarling. 

I  am  but  hinting  at  an  unquestioned  law  of  psychology;  a 
principle  verified  over  and  over  again  in  the  home,  in  the  church 
and  in  the  state ;  a  principle  established  in  the  experience  of 
every  wise  parent,  teacher  and  ruler.  With  the  retirement  of  the 
rod  the  discipline  of  the  school  has  improved;  by  the  reduction 
of  capital  offenses  the  morality  of  the  community  has  been  in- 
creased. When  stealing  was  punished  by  hanging,  thefts  were 
more  numerous.  When  the  lash  was  taken  from  the  foreman's 
hand,  the  output  of  labor  was  increased. 

Only  in  the  realms  of  national  administration,  in  the  so- 
called  "departments  of  war,"  is  this  principle  defied  and  the 
counter-statement  glorified  and  applied  with  an  ever  increasing 
expenditure  of  capital,  time,  labor  and  intelligence. 

It  is  not  true  that  the  perfection  of  weapons  and  the  increase 


309 

of  armament  has  reduced  the  perplexities,  the  atrocities  or  the 
devastations  of  war.  Quite  the  contrary  is  true.  Every  con- 
tribution of  science  to  the  arsenals  of  the  world,  from  gunpowder 
to  Maxim  guns,  has  been  inflammation  to  the  imagination,  aggra- 
vation to  the  nerves  political,  a  debauchery  of  the  sober  reason 
and  the  sound  judgment  that  has  contributed  to  what,  in  the 
polite  phrase  of  diplomacy,  we  call  the  "war  spirit" — patriotism, 
chivalry,  loyalty  to  a  flag  or  sensitiveness  to  the  honor  of  a 
country — which,  in  plainer  English,  in  the  unvarnished  terms 
of  ethics,  is  simply  the  spirit  of  barbarism,  the  brute  in  man 
forging  to  the  front,  the  bully  supplanting  the  philosopher;  the 
pugilist  crowding  out  the  prophet,  the  captain  supplanting  the 
statesman.  The  appeal  of  the  one  is  to  might;  that  of  the  other 
is  to  right.  The  sword,  however  daintily  chased,  and  however 
polished  the  Damascus  blade  may  be,  is  but  an  extension  of  the 
fang,  as  the  bayonet  is  a  human  appropriation  of  the  claw  and 
the  musket  a  scientific  refinement,  an  increased  malignity  of  the, 
club.  Every  increase  of  armament  is  a  confession  of  moral  weak- 
ness, an  admission  of  faithlessness  in  the  right,  a  distrust  of  the 
potency  of  mind  and  the  conquering  power  of  love ;  consequently 
an  appeal  to  might,  which,  however  expressed  in  armored  ships, 
smokeless  powder  and  Krupp  guns  that  can  send  their  screeching 
messengers  of  death  flying  through  fourteen  miles  of  space, 
charged  with  death,  terrible,  unrelenting,  undiscriminating  death, 
all  the  way,  is  but  the  tiger  in  the  man  asserting  itself  over  the 
angel.  Anger,  hatred,  vengeance  and  the  fell  brood  of  harpies 
that  follow  in  their  wake  are  incubated  in  the  hatching  beds  of 
fortresses  or  stowed  away  in  the  bunkers  of  battleships,  and  no 
burnishing  of  weapons,  garlanding  of  masts,  polishing  of  gun- 
wales or  embellishing  of  uniforms  with  gold  lace,  brass  buttons 
and  ostrich  plumes  will  make  them  anything  other  than  imple- 
ments of  butchery,  human  butchery,  butchery  by  order,  butchery 
all  the  same,  and  all  the  more  inexcusable  because  entered  upon 
by  order  of  kings,  presidents,  parliaments  and  congresses. 

It  is  time  to  dispel  the  illusion  of  the  war  office.  It  is  time 
that  presidents,  kings,  czars  and  kaisers  should  learn  what  every 
nursery  maid  and  kindergartner  already  knows — that  persuasion 
is  better  than  intimidation ;  an  ounce  of  argument  is  better  than 
a  pound  of  terror.    One  woman  with  a  swill  pail  will  lead  twelve 


3IO 

pigs  into  a  sty  in  less  time  than  twelve  men  with  whips,  stones 
and  clubs  can  drive  one  pig  into  the  same  sty.  The  farmer  no 
longer  breeds  long  horns  in  his  herd  for  the  sake  of  peace 
in  the  barnyard.  Rather  does  he  dehorn  the  herd  of  their 
superfluous  appendage,  necessary  for  the  preservation  of 
life  to  the  primitive  wild  herd,  but  a  menace  to  the  life  of  the 
civilized  cow,  a  constant  source  of  waste  to  the  keeper  of  the  herd. 

While  the  horns  remain,  survivals  of  an  ancient  regime,  a 
menacing  reminiscence  of  a  lower,  outgrown  order  of  life,  like 
the  vermiform  appendix  in  the  human  body,  the  political  economy 
of  the  barnyard  can  never  be  other  than  that  of  a  strained  "armed 
neutrality"  at  best.  The  best  that  can  be  achieved  under  such 
conditions  is  an  uncertain  balance  of  power,  where  comparative 
peace  reigns  until  some  wayward  steer,  on  some  slight  provoca- 
tion that  could  not  be  anticipated,  begins  to  hook;  then  there  is 
hooking  all  along  the  line ;  terror  reigns  in  the  barnyard  and  not 
the  wickedest,  but  the  weakest  receives  the  death  blow  and  the 
innocent  expiates  with  its  dying  breath  the  insolent  lawlessness 
of  the  aggressive  stag  whose  credentials  to  primacy  lie  in  the 
strength  of  his  horns,  the  arrogance  of  his  claim  and  the  beefiness 
of  his  bulk. 

The  political  economy  of  the  barnyard  holds  true  in  the 
navy  yards  of  the  world.  There  is  one  psychology  for  bulls  and 
for  armies.  Oh,  how  much  longer  will  sensible  men,  representa- 
tives of  civilized  governments,  and  oftentimes  would-be  follow- 
ers of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  preachers  of  righteousness,  represent- 
atives of  religion,  flatter  themselves  that  in  multiplying  the  en- 
ginery of  war  they  are  advancing  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth? 
They  little  understand  human  nature  who  think  that  it  is  made 
of  such  craven  stuff  that  it  can  be  frightened  out  of  war,  scared 
into  peace.  They  reckon  not  with  history  who  think  that  pru- 
dential reasons  of  costliness,  of  expense,  can  hold  in  check  the 
rising  blood  or  turn  aside  the  arrogant.  Human  nature  is  made 
of  too  plucky  a  stufif,  it  is  too  full  of  reckless  adventure,  thank 
heaven,  to  be  browbeaten  or  to  mistake  cowardice,  cravenness 
and  greed  for  brotherhood,  righteousness,  progress,  which  alone 
are  the  incentives  as  well  as  the  rewards  of  peace.  Hobson's 
achievement  in  Santiago  Bay  is  a  cheap  type  of  heroism ;  "Tommy 


311 

Atkins,"  the  degenerate  English  soldier,  is  equal  to  that  kind  of 
thing. 

But  the  modern  armament,  particularly  of  the  United  States, 
irritates  chiefly  not  the  belligerent  spirit  but  rather  the  competi- 
tive. Our  remoteness  from  all  possible  foreign  enemies,  the 
pacific  nature  of  our  history,  the  confidence  based  on  the  inex- 
haustible resources  of  our  country,  the  intelligence  of  our  people, 
the  ease  and  safety  with  which  we  have  preserved  the  longest 
international  line  on  the  globe,  reaching  from  Quebec  to  Van- 
couver, without  ever  a  fortress  or  a  battalion  to  guard  the  same, 
makes  any  real  apprehension  of  danger  from  abroad  almost  an 
absurdity.  One  must  indeed  be  deeply  immersed  in  the  techni- 
calities of  the  war  office  and  the  maps  of  the  navy  department 
before  he  can  take  such  a  remote  possibility  very  seriously. 

But  armaments  irritate  our  pride.  Not  jingo,  but  buncombe 
inflames  our  imaginations  and  makes  fools  of  our  legislators.  The 
psychology  of  our  naval  recklessness  is  paralleled  by  the  football 
craze  of  our  universities,  where  we  see  shrewd  trustees,  stately 
dons  and  sage  professors  lavishing  90  per  cent  of  their  athletic 
funds  on  perhaps  9  per  cent  of  their  student  body,  and  in  periodic 
fits  of  madness  abandoning  their  robes  and  their  sanity  and  spend- 
ing hours  on  the  exposed  "bleachers"  in  inclement  weather,  ren- 
dering themselves  hoarse  over  not  the  nine  brainiest  or  the  nine 
noblest,  but  the  nine  beefiest  representatives  of  that  institution  of 
learning ;  not  because  these  things  contribute  to  the  sanity  of  the 
university;  either  of  body  or  of  mind  (even  college  professors 
and  trustees  know  too  much  to  be  caught  in  such  foolishness), 
but  because  they  want  to  win ;  they  want  to  be  first  in  the  race ; 
they  want  to  beat.  If  they  win  they  shout  themselves  hoarse  over 
the  discomfort  of  their  rivals,  and  if  they  are  beaten  they  go 
away  with  sullen  determination  to  strain  more  points,  spend 
more  money,  dive  deeper  into  the  diabolism  of  rivalry,  in  order 
to  regain  their  lost  honor,  recover  the  captured  banner. 

"Did  Pete  Smith  accomplish  that  great  feat  you  tell  me  of?" 

"Yes,  indeed ;  he  did  it  gloriously !" 

"Then  I'll  be  bound  I'll  have  to  overlook  his  English  and  let 
him  pass." 

This  is  what  I  overheard  in  the  confidences  of  a  little  group 
of  professors  who  sat  at  luncheon  after  a  great  field  day. 


312 

This  suggests  one  of  the  real  irritants  that  go  with  arma- 
ment. Even  our  President  pleads  for  a  "respectable"  army,  by 
which  I  suppose  he  means  one  commensurate  in  size  with  our 
wealth  and  position.  Talk  of  the  United  States  having  "risen 
to  be  a  world  power !"  It  has  fallen  into  the  base  competition, 
yielded  to  the  insidious  pride  of  parade.  Even  now  the  capital 
"P"  that  belongs  to  the  United  States  among  the  powerful  na- 
tions, measured  by  its  armament,  must  be  written  very  small. 
In  printer's  phrase,  we  must  put  the  "p"  in  small  caps. 

Some  enterprising  journal  has  recently  shown  the  relative 
military  strength  of  the  powers  of  Europe  by  drawing  the  typ- 
ical soldier  to  a  mathematical  scale.  In  this  line  the  Russian 
soldier  towers  above  the  rest,  a  mighty  giant.  Next  to  him  stands 
the  German  soldier,  a  lusty  companion.  Away  off  at  one  end 
stands  the  little  American  soldier,  a  Tomb  Thumb  in  the  line.  I 
pity  the  American  who  is  so  un-American  as  to  blush  over  this 
diminutive  Yankee  soldier.  The  true  American  glories  in  the 
insignificance  of  his  army,  rejoices  in  the  fact  that  small  as  he  is, 
he  is  a  superfluity.  For  the  nation  that  rests  in  intelligence, 
whose  rule  is  of,  by  and  for  the  people,  is  its  own  soldiery,  and  is 
ready  for  any  emergency. 

But  more  than  the  competitive  irritant,  let  us  sadly  confess 
that  the  charm  of  the  army  and  the  pride  of  the  navy  practically 
rest  in  the  still  more  humiliating  psychology  that  is  best  revealed 
in  the  show  windows  of  the  milliner.  Strip  the  army  of  its  fuss 
and  feathers,  supplant  the  brass  buttons  with  hooks  and  eyes, 
tear  off  the  gold  lace,  clothe  the  private  soldier  in  blue  jeans  and 
the  ofiicers  in  plain  cut-away  business  suits  of  neutral  colors,  and 
you  instantly  make  a  standing  army  in  time  of  peace  impossible, 
congressional  committees  would  promptly  cut  down  their  appro- 
priations, and  if  appropriations  were  made  the  number  of  foolish 
young  men  who  would  be  attracted  from  the  more  stimulating 
walks  of  civil  life  would  become  hopelessly  small,  and  the  num- 
ber of  foolish  young  women  who  would  shower  the  same  with 
bouquets  and  kisses  would  be  hopefully  reduced  in  the  same  pro- 
portion. 

Much  of  the  army  regulation  of  all  nations,  consciously  or 
unconsciously,  rests  upon  the  psychology  of  the  peacock.  When 
a  soldier  is  to  be  degraded  they  cut  off  his  buttons ;  if  an  officer  is 


313 

to  be  humiliated  he  is  deprived  of  his  sash,  belt  and  sword.  It  is 
probable  that  the  philosophic  historian,  writing  from  an  adequate 
distance  of  the  decline  and  death  of  the  standing-  army  in  England 
and  the  attendant  growth  of  English  power  and  leadership,  will 
date  it  from  the  time  when  the  red  coat  was  supplanted  by  the 
khaki,  for  the  added  danger  springing  from  its  conspicuousness 
was  more  than  compensated  by  its  irritating  power,  on  lines  that 
the  philosopher  draws  from  the  strut  of  the  turkey  gobbler  in  the 
barnyard  to  the  wild,  extravagant  display  of  Easter  bonnets  in 
Christian  churches. 

Do  not  suspect  me  of  dealing  either  in  extravagant  rhetoric 
or  humorous  illustration ;  I  deal  with  the  cold,  hard  realities ;  I 
appeal  to  the  scientist  rather  than  to  the  poet  in  this  argument; 
I  hint  at  facts  which  only  the  philosopher,  the  psychologist,  the 
economist,  disciplined  to  rigid  lines  of  thought,  have  a  right  to 
challenge  or  are  prepared  to  adequately  estimate.  My  contention 
is  that  armaments  serve  as  irritants  on  belligerent,  competitive 
and  display  lines.  They  tend  to  make  nations  more  belligerent, 
increase  their  sense  of  rivalry  and  contribute  to  the  primal  love 
of  show,  the  barbaric  passion  for  ornamentation.  To  increase  our 
armament  in  order  to  enhance  our  security  is  a  vain  hope,  for 
if  we  add  four  Dreadnoughts  to  our  navy  this  year,  England  will 
add  eight  and  Germany  sixteen ;  even  little  Japan  will  match  us 
the  year  following.  When  the  inspirations  of  fear  end,  then  the 
inspiration  of  competition,  the  desire  to  keep  up  with  the  pro- 
cession, to  make  a  respectable  showing  on  the  fields  of  Mars, 
enters  into  the  committee  rooms  and  debauches  the  council  cham- 
bers, even  of  republics. 

I  have  read  in  a  book  written  by  a  Confederate  officer  and 
published  in  the  South,  that  when  General  Stephen  D.  Lee,  than 
whom  no  more  fearless  or  loyal  son  of  the  South  ever  drew 
sword,  was  asked  why  the  officers  of  the  Confederacy  so  per- 
sisted in  the  hopeless  and  cruel  contention  after  every  shadow  of 
a  chance  for  ultimate  victory  was  gone,  he  replied  promptly: 
"Because  the  women  of  the  South  would  not  let  us  stop." 

If  there  are  any  corners  in  the  South  still  unreconstructed,  if 
there  lurks  in  any  heart  still  a  feeling  of  bitterness  and  a  wild 
hope  that  somehow  the  mad  attempt  to  break  the  Union  will  be 
vindicated  and  the  tables  turned,  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  fond 


314 

hearts  of  that  enthusiastic  order  known  as  "The  Daughters  of 
the  Confederacy."  These  dear  sisters,  vahant  as  they  are,  do 
not  exceed  their  brothers  and  their  fathers  in  courage  and  loyahy 
to  an  ideal,  but  there  are  some  things  that  their  fathers  and 
brothers  learned  that  they  can  never  know.  The  men  have 
learned  the  debauching  side  of  war,  the  futility  of  trying  to  solve 
ethical  questions  by  physical  force.  They  have  learned  what  the 
sisters  and  daughters  cannot  learn — that  valor  on  the  field  of 
battle  is  easy  and  cheap  compared  with  the  higher  demands  of 
peace.  Once  perhaps  in  far-ofif  mediaeval  days  chivalry  and 
knighthood,  as  interpreted  in  terms  of  intelligence  and  morality, 
needed  the  sword  and  did  carry  the  bayonet,  but  that  time  has 
gone  by.  Brother  Burdette  notwithstanding,  it  does  not  take 
much  of  a  fellow  to  make  a  good  soldier  nowadays.  The  private 
in  the  British  army  cannot  hope  to  find  a  more  sympathetic  or 
intelligent  champion  than  Rudyard  Kipling,  and  his  "Tommy 
Atkins"  is  a  degenerate. 

President  Roosevelt's  administration  found  it  hard  to  find 
"Jackies"  enough  to  man  their  new  battleships ;  and  desertion, 
both  on  land  and  sea,  is  a  real  problem  w^hich  baffles  the  depart- 
ments at  Washington.  A  thousand  "Jackies"  were  reported  to 
have  deserted  the  navy  on  the  Pacific  slope  during  the  humiliat- 
ing junketings  at  those  ports.  For  no  wonder — drunkenness  and 
licentiousness  represented  the  entertainment  extended  to  the 
enlisted  men,  and  more  than  one  commissioned  officer  had  to  be 
shielded  from  his  indiscretions  for  the  honor  of  the  buttons.  The 
savage  has  in  the  past  proven  and  may  again  prove  an  equal  to 
the  civilized  man  on  the  low  levels  of  the  battlefield,  as  our  strug- 
gles with  the  Indians  and  England's  sad  experience  in  heathen 
lands  indicate. 

"So  'ere's  to  you,  Fuzzy-Wuzzy,  at  your  'ome  in  the  Soudan ; 
You're  a  pore  benighted  'eathen,  but  a  first-class  fightin'  man ; 
An'  'ere's  to  you,  Fuzzy-Wuzzy,  with  your  'ayrick  'ead  of  'air — 
You  big  black  boundin'  beggar — but  you  broke  a  British  square!" 

Others  will  speak  at  this  Congress  of  the  waste  of  money 
and  the  atrocities  of  battle,  but  not  dollars  nor  yet  quivering 
nerves  and  rivers  of  blood  represent  the  ultimate  burden  of  the 


315 

army  and  the  final  argument  against  militarism,  the  horrible  logic 
of  selfishness  involved  in  war,  the  subordination  of  jurisprudence, 
science  and  religion  to  the  clamor  of  the  barbarian.  I  have  some 
right  to  speak  for  the  soldier,  for  three  precious  years  of  my  life 
were  spent  under  orders  as  a  private  in  the  noblest  army  that 
ever  was  gathered,  doing  service  for  the  highest  cause  for  which 
ever  an  army  was  marshaled — the  cause  of  the  slave,  the  rights 
of  a  despised  race,  and  still,  under  such  exalted  circumstances,  I 
must  bear  witness  to  the  degradation,  the  spiritual  contamination, 
the  intellectual  indolence,  the  vulgarity  of  speech,  the  filthiness 
of  imagination,  the  fell  harpies  of  sensualism,  profanity,  gambling 
and  inebriety  that  in  one  way  or  another  brought  forth  their 
kind  here  as  always  in  the  camps  of  war. 

The  student  of  history  knows  that  every  great  war  has  been 
followed  by  some  form  of  moral  pestilence,  spiritual  degradation, 
the  malignity  of  which  is  beyond  computation.  No  one  knows 
this  better  than  the  soldier  himself.  Napoleon,  the  greatest  captain 
of  modern  times,  said,  "War  is  the  trade  of  barbarians."  Said 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  "There  is  nothing  more  horrible  than 
victory  except  defeat."  Said  our  own  Sherman,  "Gentlemen,  you 
think  that  war  is  all  glory ;  I  tell  you  it  is  all  hell !" 

Severe  as  was  the  strain  upon  our  national  life  from  1861 
to  1865,  it  was  not  so  severe  as  the  strain  of  corrupt  politics, 
rampant  greed  and  low  commercialism  that  followed  that  war 
as  the  direct  result  of  that  recklessness  and  lawlessness  that  belong 
to  war. 

It  is  useless,  then,  to  hope  that  war  will  put  an  end  to  itself ; 
that  guns  can  be  silenced  by  the  manufacture  of  more  guns. 
Lecky  has  said  that  all  the  wars  of  the  last  thousand  years  have 
either  been  in  the  interest  of  the  gods,  trade,  or  something  called 
"honor."  In  other  words,  modern  wars  have  been  inspired  either 
by  religious,  economic  or  patriotic  ends.  More  religion  and  a 
better  appreciation  of  economic  laws,  and  a  truer  patriotism  alone 
will  end  war. 

Emerson  quotes  the  good  Christian  Cavendish,  who  wrote 
in  1588: 

"It  hath  pleased  Almighty  God  to  suflFer  me  to  circumpass 
the  whole  globe  of  the  earth.  I  have  discovered  rich  places  of 
the  world  which  were  never  discovered  by  Christians.     I  navi- 


3i6 

gated  along  the  coasts  of  Chili,  Peru  and  New  Spain,  where  I 
made  great  spoils.  I  burned  and  sunk  nineteen  sails  of  ships, 
large,  small  and  great.  All  the  towns  and  villages  I  ever  landed 
at  I  burned  and  spoiled." 

All  this  he  did  under  the  "sanction  and  to  the  glory  of  God 
Almighty,"  as  he  thought. 

I  hope  we  are  through  dedicating  fields  to  religion  or  dis- 
tributing Bibles  at  the  cannon's  mouth,  shooting  the  gospel  into 
lonely  islands. 

The  financiers  of  the  world  are  beginning  to  have  a  realizing 
sense  of  the  wastefulness  of  war.  The  great  inspiration  of  the 
warrior  is  still  his  "flag,"  something  he  calls  the  "honor"  of  his 
country.  It  ought  to  be  the  mission  of  this  body  to  show  that 
there  is  no  sanctity  in  a  piece  of  bunting  when  it  floats  over  a 
wrong  or  when  it  ceases  to  represent  the  ideal.  Political  conceit 
and  national  self-glorification  is  an  indignity  to  the  nation. 

George  Eliot  was  right  when  she  characterized  such  patriot- 
ism as  "The  virtue  of  narrow  minds." 

He  disgraces  his  country  and  is  treasonable  to  its  highest 
interests  and  truest  glory  who  nourishes  in  his  heart  a  hate 
against  any  child  of  the  living  God,  or  who  lives  and  dies  under 
the  mad  delusion  that  the  God  of  the  Universe  delights  in  his 
narrowness  and  glories  in  his  prejudices. 

What  are  we  going  to  do  about  it  ?  Enter  upon  a  campaign 
of  education.  Begin  with  our  children  to  instill  in  them  an  abid- 
ing faith  in  the  power  of  ideas,  the  supremacy  of  things  noble. 
Study  with  them  the  awful  and  truthful  pictures  of  battle  in 
Carlyle's  "Sartor  Resartus,"  Book  II.,  Chapter  VIII.  Read 
Emerson's  great  essay  on  war  where  he  says : 

"War  is  an  epidemic  of  insanity.  *  *  *  The  excitement 
demanded  by  idle  and  vacant  minds.  *  *  *  War  is  on  its 
last  legs.  Universal  peace  is  as  sure  as  the  triumph  of  liberal 
government  over  feudal  forms." 

Let  our  college  classes  and  women's  clubs,  even  if  our  legis- 
lators are  too  busy,  study  Channing's  mighty  deliverances,  clear 
with  argument  and  hot  with  righteous  indignatioii ;  Henry 
George's  "Law  of  Human  Progress,"  Chapter  III.,  Book  X,  in 
his  "Progress  and  Poverty;"  Charles  Sumner's  "True  Grandeur 
of  Nations;"  John  Fiske's  "Destiny  of  Man;"  let  us  not  forget 


317 

one  of  the  great  world  philosophers,  Emanuel  Kant,  who  wrote 
the  best  peace  tract  of  his  century,  "Perpetual  Peace;"  let  us 
consult  our  poets — Longfellow,  Lowell,  Whittier — then  doubt  if 
we  can  that  Victor  Hugo  was  right  when  he  said — 

"The  time  is  coming  when  the  cannon  will  be  found  only 
in  our  museums,  and  they  will  be  studied  with  as  much  curiosity 
as  now  we  study  the  rack,  the  wheel  and  the  instruments  of 
mediaeval  torture." 

Yes,  it  is  coming.    Why  not  believe  that  it  is  coming  now  ? 

"If  there  is  to  be  war,"  said  Captain  Parker  on  the  Lexing- 
ton Green,  "let  it  begin  here."  In  his  name  and  as  his  loyal 
representatives,  let  us  say.  If  war  is  to  cease,  let  peace  begin 
here  and  now.  Too  tardy  has  the  United  States  been  in  this 
mission.  It  was  laggard  at  the  Geneva  Congress  that  made  the 
wounded  man  international  and  neutralized  the  surgeon  and  the 
ambulance.  The  picture  of  our  Senate  refusing  to  close  a  benefi- 
cent treaty  between  England  and  the  United  States  that  would 
make  its  tribunals  permanent  is  at  least  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
many  of  us.  Our  country  appeared  tardily  at  the  First  Hague 
Conference  and  it  appeared  there  with  red  hands  and  shamefaced, 
with  its  "It  won't  work,"  and  "They  don't  mean  it!"  What  if 
they  don't  mean  it  ?    Let  us  mean  it ;  let  us  make  it  work. 

Oh,  but  this  is  "sentiment!"  "emotion!"  "impractical  human- 
itarianism!"  Has  it  come  to  this,  friends,  that  this  nation 
must  curb  its  highest  inspiration,  split  its  vision,  qualify  its  con- 
victions, in  order  to  command  the  respect  of  its  neighbors?  Has 
it  come  to  this,  that  we  must  reason  out  of  the  baser  side  of  our 
lives,  survey  the  shorter  line  of  expediency,  in  order  to  be 
regarded  practical?  Is  that  alone  practical  that  compounds  with 
felony  and  murder?  If  so,  let  us  plead  guilty  to  the  soft  impeach- 
ment and  believe  with  George  Eliot  that  "Sentiment  is  the  better 
part  of  the  world's  valor."  Friends,  the  principles  of  heaven  are 
none  too  good  for  earth. 

As  for  myself,  I  would  say,  call  me  traitor,  let  sect,  party 
and  country  disown  me,  only  so  that  in  some  way  I  may  deserve 
the  right  to  the  title  of  "philanthropist,"  the  lover  of  man,  and  I 
will  be  content.  I  will  still  be  a  humble  member  of  the  church 
of  Abou  Ben  Adam,  a  citizen  of  the  world,  a  voter  in  the  federa- 


3i8 

tion  of  humanity,  where  war  and  lawlessness,  an  indignity  offered 
to  the  least  in  this  federation  of  man,  is  treason  to  all. 

I  believe  the  redeeming  power  of  the  bullet  and  the  bayonet 
are  gone,  I  would  convert  every  great  battleship  in  the  world 
into  a  university,  and  there  is  money  enough  in  any  one  of  them 
to  make  a  noble  foundation;  I  would  dismantle,  if  I  could,  the 
grim  fortresses  of  the  world  and  remand  to  the  fields  the  supple 
youths  who  now  people  them. 

Every  peasant  left  in  the  field  is  now  compelled  to  carry  on 
his  back  as  a  dead  weight,  not  the  one  soldier  of  the  old  computa- 
tion, but  two  soldiers,  while  he  hoes  the  corn,  trims  the  vine  and 
directs  the  lathe. 

The  history  of  our  country  has  shown  that  many  who  won 
honor  with  the  bayonet  have  won  dishonor  with  the  ballot.  We 
must  rise  to  this  higher  history;  believe  in  the  universal  brother- 
hood, the  divine  in  every  man  and  the  sacred  right  of  every  soul. 
It  was  the  cross  and  not  the  sword  that  Constantine  saw  in  the 
heavens,  by  which  sign  Europe  was  conquered.  The  widest 
known,  perhaps  the  best  beloved  man  on  the  footstool  today 
bears  no  crowns,  wears  no  epaulettes,  directs  no  railroads.  He 
is  rather  the  peasant  prince  who  has  been  foolish  enough  to  take 
Jesus  at  his  word  and  who  believes  that  the  Golden  Rule  is  work- 
able— Lyof  Tolstoy,  in  far-off  Russia.  Perhaps  the  head  that 
wears  the  most  regal  crown  in  the  estimation  of  the  world  today 
is  the  little  Queen  of  Holland,  who  invited  to  her  palace  city  the 
nations  of  the  world  in  the  service  of  Peace. 

Let  him,  then,  who  would  honor  his  flag  rim  it  with  white. 
Its  center  may  well  represent  his  chosen  nation,  but  its  circum- 
ference will  stand  for  humanity.  He  can  love  his  own  country 
only  when  he  loves  all  its  boundaries,  when  he  recognizes  that  it 
is  but  a  noble  fragment  of  a  greater  and  a  nobler  whole — the 
world. 

"Our  stars  and  our  stripes  are  now  bordered  with  white. 
To  justice  and  peace  all  the  nations  inviting. 

'Tis  the  emblem  of  love  giving  might  to  the  right, 
All  the  races  and  creeds  in  truth's  service  uniting. 

Not  by  powder  and  ball,  but  through  love's  louder  call 

Will  the  merciful  banner  yet  wave  o'er  us  all. 


319 

O  the  white-bordered  banner  in  beauty  shall  wave 
O'er  the  lands  and  the  seas,  all  God's  children  to  save ! 

"Then  conquer  we  must,  for  our  cause  it  is  just. 
And  this  be  our  motto,  'In  God  is  our  trust !' 

O  the  white-bordered  banner  in  beauty  shall  wave 
O'er  the  lands  and  the  seas,  all  God's  children  to  save !" 

(Dr.  W.  W.  Hinshaw  then  rendered  the  song  "Danny 
Deever,"  which  was  received  with  enthusiastic  applause  from  the 
audience  and  the  delegates.) 

(The  Chairman  then  stated  that  it  had  been  suggested  that 
Dr.  Hinshaw  also  sing  the  song  entitled  "Illinois,"  which  was 
rendered  by  Dr.  Hinshaw,  the  audience  joining  in  the  chorus.) 

The  Chairman  : 

When  we  take  steps  toward  bringing  peace  somebody  has 
to  do  the  work,  and  I  wish  to  present  to  you  one  of  the  men  who 
has  done  a  very  large  part  of  the  work  in  this  direction  in  our 
country,  Mr.  Edwin  Ginn,  of  Boston. 

Outline  of  the  International  School  of   Peace 

Edwin  Ginn,  of  Boston 

Although  man  has  been  obliged  to  fight  from  the  beginning, 
yet  through  the  development  of  ages  he  has  risen  in  a  large  meas- 
ure above  the  necessity  of  fighting.  Formerly  the  lord  had  his 
castle  upon  a  spur  of  the  mountain  for  defense  against  the  law- 
less and  against  his  enemies.  This  custom  was  extended  and 
they  would  signal  each  to  the  other  when  danger  threatened. 
Later  it  was  found  to  be  cheaper  and  better  to  settle  in  a  town 
and  to  build  around  it  high  walls  which  could  not  be  scaled.  But 
the  walled-town  stage  has  long  since  passed,  and  we  have  now 
reached  a  state  of  development  where  physical  force  within  each 
nation  is  applied  only  as  a  police  force  to  restrain  the  vicious 
and  turbulent. 

But  as  between  nations  the  earlier  conditions  still  prevail, 
and  they  still  act  toward  each  other  as  barbarians.  They  are 
suffering  from  fear  and  distrust  of  each  other,  almost  wholly 
unwarranted.  In  fact,  each  individual  nation  wishes  to  be  undis- 
turbed in  the  peaceful  development  of  its  own  resources.   Rarely 


320 

does  one  nation  desire  a  conflict  with  another  nation  or  to  en- 
croach upon  the  territory  of  another.  Each  one  wishes  to  hve 
in  harmony  with  the  others.  Yet  our  boundary  Hnes  are  bristHng 
with  cannon,  the  seas  are  ahve  with  battleships  and  the  tramp  of 
the  soldier  is  heard  the  world  over.  And  for  what  purpose?  It 
is  not  to  curb  the  turbulent  and  vicious.  It  is  because  of  a 
groundless  fear  of  attack  from  sister  nations.  Such  attacks  are 
not  really  contemplated  and  ought  not  to  be  expected. 

It  follows  that  this  enormous  expense  for  armies,  this  taxa- 
tion that  is  draining  every  year  billions  from  the  treasuries  of  the 
people  and  bringing  want,  sickness,  suffering  and  death  to  multi- 
tudes, is  wholly  unnecessary;  and  the  problem  of  international 
peace  is  how  to  set  in  motion  forces  which  will  end  this  frightful 
waste  and  destruction.  I  believe  that  this  result  can  be  accom- 
plished by  appealing  to  the  enlightened  selfishness  of  mankind  and 
by  setting  in  motion  educational  forces,  which  will  show  the  folly 
of  the  present  status,  and  will  also  remove  the  fear  and  suspicion 
which  are  the  main  causes  of  our  present  wasteful  expenditures 
for  armies  and  navies. 

It  is  our  desire  to  establish  a  fund  that  shall  be  so  used  as 
to  cause  the  nations  to  see  that  there  is  a  fully  adequate  substitute 
for  their  present  armies  and  navies ;  so  used  as  to  educate  the 
nations  to  a  better  knowledge  of  each  other,  to  have  more  trust 
in  each  other;  so  used  as  to  make  the  people  of  each  nation  feel 
that  other  nations  are  on  the  same  level  and  as  worthy  of  con- 
fidence as  themselves. 

But  no  substantial  progress  can  be  made  if  the  effort  runs 
directly  counter  to  the  present  tendency  of  thought  and  action. 
We  must  adapt  our  reform  movement  to  the  tendencies  of  the 
time,  moving  along  the  line  of  least  resistance.  The  idea  of 
force  cannot  at  once  be  eradicated.  It  is  useless  to  believe  that 
the  nations  can  be  persuaded  to  disband  their  present  armies  and 
dismantle  their  present  navies,  trusting  in  each  other  or  in  the 
Hague  Tribunal  to  settle  any  possible  differences  between  them, 
unless,  first,  some  substitute  for  the  present  force  is  provided 
and  demonstrated  by  experience  to  be  adequate  to  protect  the 
rights,  dignity  and  territory  of  the  respective  nations.  The  idea 
which  underlies  the  embryonic  international  supreme  court  which 
we  now  have  in  the  Hague  Tribunal  is  fundamentally  good ;  but 


321 

the  movement  is  not  yet  far  enough  advanced  so  that  the  nations 
can  be  persuaded  to  disarm  and  rest  for  security  upon  the  deci- 
sions of  a  court  having  its  hmited  jurisdiction  and  no  power  to 
enforce  its  decisions.  My  own  belief  is  that  the  idea  which 
underHes  the  movement  for  the  Hague  Court  can  be  developed 
so  that  the  nations  can  be  persuaded  each  to  contribute  a  small 
percentage  of  their  military  forces  at  sea  and  on  land  to  an  inter- 
national guard  or  police  force.  Five  per  cent  of  the  present  forces 
would  probably  be  found  sufficient.  If  this  is  too  small  certainly 
ID  per  cent  of  the  present  armaments  would  be  fully  adequate  to 
protect  all  the  nations  in  their  rights  and  to  prevent  any  disorder 
or  turbulence.  This  plan  involves  no  marked  and  revolutionary 
change  in  the  present  methods ;  puts  no  additional  burdens  of 
taxation  upon  the  people ;  but  if  tried,  it  will  make  the  futility  and 
waste  of  the  present  method  so  obvious  that  disarmament  will 
naturally  and  inevitably  follow,  just  as  disarmament  among 
individuals  follows  upon  the  institution  and  maintenance  of  an 
adequate  police  force.  When  the  nations  see,  as  I  think  they 
will,  that  this  international  police  force  is  ample  to  ensure  them 
all  their  rights,  they  will  be  unwilling  to  bear  the  present  exces- 
sive burdens  for  armament,  and  disarmament,  or  at  least  nine- 
tenths  of  it,  will  come  as  a  natural  and  inevitable  result  of  a  per- 
ception of  the  obvious  uselessness  of  armament. 

But  the  important  point  to  have  in  mind  is  that  all  successful 
reform  movements  achieve  their  success  by  offering  a  reasonable 
and  adequate  substitute  for  the  erroneous  existing  system.  Such 
a  substitute  is  found,  it  seems  to  me,  in  this  suggestion.  The 
benefits  which  would  accrue  to  the  nations  and  to  the  people  from 
such  a  result  are  hard  to  exaggerate.  There  would  no  longer  be 
need  of  any  grinding  poverty  in  the  land.  If  the  people  were 
freed  from  the  present  war  expenditure,  every  man,  woman  and 
child  could  live  in  comfort  and  have  an  opportunity  for  a  good 
education ;  hospitals,  schools,  and  churches  could  be  erected 
wherever  there  was  occasion ;  swamps  and  unhealthy  parts  of  the 
surface  of  the  earth  could  be  drained,  and  highways  built  to  con- 
nect every  habitable  part  of  the  globe;  railroads,  rivers,  and 
canals  could  furnish  transportation  for  the  whole  world. 

War  and  the  threat  and  fear  of  war  constitute  today  an 
economic  scourge  of  almost  inconceivable  magnitude.     Armies 


322 

are  not  a  protection  against  war;  they  are  the  cause  of  war. 
Every  battleship  launched  is  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 
We  shall  never  have  peace  until  we  bring  about  disarmament.  I 
reject  utterly  the  argument  that  large  standing  armies  and  navies 
make  for  the  peace  of  the  nations.  We  all  know  that,  in  a  bar- 
baric or  half-civilized  state  of  society,  most  individuals  go  armed, 
and  that  quarrels,  maimings  and  murders  are  multiplied  in  con- 
sequence. To  make  peace  in  the  community  we  prevent  individu- 
als from  carrying  arms  intended  for  the  slaughter  or  injury  of 
their  fellow  beings.  The  armed  are  rarely  the  peaceful.  Pre- 
cisely so  with  the  nations.  The  unarmed  nation  is  the  really 
peaceful  nation. 

The  plan  which  I  would  follow  is  somewhat  as  follows : 
(i)  There  should  be  established  in  corporate  form  an  Inter- 
national School  of  Peace.  Such  a  corporation  would  be  a  per- 
manent legal  machinery  for  receiving  and  disbursing  contribu- 
tions and  bequests ;  for  it  is  an  important  part  of  my  purpose  and 
hope  that  the  fund  which  I  have  provided  for  should  be  but  the 
nucleus  and  beginning  of  a  great  endowment  contributed  by 
others  and  perhaps  by  governments  themselves,  to  forward  this 
great  cause. 

(2)  This  International  School  of  Peace,  whether  incorpor- 
ated or  not  incorporated,  should  have  a  president,  secretary,  treas- 
urer and  board  of  managers  or  directors,  making  up  an  executive 
committee,  and  xonstituted  of  men  who  are  known  for  their 
soundness  of  judgment  as  well  as  for  their  devotion  to  the  public 
welfare.  An  Advisory  Council,  consisting  of  men  eminent  in  the 
peace  movement  and  arbitration  cause,  might  well  be  constituted. 

(3)  There  should  be  a  Bureau  of  Education  which  should 
attempt  to  modify  the  courses  of  study  in  our  schools,  colleges 
and  universities  by  eliminating  the  use  of  such  literature  and 
history  as  tend  unduly  to  inculcate  the  military  spirit  and  to 
exaggerate  the  achievements  of  war.  Too  much  of  our  history 
is  now  devoted  to  accounts  of  battles  and  to  the  exploits  of  war 
heroes ;  too  little  respect  and  attention  are  directed  to  the  unsel- 
fish and  self-sacrificing  lives  of  thousands  of  noble  men  and 
women  who  have  striven  and  achieved  mightily  for  the  benefit  of 
the  race  in  the  fields  of  peace. 

The  teachers  in  our  schools,  academies  and  colleges  should 


323 

be  interested  in  this  movement  and  trained  to  see  its  importance. 

International  exchange  of  teachers  and  students,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  ideas  which  underhe  the  Rhodes  Scholarships  and 
the  recent  exchange  of  professors  between  Germany  and  America, 
should  be  further  extended,  even  among  the  teachers  of  our  public 
schools.  Such  interchange  of  students  and  of  teaching  service 
tends  to  break  down  the  absurd  and  unintelligent  prejudices  which 
have  hitherto  existed,  to  a  considerable  degree  even  in  our  school- 
rooms, as  to  the  relations  and  feelings  of  the  people  of  one  race 
or  nation  to  the  people  of  another  race  or  nation. 

Social  intercourse  among  the  educators  of  different  nations 
should  be  extended  in  every  possible  way.  "Stranger"  and 
"enemy"  always  have  been  nearly,  if  not  quite,  synonymous 
terms. 

The  circulation  of  such  books  as  have  already  been  pub- 
lished under  the  name  of  "The  International  Library"  should  be 
favored  and  advanced  in  every  possible  way,  and  the  publication 
and  circulation  of  other  books  having  an  analogous  purpose  and 
tendency  should  be  encouraged. 

So,  also,  should  the  co-operation  of  the  clergy  be  obtained. 
They  should  be  interested  in  the  peace  movement  and  induced  to 
preach  upon  the  various  aspects  of  the  movement  and  to  work 
among  their  parishioners,  so  that  they  may  make  their  pulpits 
and  lives  a  real  power  for  "peace  on  earth  and  good  will  towards 
men."  The  theological  seminaries  and  other  institutions  for 
training  preachers  and  clergymen  should  be  brought  to  see  the 
importance  of  this  movement  and  so  to  frame  their  courses  of 
study  and  training  as  to  cause  the  preachers  of  the  future  both 
to  realize  and  to  preach  real  peace. 

Either  separately  or  as  a  part  of  this  Educational  Bureau 
there  should  be  an  organized  attempt  .to  influence  the  press  of  the 
world.  Facts  and  arguments  tending  to  show  the  advantages  of 
peace  from  an  historical  and  economic  standpoint  should  be  gath- 
ered and  distributed  to  newspapers  and  magazines  everywhere. 
An  editorial  corps,  thoroughly  trained,  should  furnish  constantly 
to  the  press  of  the  world  material  which  would  make  for  peace. 
One  of  our  present  great  dangers  of  war  is  found  in  false,  mis- 
leading and  inflammatory  statements  about  international  rela- 
tions, written  by  irresponsible  persons  and  circulated  by  sensa- 


324 

tional  newspapers.  Such  statements  should  be  carefully  investi- 
gated, and  clear,  dispassionate  explanation  and  refutation  of  them 
made  and  widely  published  as  speedily  as  possible,  before  the  evil 
caused  by  such  newspapers  has  had  time  to  gather  force  and 
spread  itself,  as  hitherto,  throughout  the  world.  It  ought  to  be 
made  impossible  for  any  "yellow  journal"  ever  again  to  be  able 
to  boast  that  it  has  brought  on  a  war.  Prompt  and  authoritative 
denials  and  explanations  of  these  sensational  and  evil-working 
publications  will  not  only  make  them  less  harmful,  but  will  tend 
to  lessen  the  profit  derived  from  them  and  thus  to  discourage  a 
repetition  of  the  ofTence. 

Our  business  organization — chambers  of  commerce  and 
other  similar  associations — should  be  addressed  and  interested  in 
this  question  of  the  burdens  of  war  and  of  the  threat  of  war.  It 
is  absurd  that  our  business  organizations  should  listen  with  intense 
interest  to  a  discussion  of  the  effect  of  the  tariff  upon  business  or 
spend  a  great  amount  of  time  and  thought  in  devising  ways  for 
improving,  to  a  slight  degree,  transportation  facilities,  and  yet 
entirely  overlook  the  fact  that  almost,  if  not  quite,  the  greatest 
single  burden  that  business  is  now  bearing  is  the  war  burden. 

A  careful  study  of  international  relations  and  the  cost  of  war 
from  both  the  historic  and  the  economic  point  of  view  should  be 
made,  and  a  systematic  effort  to  educate  the  people  everywhere 
to  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  terrible  scourge  that  war  and 
the  threat  and  fear  of  war  are  at  the  present  time,  not  only  upon 
governments,  but  upon  all  peoples  everyv/here.  The  people  should 
be  made  to  see  that  if  war  expenses  are  to  continue  to  increase 
in  the  next  few  hundred  years  as  they  have  in  the  last  century, 
the  accumulations  of  civilization  are  in  danger  of  being  destroyed 
and  the  nations  made  insolvent. 

(4)  A  Political  Bureau  should  be  instituted,  which  should 
employ  men  of  statesmanlike  grasp  and  power  in  all  the  main 
capitals  of  the  world  to  watch  over  the  course  of  legislation  and 
to  work  for  the  reduction  of  armaments.  Such  men  should 
scrutinize  all  matters  of  international  relations  and  strive  in  every 
way  to  prevent  trifling  causes  from  exciting  international  dis- 
putes and  the  war  spirit.  Many  wars  should  and  would  be  pre- 
vented if  able,  discreet  and  statesmanlike  men  were  in  the  capitals 


325 

of  the  world  watching  and  working  for  good  understanding  and 
peace. 

Again  I  would  appeal  to  the  enlightened  selfishness  of  man- 
kind, and  would  have  men  point  out  how  much  better  it  is  to 
come  to  an  understanding  of  each  other's  position,  to  meet  each 
other  half  way  in  a  friendly  and  compromising  spirit,  than  either 
to  plunge  into  war  on  such  trifling  occasions  as  have  hitherto 
caused  most  of  our  wars,  or  to  continue  the  increase  of  arma- 
ments in  the  hope  of  terrorizing  other  nations  to  submit  to  any 
unjust  demands  that  one  nation  may  make  upon  another. 

(5)  This  International  School  of  Peace  should  co-operate 
in  every  practicable  way  with  all  existing  forces,  agencies  and 
organizations.  I  am  a  firm  believer  in  continual  activity  if  any- 
thing is  to  be  accomplished.  This  work  has  never  yet  been  under- 
taken in  a  broad  and  systematic  way.  Every  avenue  for  the 
amelioration  of  mankind  should,  so  far  as  possible,  be  availed  of 
and  made  to  contribute  to  this  movement  in  behalf  of  peace.  I 
would  have  an  organization  created  that  should  affiliate  with  and 
bring  all  beneficent  and  benevolent  forces  to  work  together  for 
this  common  cause. 

However  carefully  we  may  plan  for  this  great  work,  its  suc- 
cess must  depend  finally  upon  the  kind  of  men  and  women  em- 
ployed. It  is  my  belief  that  this  organization  should  aim  to 
secure,  first,  the  most  talented  persons  in  their  line,  men  and 
women  who  desire  especially  to  devote  their  lives  to  the  cause, 
making  sure  that  we  have  a  fund  sufficiently  large  to  guarantee 
them  a  salary  adequate  to  enable  them  to  do  their  work  effectively 
and  at  the  same  time  provide  themselves  with  the  ordinary  com- 
forts of  life.  Not  only  should  able  representatives  be  sought,  but 
men  and  women  in  the  prime  of  life,  who  can  look  forward  to  a 
reasonable  period  of  activity.  In  a  great  many  movements  too 
much  stress  has  been  placed  upon  securing  those  who  had  already 
achieved  great  success  in  the  world.  As  a  rule  men  do  not 
achieve  such  success  early  in  life.  It  comes  to  them  generally 
as  the  reward  of  long  years  of  service,  after  they  have  reached 
their  fullest  maturity.  While  I  appreciate  the  advantages  of  hav- 
ing the  co-operation  of  such  as  have  gained  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  much  of  this  arduous  work 
should  be  undertaken  by  those  who  have  yet  twenty  or  thirty 


326 

3^ears  of  vigorous  effort  to  give.  It  is  well  to  have  both  classes — 
those  w^ho  have  been  tried  in  the  great  battles  of  life  and  have 
won  a  reputation  by  their  intelligence,  wisdom,  and  calm  judg- 
ment ;  those  are  the  men  for  counsel ;  but  young  manhood  and 
womanhood  should  be  sought  to  do  the  work. 

It  is  again  the  story  of  the  bundle  of  rods.  Each  in  its  way 
has  a  certain  strength  and  can  bear  a  certain  amount  of  strain, 
but  when  these  sticks  are  brought  together,  they  create  a  force 
which  is  irresistible.  There  are  many  hundreds  of  organizations 
which  are  doing  splendid  work  for  the  elevation  of  mankind,  but 
each  is  working  in  its  own  way.  What  is  needed  now  is  to  bring 
into  hearty  co-operation  all  these  various  forces  and  make  a  united 
stand  against  this  great  cloud  overshadowing  all  lands. 

In  bringing  together  our  bundle  of  rods  we  should  not  neg- 
lect the  men  of  the  armies  and  navies.  Here  is  a  most  fruitful 
field.  These  men  are  among  the  best  in  the  land  and  would  not 
harm  their  fellows  unnecessarily.  The  most  of  them  believe  that 
physical  force  is  needful  for  the  protection  of  one  nation  against 
another,  and  when  the  military  forces  believe  this,  it  makes  it 
almost  certain  that  it  is.  If  every  one  believes  that  a  war  is  immi- 
nent, it  is  very  difficult  to  avert  it.  If  there  were  a  strong  feeUng 
in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  all  nations  that  these  preparations 
for  war  were  not  necessary,  it  would  be  much  easier  to  do  away 
with  them.  If  we  would  have  war  and  the  preparations  for  war 
cease,  we  must  create  a  sentiment  favorable  to  peace.  This  is  the 
great  problem  which  is  before  us  for  solution. 

Above  all,  every  one  who  enters  the  ranks  should  do  so 
because  of  an  all-absorbing  interest  in  the  work.  I  would  rather 
have  one,  thus  equipped,  than  a  hundred  of  equal  ability  who 
were  influenced  largely  by  the  salary  to  be  obtained.  The  success 
of  this  organization  depends  upon  the  enthusiasm  we  put  into 
it,  which  must  be  the  enthusiasm  of  a  reformer — a  Godfrey,  a 
Savonarola,  a  Garrison,  a  Phillips — the  kind  of  white  heat  that 
burns  when  it  touches  a  community. 

Dr.  Jordan  : 

We  would  have  no  need  of  battleships  or  armament  if  an 
association  like  this  could  place  men  in  the  universities,  in  the 
newspapers  and  in  every  part  of  the  world  in  such  a  way  that 


327 

by  their  combined  influence  and  wisdom  they  could  prevent  war 
from  breaking  out  anywhere.  The  only  danger  of  war  that  we 
have  from  any  direction  possible  lies  in  the  fact  that  there  are  a 
dozen  foolish  newspapers  and  a  hundred  foolish  men  saying  that 
sooner  or  later  we  shall  have  to  fight  Japan  to  see  who  controls 
the  trade  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  an  ocean  so  large  that  vessels  sail- 
ing from  either  side  seldom  see  for  two  weeks  a  vessel  of  any 
kind.  It  must  be  a  broad  highway,  and  there  can  be  no  possible 
control  of  it  of  any  kind,  any  more  than  if  we  should  go  fight  the 
people  of  Mars  for  the  privilege  of  going  around  the  sun. 

The  last  speaker  of  this  evening — there  may  be  a  few  of  you 
who  know  this  fact  concerning  him:  that  it  was  his  interest  in 
the  matter  that,  more  than  anything  else,  influenced  President 
Roosevelt  to  call  for  the  Second  Hague  Conference;  is  a  man 
who  feels  as  we  do  and  who  is  in  Congress  at  the  same  time,  one 
of  the  men  who  can  do  the  very  best  service  for  all  of  us. 

Mr.  Bartholdt  before  delivering  his  set  address  said: 

As  I  shall  speak  to  you  here  tonight,  so  I  have  voted  in 
Washington  and  shall  vote  in  the  future.  My  talk  will  not  be 
for  the  officers,  the  generals  and  the  colonels  of  the  Peace  Move- 
ment and  the  expert ;  it  will  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  masses,  and 
the  privates  in  the  ranks. 

I  think  we  are  sinning,  many  of  us,  a  little,  in  not  explaining 
this  in  plainer  terms. 


Popularizing  and  Organizing  the  Peace  Movement 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Fellow  Citizens  :  The  world  is  gov- 
erned not  by  men,  not  by  parties,  but  by  ideas.  The  idea  which 
gave  birth  to  this  notable  Congress  is  the  greatest  moral  issue 
now  confronting  this  as  well  as  all  other  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
it  is  not  my  optimism,  but  my  deliberate  judgment  which  prompts 
me  to  believe  that  when  this  idea  has  once  penetrated  the  minds 
and  hearts  of  the  masses  it  will  sweep  the  world. 

Our  great  difficulty  is  in  making  people  understand  it.  The 
cause  of  justice  which  we  plead  is  usually  wrapped  up  in  large 


328 

words;  it  presupposes  some  knowledge  of  law  and  is,  on  the 
whole,  so  complicated  as  to  baffle  a  common  school  education. 
And,  what  is  worse,  it  is  invisible;  you  cannot  see  or  grasp  it. 
From  childhood  on,  man  is  constantly  impressed  with  the  splen- 
did paraphernalia  of  war.  As  children  we  play  with  toy  soldiers ; 
in  school  we  find  war  glorified  in  the  text  books  we  have  to  read ; 
as  youths  Vv^e  are  taught  that  patriotism  requires  our  joining  the 
militia,  and  as  men  our  eyes  are  dazzled  with  shining  uniforms 
and  our  ears  are  filled  with  martial  music.  We  see  splendid 
monuments  erected  to  perpetuate  the  memories  of  war,  and,  lest 
we  forget,  our  great  battleships,  those  monsters  of  the  sea,  are 
sent  around  the  world  so  that  the  newspapers  may  be  enabled  to 
remind  us  of  their  existence  every  day  for  the  period  of  a  whole 
year. 

Against  all  these  machinations  which  impress  the  minds  of 
the  people,  through  eyes  and  ears,  with  the  glory  of  militarism 
and  war,  the  friends  of  world-wide  peace  are  at  a  great  disad- 
vantage, for,  as  I  have  said  before,  the  weapons  they  employ  in 
their  war  upon  war  are  invisible  and  the  progress  of  their  cause 
cannot  be  seen.  Their  weapon  consists  simply  in  an  appeal  to 
reason  and  their  progress  exists  only  in  the  minds  of  men.  But 
despite  this  disadvantage,  let  me  tell  you  confidentially  that  all 
the  claptrap  of  militarism  and  war  will  avail  nothing  in  the  end 
as  against  the  resistless  force  of  our  idea. 

What  then  is  our  idea?  Let  me  present  it  to  you  in  a  nut- 
shell. It  is  that  our  peace  with  foreign  nations  shall  be  secured 
in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  our  domestic  peace  is  secured, 
namely,  by  referring  all  controversies  to  the  courts  for  settlement. 
This  method  of  settling  disputes  has  been  enacted  into  law  by 
every  civilized  nation  in  order  to  secure  its  peace  at  home,  and 
we  insist  that  each  nation  should  readily  consent  to,  aye,  strive, 
for  similar  international  enactments  in  order  to  secure  its  peace 
abroad. 

Is  this  plain  enough?  But  you  will  see  it  still  more  plainly 
by  raising  yourselves  a  little  above  the  level  to  take  a  bird's  eye 
view  of  the  world  and  watch  the  attitude  of  the  nations  towards 
their  own  citizens  on  the  one  hand  and  towards  their  sister 
nations  on  the  other.  You  will  observe  at  a  glance  that  the 
nations  are  two-faced  and  that  their  position  is  so  shockingly  in- 


329 

consistent  as  to  be  untenable  before  the  forum  of  either  reason  or 
moraHty.  Let  me  point  out  to  you  some  of  those  inconsistencies. 
By  authority  of  the  nation's  law  you  and  I  are  forbidden  to  arm 
ourselves  and  to  take  the  law  in  our  own  hands  in  case  of  a  con- 
troversy with  a  neighbor.  In  the  interest  of  peace  the  law  points 
to  the  courts  as  our  only  rightful  recourse.  Query:  Do  the 
nations  themselves  observe  this  rule  of  conduct  laid  down  by  their 
ov^/n  law  ?  No,  they  don't  even  think  of  it.  They  maintain  arma- 
ments and  go  on  building  battleships  and  in  case  of  a  controversy 
they  go  to  war  and  fight.  (At  least  they  have  done  it,  and  as  yet 
we  have  not  got  them  where  they  will  say,  We  won't  do  it  again.) 
At  home  nations  prohibit  fights  and  the  carrying  of  weapons  in 
the  interest  of  peace,  but  abroad  they  glorify  preparedness  to 
fight  and  armaments  as  the  only  guarantee  of  peace.  In  other 
words,  governments  do  not  regard  the  obligation  to  keep  the 
peace  imposed  on  the  citizen  by  the  nation  as  binding  upon  the 
nation  itself,  and  by  praising  battleships  as  implements  of  peace 
they  actually  repudiate  their  own  civil  institutions.  Peace  between 
individuals  is  to  be  maintained  by  law ;  peace  between  nations,  by 
force.  And  what  is  the  result  of  these  contradictions  ?  That  the 
nation's  peace,  which  our  civilization  safeguards  as  the  most 
priceless  boon  at  home,  is  in  foreign  affairs  made  a  mere  toy,  a 
plaything  in  the  hands  of  governments  and  rulers  to  be  either 
cherished  or  broken  at  their  arbitrary  will. 

There  are  more  inconsistencies.  It  is  universally  recognized 
that  no  man  should  be  a  judge  in  his  own  case.  This  is  a  plain 
dictate  of  justice  which  requires  no  explanation  and  it  is  enforced 
wherever  human  interests  clash.  Every  nation  on  earth  having 
a  lawful  government  insists  upon  a  strict  observance  of  this  rule 
within  its  own  domain.  But  does  the  nation  itself,  in  its  dealings 
with  other  nations,  observe  it  ?  Not  in  the  least.  In  international 
disputes  each  government  presumes  to  be  judge  in  its  own  case, 
and  upon  its  decision,  right  or  wrong,  depends  the  happiness  and 
lives  of  thousands  of  its  citizens.  How  long,  we  may  well  ask, 
will  the  world's  sense  of  justice  suffer  governments  to  apply  one 
code  of  ethics  to  their  home  affairs  and  another  one  to  their 
foreign  relations?  In  a  dispute  are  governments  any  less  inter- 
ested parties  than  individuals  are  in  a  quarrel,  and  should  nations 
be  any  more  permitted  to  judge  their  own  case  than  individuals, 


330 

especially  where  the  question  of  right  or  wrong  is  one  of  life  or 
death,  peace  or  war  ? 

Suppose  we  could  turn  the  hands  of  the  clock  backward  and 
should  allow  individuals  to  do  as  nations  do  by  shaping  our  home 
conduct  after  the  international  pattern  ?  Do  you  know  what  would 
happen?  Why,  we  would  relapse  into  barbarism.  The  mailed 
hand  would  rule.  Every  house  would  be  an  arsenal,  men  would 
walk  about  armed  to  their  teeth,  and  blood  w^ould  constantly  flow 
foot-high.  It  is  the  kind  of  peace  that  has  prevailed  when  might 
was  right,  and  the  peace  which  now  prevails  as  between  nation 
and  nation  and  which  the  advocates  of  armaments  and  battleships 
pray  for.  But  we  cannot  go  backward,  we  must  go  forward; 
hence  the  rule  of  arbitrary  power  which  now  controls  interna- 
tional relations  will  not  be  extended  to  our  domestic  afltairs,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  the  mantle  of  law  and  order  which  now  covers 
the  home  affairs  of  each  nation  will  soon  be  thrown  over  and 
made  to  cover  and  grace  all  the  great  nations  in  their  conduct 
towards  each  other.  It  is  the  inevitable  logic  of  events.  By 
establishing  courts  the  nations  first  secured  justice  and  peace  in 
their  own  domain;  by  creating  the  High  Court  at  The  Hague 
they  have  taken  the  next  step  to  a  higher  plane  and  secure  justice 
and  peace  in  their  relations  with  each  other. 

I  wonder  if  you  fully  realize  the  world's  progress  in  the 
direction  of  international  justice?  As  I  said,  it  is  not  visible  to 
the  eye,  but  it  is  a  reality  all  the  same.  Within  the  last  five  years 
more  than  eighty  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  have  been 
concluded  between  the  nations,  our  ow^n  country  being  a  party 
to  twenty-four  of  them.  This  means  that  certain  questions  may 
be  arbitrated  by  voluntary  action.  Twice  within  the  last  ten  years 
a  Parliament  of  Man  has  met  at  The  Hague,  with  forty-four 
nations  attending  the  second  meeting  and  deliberating  how  judi- 
cial decisions  may  be  substituted  for  war,  how  the  blindfolded 
Goddess  of  Justice  may  be  enthroned  where  brute  force  has  held 
undisputed  sway.  A  world's  tribunal  to  sit  in  judgment  over  the 
nations'  controversies  was  established  at  the  first  meeting,  and  at 
the  second  it  was  voted  to  make  that  court  a  permanent  institu- 
tion, and  all  it  needs  today  to  insure  to  us  the  boon  of  a  world 
judiciary  is  the  appointment  of  the  permanent  judges.  And 
more  than  that;  the  Hague  Conference  resolved  to  meet  again 


331 

to  perfect  the  system  of  world  organizarion,  so  that  we  practic- 
ally have  a  permanent  High  Court  of  Arbitration  as  well  as  an 
International  Council  of  Peace.  Who  would  have  dreamt  even 
ten  years  ago  of  such  a  marvelous  advance?  Public  opinion  in 
favor  of  peace  has  become  so  powerful  that  thirty-five  nations 
voted  for  obligatory  arbitration,  and  they  represented,  in  round 
figures,  thirteen  hundred  million  inhabitants,  as  against  nine 
nations  with  a  little  over  two  hundred  million  people  who  either 
refrained  from  voting  or  voted  against  it.  A  vote  of  six  to  one, 
mind  you,  by  the  governments !  If  the  people  themselves  could 
vote,  they  would  be  sure  to  make  it  sixteen  to  one.  Was  it  an 
exaggeration  to  say  that  our  ideas  are  sweeping  the  world  with 
resistless  force? 

The  idea  of  a  world  organization  on  the  basis  of  law  and 
justice  should  and  does  appeal  to  Americans  more  strongly  than 
to  other  nations  because  thev  know  that  the  United  States  is  a 
model  for  it.  Here  are  forty-seven  states  with  their  own  consti- 
tutions, their  own  codes  of  law,  their  own  legislatures  and  their 
own  governments.  Yet  when  a  controversy  arises  between  two 
of  the  states  do  the  people  become  excited,  are  they  seized  by  the 
war  fever  and  a  thirst  for  blood?  When  it  was  charged  that  the 
Chicago  drainage  was  polluting  the  Mississippi  River,  did  Mis- 
souri call  out  her  militia  to  go  to  war  with  Illinois?  Bless  you, 
no !  The  people  of  Missouri  coolly  prepared  the  case  for  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  argued  it  and  calmly  awaited 
the  decision.  Is  there  any  valid  reason,  I  ask  you,  economical, 
moral  or  other,  why  differences  between  nations  could  not  be 
submitted  in  a  similar  manner  to  a  Supreme  Court  of  the  World  ? 

I  want  to  inject  here  a  reply  to  what  has  been  said  here  this 
afternoon  by  one  of  the  speakers.  He  said  he  did  not  believe  in 
compulsory  arbitration,  does  not  like  the  word.  I  wish  to  remind 
him,  however,  that  the  nations  are  not  compelled  to  make  these 
arbitration  treaties.  The  nations  by  voluntary  action  agree  that 
they  will  arbitrate  certain  questions  in  the  future.  In  other 
words,  it  is  their  compulsory  will  which  prompts  them,  public 
opinion  which  prompts  them  to  agree  that  certain  questions  must 
be  arbitrated,  while  all  other  questions  may  be  arbitrated  by 
voluntary  action. 

All  reasonable  beings  are  agreed  that  war  is  one  of  the 


332 

greatest  if  not  the  greatest  of  the  evils  with  which  from  the 
dawn  of  history  the  world  has  been  afflicted.  But  while  the 
human  family  for  more  than  two  thousand  years  bewailed  the 
horrors  of  that  "plague  of  mankind,"  as  George  Washington 
called  it,  it  failed  to  offer  a  right  remedy.  That  remedy  has  now 
been  found.  It  is  safe  and  sane  and  practical.  It  is  not  the 
dream  of  theorists,  but  the  well  defined  plan  of  jurists  and  states- 
men, an  evolution  of  the  civic  order  recognized  the  world  over. 
The  United  States  now  spends  over  three  hundred  million  dollars 
a  year  for  its  army  and  navy,  of  which  two  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  could  easily  be  saved  under  our  plan  to  be  devoted  to  the 
improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  and  highways,  and  to  the 
encouragement  of  art,  science  and  education.  Think  of  what  a 
paradise  the  country  could  be  made  with  an  expenditure  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  annually,  or  what  burdens  could  be 
lifted  from  the  shoulders  of  the  people!  We  are  told  that  the 
enormous  sacrifice  for  militarism  is  necessary  to  preserve  the 
peace.  We  answer  there  is  a  better  and  more  economical  way, 
and  one  more  in  harmony  with  the  culture  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, and  that  way  is  for  nations  to  simply  agree  to  keep  the 
peace  and  arbitrate  whatever  differences  may  arise.  In  the  last 
hundred  years  two  hundred  and  sixty  international  controversies 
have  been  adjusted  by  arbitration,  and  in  not  a  single  instance 
did  the  losing  party  try  to  evade  the  verdict  by  force  or  other- 
wise. Hence  our  plan  has  been  amply  tested.  It  is  supported  by 
enlightened  public  opinion,  which  is  stronger  than  either  armies 
or  navies,  and  it  has  the  blessing  of  the  noblest  and  best  of  man- 
kind. 

The  world  is  slowly  but  surely  rallying  around  the  banners 
of  peace.  It  gravitates  in  an  ascending  line  to  the  higher  plane 
of  one  common  brotherhood,  whence  the  shedding  of  human 
blood  for  the  sake  of  trade  or  any  other  purpose  is  regarded  as 
a  relic  of  barbarism  and  where  the  three  watchwords  of  a  new 
world  organization  will  be  humanity,  justice  and  peace.  In  this 
onward  march  the  United  States  should  lead.  It  will  be  the 
fulfillment  of  our  country's  sublime  mission.  It  will  lend  a  new 
significance  to  the  flag  and  will  cause  all  mankind  to  bless  it  as 
the  emblem  of  their  salvation  as  well  as  ours. 


NINTH  SESSION 
UNIVERSITIES  AND  COLLEGES 

Tuesday  Evening,  May  4,  at  8  o'clock 

Music  Hall,  Fine  Arts  Building 

PRESIDENT  JOHN  S.  NOLLEN,  of  Lake  Forest     College,  Presiding. 
Dr.  Nollen: 

We  have  the  pleasure  of  having  with  us  this  evening  for  this 
session  of  the  Peace  Congress  two  men  who,  without  foreknowl- 
edge on  their  part,  or  without  foreknowledge  on  the  part  of  the 
committee,  happened  to  be  Yale  classmates,  so  that  we  have  a 
reunion  behind  the  scenery  this  evening.  The  first  speaker  of 
the  evening,  Mr.  Hamilton  Holt,  managing  editor  of  the  Inde- 
pendent, whom  we  all  know  as  an  expert  in  the  peace  movement, 
will  speak  to  us  on  "The  Federation  of  the  World." 

The  Federation  of  the  World 

Hamilton  Holt 

Mr.  Holt  began  his  lecture  by  showing  that  while  the  phil- 
osophers, the  poets  and  the  prophets  from  the  beginning  of  his- 
tory to  the  present  time  have  held  with  Thomas  Jefferson  that 
"war  is  the  greatest  scourge  of  mankind,"  yet  the  masses  of  the 
people  still  seem  to  be  enamored  with  the  spirit  of  war,  and  con- 
sequently in  any  appeal  to  the  emotions  or  sentiments  those  who 
sing  "Peace,  Perfect  Peace,"  and  those  who  sing  "The  Army 
and  Navy  Forever"  have  about  equal  influence. 

Mr.  Holt  turned  therefore  from  the  so-called  sentimental 
aspects  of  the  peace  question  to  consider  the  more  practical  and 
promising  solution  of  the  problem  which  he  declared  was  noth- 
ing less  than  "the  substitution  of  law  for  war,  through  the  federa- 
tion of  the  world  and  the  development  of  international  law."  At 
present  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  body  of  international  law, 

333 


334 

properly  speaking.  What  passes  under  the  name  of  international 
law  is  mostly  a  compilation  of  precedents,  opinions,  maxims  and 
arguments.  It  is  the  work  of  scholars,  not  of  legislators,  and, 
except  for  public  opinion  and  custom,  the  nations  are  perfectly 
free  to  accept  it  or  reject  it  as  they  please.  We  cannot  have  a 
genuine  and  progressively  developing  law  until  there  is  an  organ- 
ized political  body  with  full  power  to  create  it  and  to  give  it 
sanction  and  validity.  After  quoting  Immanuel  Kant,  who  de- 
clared that  we  could  never  have  universal  peace  until  the  world 
is  organized  or  federated,  Mr.  Holt  showed  that  the  United 
States  of  America  furnishes  the  model  for  the  organization  of 
the  Avorld  into  the  "United  Nations."  But  the  lecturer  went  fur- 
ther than  this  and  declared  that  the  "United  Nations"  was  already 
in  existence  by  the  fact  of  the  existence  of  the  Hague  Court, 
which  was  the  germ  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  World,  and  by 
the  existence  of  the  recurring  Hague  Conferences,  which  were 
the  germ  of  the  International  Parliament.  As  we  perfect  these 
it  will  be  possible  to  add  an  international  executive  that  will  com- 
plete the  Americanization  of  the  World,  and  the  realization  of 
Tennyson's  dream  of  "The  Parliament  of  Man,  the  Federation 
of  the  World." 

The  work  of  the  First  and  Second  Hague  Conferences  was 
then  taken  up  in  detail.  "The  Conference  of  1899,"  Mr.  Holt 
said,  "had  already  more  than  justified  itself  before  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  was  convened.  Not  only  has  it  given  a  great 
impetus  to  the  movement  for  international  arbitration,  but  in  its 
three  great  constructive  enactments  it  has  already  had  a  pro- 
found effect  on  the  world's  peace.  First,  by  the  creation  of  The 
Hague  Court,  England,  Italy  and  Germany  were  stopped  from 
making  war  on  Venezuela ;  second,  by  the  provision  for  commis- 
sions of  inquiry  for  the  ascertaining  of  facts  before  hostilities 
should  begin,  England  and  Russia  were  prevented  from  going  to 
war  over  the  Dogger  Bank  incident;  and  third,  by  the  declara- 
tion that  a  neutral  nation  can  offer  mediations  to  belligerents  after 
hostilities  have  commenced.  President  Roosevelt  was  able  to  step 
in  between  Japan  and  Russia  and  stop  one  of  the  bloodiest  wars 
of  history."  The  Second  Hague  Conference  equally  deserved 
well  of  mankind.  Leaving  out  of  consideration  the  notable  work 
of  the  Conference  in  mitigating  the  horrors  of  war  and  more 


335 

dearly  defining  its  rules,  Mr.  Holt  discussed  in  detail  the  four 
great  propositions  that  came  before  the  Conference  that  had  to 
do  with  the  actual  abolition  of  war.  First,  the  proposition  to 
strengthen  the  judicial  branch  of  the  "United  Nations"  by  adding 
to  the  present  Hague  Court  a  small  permanent  court  modeled  on 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  was  passed  unanimously, 
the  detail  of  the  method  of  the  selection  of  the  judges,  concerning 
which  there  was  a  deadlock,  being  left  to  the  nations  to  settle 
subsequently  by  diplomacy ;  second,  the  proposition  that  no  nation 
can  collect  debts  by  force  from  another  nation  until  after  arbitra- 
tion or  an  offer  of  arbitration  was  passed  unanimously  by  all  the 
debtor  and  creditor  nations  of  the  world,  thus  removing  the  main 
cause  of  war  between  three  of  the  five  continents  of  the  world ; 
third,  the  proposition  to  negotiate  a  universal  arbitration  treaty 
with  some  obligatory  features  was  passed  unanimously  in  prin- 
ciple, thirty-four  of  the  nations  being  ready  to  sign  such  a  uni- 
versal treaty  and  the  remaining  nations  preferring  to  negotiate 
them  in  pairs ;  and  fourth,  by  the  provision  for  a  future  confer- 
ence the  Conference  unequivocally  established  the  germ  of  the 
International  Legislature. 

Then  followed  a  discussion  of  the  various  private  agencies 
working  for  the  peace  of  the  world,  especially  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union  which  suggested  the  calling  of  both  the  First  and 
Second  Hague  Conferences,  and  which  now  is  composed  of  some 
two  thousand  five  hundred  legislators  who  have  seats  in  the  vari- 
ous national  parliaments  of  the  world.  "As  there  are  only  about 
fifteen  thousand  members  of  all  the  national  parliaments  of  the 
world,"  said  Mr.  Holt,  "it  is  easy  to  see  that  if  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union  grows  in  the  next  few  years  as  fast  as  it  has  in 
the  past,  it  will  only  be  a  question  of  time  when  it  will  have  a 
majority  of  the  parliamentarians  of  the  world  in  its  membership, 
and  then  it  can,  if  it  wants  to,  insure  'peace  on  earth'  by  ballot." 

After  showing  that  America  as  a  nation  and  Americans  as 
individuals  have  done  more  for  peace  than  any  other  people,  Mr. 
Holt  closed  his  lecture  by  showing  through  a  stereoptican  about 
sixty  cartoons,  portraits,  old  Dutch  prints  and  scenes  at  The 
Hague. 


336 

Chairman  Nollen  : 

You  will  have  the  pleasure  now  of  hearing  the  second  Yale 
man  who  honors  us  with  his  presence  here  this  evening,  President 
S.  P.  Brooks,  of  the  Baylor  University,  Texas,  who  will  address 
us  on  "Civilization ;  a  Cry  for  Peace." 


Civilization  ;    a  Cry  for  Peace 

President  S.  P.  Brooks 

The  subject  announced  is  "Civihzation ;  a  Cry  for  Peace." 
Briefly,  civilization  is  impossible  among  barbarians.  The  chief 
sign  of  barbarism  is  the  distrust  that  we  find  among  the  men  and 
women  of  any  given  nation  of  barbarians.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  natural  and  the  normal  attitude  that  men  ought  to  have 
toward  each  other  is  not  distrust,  but  confidence,  for  confidence 
is  the  chief  sign  of  civilization.  War  arises  out  of  distrust  and 
fear,  and  confidence  grows  upon  that  upon  which  it  feeds.  War 
and  savagery  make  constant  contest  with  peace  and  civilization. 
It  was  ever  so  and  ever  will  be,  and  the  very  suggestion  of  the 
word  "civilization"  brings  to  your  mind  at  once  and  to  mine  the 
very  antithesis  of  the  savages  of  the  forest  or  of  the  barbarians 
that  feed  upon  each  other. 

In  all  the  development  of  human  history  God  has  never  done 
for  a  people  what  they  could  do  for  themselves.  It  is  so  of  the 
individual;  it  is  so  of  the  nation.  God  gives  the  birthright  and 
man  gives  the  development.  God  gives  us  the  child  and  man 
gives  him  training.  God  gives  the  brain  and  man  develops  the 
thought.  God  gives  us,  as  I  have  said,  our  nativity,  but  we  would 
starve  in  the  presence  of  plenty  except  that  we  use  the  hands  and 
the  feet  and  the  body  and  brain  that  God  has  given  to  us.  Civ- 
ilization through  the  years  has  not  come  to  us  by  the  strolce  of 
any  pen  or  the  speech  of  any  man.  It  has  come  through  pain 
and  time,  through  years,  aye,  through  the  ages.  It  is  but  the 
discovery  of  the  people,  for  in  all  the  history  of  mankind  men 
have  done  about  the  best  they  could.  We  do  better  today,  I 
doubt  not,  than  we  used  to  do. 

Some  people  pride  themselves  on  their  relation  to  the  past, 
and  are  great  only  by  as  much  as  their  ancestors  are  in  the 


337 

ground.  But  the  present  ought  to  pride  itself  by  as  much  as  it 
may  use  the  past  and  use  it  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  our  country 
and  to  the  good  of  humanity. 

One  may  look  at  the  development  of  humanity  through  the 
savagery  of  the  hunting  stage  when  men  wandered  over  the  face 
of  the  earth  here  and  there,  capturing  others  in  war  and  feeding 
upon  their  prisoners ;  and  later  instead  of  eating  their  prisoners 
they  ^old  them  into  slavery ;  and  later  instead  of  selling  them  into 
slavery  they  exchanged  them  as  prisoners  of  war,  a  la  civilization. 
Yet,  as  we  have  heard  here  tonight  and  as  those  of  us  who  can  read 
the  future  somewhat  can  see,  in  the  future,  and  the  not  distant 
future  at  that,  men  will  not  need  either  to  be  eaten,  to  be  sold  into 
slavery  or  to  be  exchanged  as  prisoners  of  war,  for  it  will  be 
through  the  school  of  diplomacy  and  the  wisdom  of  arbitration 
rather  than  at  the  point  of  the  boyonet  or  the  gun  that  the 
difficulties  of  the  future  will  be  settled.  The  pastoral  stage, 
warlike  and  poetic  and  wine-drinking  as  it  was,  was  higher 
than  the  hunting  stage,  for  there  we  began  the  domestication  of 
the  animals.  With  the  advent  of  the  plow,  with  the  coming  of 
agriculture,  we  have  the  domestication  of  the  animals  brought  to 
a  higher  stage,  and  with  the  coming  of  the  plow  has  come  civiliza- 
tion's best,  the  home,  one  husband,  one  wife,  church,  school, 
state,  and  it  was  through  the  ages  that  men  have  discovered  that 
these  are  better  than  that  which  came  before.  Let  it  be  under- 
stood that  we  are  groping  today  in  the  dark  and  we  cannot  fore- 
see exactly  the  future,  but  by  as  much  as  we  are  able  to  heed  the 
past  we  know  that  we  are  wise. 

We  have  discovered  that  peace  is  better  than  war.  Some 
men  yet  in  a  city  like  this,  some  men  yet  in  the  East  and  the 
West  and  the  South  believe  that  it  is  the  dream  of  dreamers  and 
a  man  who  would  leave  his  home  and  come  a  thousand  miles  to 
talk  or  to  hear  talk  is  himself  a  fit  subject  for  the  insane  asylum. 
But  the  time  will  come,  though  some  of  us  may  be  lost  to  the 
world's  gaze — the  time  will  come  in  the  near  future  when  men 
will  see  to  the  contrary. 

That  the  field  of  battle  is  not  the  only  field  of  patriotism, 
men  of  affairs  and  men  of  schooling,  men  of  the  church  and  men 
of  the  state  are  coming  to  see ;  and  some  men  can  see  that  the 
gateway  to  fame  and  the  gateway  to  social  service  is  no  longer 


338 

alone  by  way  of  West  Point  or  Annapolis,  but  it  comes  through 
service  to  humanity  in  the  arts  and  in  the  marts  and  in  the  man- 
ufactures and  the  labor  and  the  home  rather  than  upon  the  field 
of  battle.    Some  men  can  see  that  and  more  will  see  it. 

We  are  coming  to  see  that  to  recognize  the  horrors  of  war 
is  not  itself  an  element  of  cowardice.  There  are  those  who  as 
they  read  history  have  their  eyes  flash  with  indignation  as  they 
think  of  the  awfulness  of  the  past,  and  yet  they  think  that  it 
makes  for  cowardice  that  they  shall  speak  of  war  and  its  horrors. 
One  illustration,  and  I  doubt  not  that  it  will  help  those  of  us 
who  shall  rivet  it  in  our  hearts.  On  a  train  the  danger  signal 
sounds;  we  look  out;  a  man  is  hurled  by  the  engine  into  the 
ditch  below,  mangled  and  torn,  dead.  He  is  put  into  the  baggage 
car  and  all  of  the  passengers  talk  about  it  until  they  reach  the 
city,  horrified  that  a  man  is  dead.  One  man,  one  widow,  a  few 
orphans,  a  few  sisters  and  brothers  and  members  of  the  immediate 
family  only  to  sorrow,  and  yet  a  whole  trainload  of  passengers 
horrified.  Yet  our  school  books,  our  newspapers,  our  teachers, 
our  preachers  talk  of  the  glory  of  war  that  teaches  that  wherein 
one  hundred  thousand  men  were  killed  in  one  battle  was  a  great 
thing  to  be  cheered,  and  it  is  said  that  in  Russia  and  Japan  there 
were  something  like  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  thousand 
orphans  due  to  the  awful  horrors  of  that  war. 

As  for  my  part,  I  stand  for  peace  and  for  sense  and  for 
arbitration  and  diplomacy;  nowhere  cowardice,  but  with  a  rec- 
ognition that  is  right,  a  recognition  of  the  horrors  of  war.  And 
why  not?  For  if  we  prosper  by  our  discoveries,  doing  the  best 
we  know,  why  may  we  not  instead  of  killing  half  the  people  and 
worrying  ourselves  to  help  the  other  half,  save  them  all  ? 

I  doubt  not  that  it  will  be  fair  to  say  that  it  is  not  cowardice 
to  give  recognition  to  or  to  call  attention  to  the  waste  of  war. 
What  if  all  the  millions  of  men  now  engaged  in  the  war  of  this 
and  other  nations  could  practically  all  be  put  into  the  trades  and 
into  industry  ?  I  do  not  think  it  would  bring  the  millennium,  nor 
give  an  end  at  once  to  all  our  troubles,  but  any  man  that  can  think 
can  see,  it  seems  to  me,  that  it  would  mean  shorter  hours  for 
labor,  and  why  not?  If  a  home  and  family  are  good  for  you 
and  me  are  they  not  good  for  the  millions  of  conscripts  that 
must  go  through  the  militia  of  the  European  governments  because 


339 

their  heads  have  not  had  the  brains  to  profit  by  the  past  as  they 
will  in  the  future?     (Applause.) 

I  doubt  not  I  shall  speak  the  truth  when  I  tell  you  that  wars 
and  the  waste  of  war,  more  than  the  horrors  of  death — I  count 
worse  than  either  the  heritage  of  hate  and  the  jealousies  between 
the  nations.  France  and  Germany  have  cordially  hated  each 
other.  No  German  ever  quotes  a  Frenchman  if  he  can  help  it, 
and  vice  versa;  and  the  books  that  I  read  as  a  child  in  the  public 
schools,  and  likewise  the  older  of  you,  taught  us  that  every  man 
of  England  was  a  bloody  Britisher  and  that  somehow  he  was 
the  child  of  Satan.  The  books  that  were  written  for  the  children 
of  this  country  a  generation  ago,  when  I  was  a  child,  taught 
wrong  on  the  one  side  quickly  to  be  matched  by  wrong  on  the 
other  side,  and  we  have  now  reached  a  time,  bless  God,  when 
the  truth,  let  it  be  either  for  the  enemy  or  the  friend — what  mat- 
ters it  to  the  historian  when  he  studies  for  truth? 

I  speak  the  simple  fact  and  lie  not  when  I  say  that  the 
heritage  of  hate  has  done  more  to  hamper  and  hinder  the  social 
development  and  the  heart  throbs  of  fraternal  sympathy  in  this 
great  country  of  ours  in  the  last  forty  years  than  any  other  one 
thing,  and  by  as  much  as  northern  men  shall  travel  to  the  South 
and  Southern  men  and  women  shall  now  and  then  come  to  the 
North,  by  that  much  we  will  see  more  of  each  other  and  know 
more  of  each  other  and  love  each  other  better.  Therefore  instead 
of  our  implanting  in  the  childhood  of  our  present  hatred  for  our 
foes  or  hatred  for  any  given  section  we  will  preach  the  gospel  of 
peace  for  the  future  without  reference  to  the  past,  and  I  venture 
to  suggest  that  it  will  be  well,  for  we  shall  profit  by  it  in  all  the 
years  to  come. 

It  may  be  suggested  too  that  fear  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  war 
— lies  in  that  it  is  fundamental  to  war ;  lies  in  that  it  misleads 
and  is  positively  false.  That  there  is  a  fallacy  in  this  statement 
is  true — a  great  people  will  make  for  a  great  navy,  and  a  great 
navy  will  make  a  great  people.  It  reminds  me  of  the  story  of  the 
farmer  who  found  at  the  well  at  the  back  side  of  his  farm  a  bar- 
rel full  of  water.  He  saw  it  there  for  weeks,  and  finally  he  asked 
the  negro  man,  "Sam,  what  is  the  barrel  here  for?"  "Why,  boss, 
can't  you  see  that  the  barrel  is  here  to  hold  the  water?"  "But, 
Sam,  what  is  the  water  in  the  barrel  for?"    "Why,  boss,  can't 


340 

you  see  that  barrel  would  go  to  pieces  if  it  didn't  have  water 
in  it?"  In  like  manner  they  tell  us  that  we  must  have  a  great 
people  and  pay  a  great  price  to  support  a  great  navy  in  turn  to 
do  the  other  things,  and  when  we  shall  profit  by  sense  rather  than 
by  force  we  shall  do  better. 

Treaties  signed  over  the  banquet  table  are  quite  as  binding 
as  those  signed  at  the  point  of  a  bayonet.  It  was  ever  so.  I 
doubt  if  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  can  ever  tell  why  New  York  and  San  Francisco  should 
be  fortified  to  meet  an  incoming  probable  enemy  and  Chicago 
not  have  a  firecracker  to  shoot  at  the  incoming  hordes  that  might 
cross  your  beautiful  lake.  There  is  room  on  this  lake  for  all 
the  navies  of  the  world,  as  big  as  they  are,  but  in  1817  a  treaty 
was  signed  between  England  and  the  United  States  to  the  effect 
that  there  should  be  no  warships  on  the  Great  Lakes ;  perhaps 
two  little  revenue  cutters  to  do  police  duty  and  to  fire  a  few 
rounds  of  salutes  when  the  high  and  mighty  should  come.  Just 
that  and  nothing  more,  and  Chicago  is  as  secure  as  New  York, 
the  one  treaty  signed  under  the  duress  of  sense,  the  other  signed 
under  the  duress  of  imaginary  force  and  fear  and  the  hysteria 
that  characterized  some  of  our  people  during  the  late  skirmish 
with  the  Spaniards. 

I  undertake  to  say  that  public  opinion  lies  at  the  base  of  the 
power  of  every  sheriflf  more  than  the  powder  that  is  back  of  the 
bullet  he  may  use ;  and  public  opinion  lies  at  the  base  of  the  ful- 
fillment of  every  national  law  and  of  every  international  law  that 
may  be  made,  for  as  soon  as  all  the  people  shall  stand  for  it,  that 
soon  will  we  have  the  forces  that  make  for  peace  without  the 
hardships  that  come  through  war.  I  take  it  too  that  if  by  any 
chance  we  should  have  a  war  the  citizen  soldiers  could  be  gotten 
together  to  meet  any  incoming  array,  for  forsooth  I  am  not  rash 
enough  to  indicate  that  we  are  to  totally  disarm  until  in  like 
manner  other  nations  keep  pace  with  us,  but  I  would  argue  far 
and  bespeak  the  good  wishes  of  this  country  to  take  the  lead 
and  set  the  example,  for  by  the  confidence  we  manifest  in  our- 
selves and  in  others  we  will  set  an  example  that  wins  them  to 
the  peace  propaganda. 

I  take  it  that  as  courts  have  supplanted  duels  in  the  indi- 
vidual settlement  of  troubles,  so  courts  between  nations  will  settle 


341 

their  difficulties,  and  that  one  is  the  basis  of  evolution  as  well  as 
the  other.  Many  people,  as  I  have  said,  are  hysterical  in  their 
notions,  and  want  to  take  unnecessary  precautions  ;  and  it  reminds 
me  of  the  old  woman  through  whose  farm  a  railroad  passed  and 
she  had  never  seen  the  trains  before.  The  station  was  set  up 
near  her  home,  a  little  rural  type,  and  she  and  her  daughter  on 
one  occasion  desired  to  cross  the  tracks ;  and  a  little  crippled 
woman  went  to  the  station  agent  and  looking  through  the  win- 
dow said :  "Mr.  Agent,  is  there  any  passenger  train  coming 
south  at  this  time?"  "No,  my  good  woman."  She  went  and 
reported  to  her  daughter  and  hobbled  back  to  the  agent  and  said : 
"Mr.  Agent,  is  there  any  train  going  to  the  north  at  this  time?" 
"No,  my  good  woman ;  no  train  is  going  north."  And  she  hob- 
bled back  and  reported  to  her  daughter,  only  to  come  back  again 
and  say :  "Mr.  Agent,  isn't  there  any  freight  train  coming  along 
about  now  in  either  direction?"  "No."  She  went  back  and 
reported  to  her  daughter  and  then  once  more  she  came  back  to 
the  agent  and  said :  "Isn't  there  any  hand-car  coming  along  here 
about  now?"  And  he  said:  "No,  my  good  woman;  there  isn't 
any  hand-car  coming  along  about  now."  And  then  she  said : 
"Sarah,  I  guess  we  can  cross  now,"  and  she  gathered  up  her 
skirts  and  hobbled  across.  The  simple  little  woman  was  not 
greater  in  her  simplicity  than  many  bright,  keen  fellows  that  take 
hysteria  and  go  madly  after  every  thought  of  incoming  hordes 
and  imagine  that  wrong  will  come. 

I  do  not  speak  with  disrespect,  but  I  wish  that  men  like 
Captain  Hobson,  who  did  so  much  for  the  glory  of  our  country, 
w^ould  cease  going  up  and  down  this  land  preaching  the  gospel 
of  hate,  preaching  the  gospel  of  fear  and  preaching  the  gospel 
of  the  inroads  of  the  Japanese.  We  have  too  much  sense  to  pro- 
voke a  fight  with  the  Japanese,  and  the  Japanese  have  too  much 
sense  to  provoke  a  fight  with  us.  We  are  brethren,  and  one  of 
the  things  we  need  to  learn  and  one  of  the  things  we  are  learning 
day  by  day  is  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

In  civilization  there  are  two  great  forces  running  parallel, 
one  of  government  and  the  other  of  religion.  A  lofty  government 
means  a  high  and  lofty  and  pure  religion.  One  weak,  so  the 
other ;  and  as  they  go  parallel,  so  they  supplement  and  help 
each  other.      Civilization   profits  by   two  other   forces,   one   the 


342 

evangelization  of  the  wide  world  and  the  other  the  peace  of  the 
world;  and  wherever  the  gospel  of  evangelism  has  gone  there 
is  a  fertile  soil  for  the  gospel  of  peace ;  and  wherever  the  gospel 
of  peace  has  been  preached  by  our  ministers  of  state,  men  of 
affairs,  the  gospel  of  evangelism  is  possible.  And  I  put  by  the 
side  of  the  great  work  that  John  R.  Mott  is  doing  with  his  vol- 
untary movement  of  all  the  students  of  all  the  countries  of  the 
world,  parallel  with  it  the  peace  movement  of  all  the  world,  and 
peace  societies  and  leagues  formed  in  the  colleges  and  universities 
of  all  the  world.  These  tM/o  great  forces  are  making  for  right- 
eousness not  only  in  the  individual  but  righteousness  in  the  social 
home.  You  meet  a  man  individually  and  ask  him  what  is  his 
opinion  of  war  and  he  will  tell  you  he  is  for  peace;  but  when 
you  put  him  in  a  crowd  he  gets  the  mob  spirit  sometimes  and  for- 
gets his  individual  responsibility  to  his  country  or  his  God,  and 
he  at  once  champions  the  cause  of  war  and  things  that  pertain  to 
force.  Marvel  not  that  we  must  learn  the  lessons  that  pertain  to 
things  of  the  spirit.  Marvel  not  that  we  are  to  learn  the  lessons 
that  have  to  do  with  the  peace  and  evangelization  of  the  world. 
Marvel  not  that  there  are  some  men  that  cannot  understand  it, 
for  they  have  not  to  the  manner  been  born  to  speak  the  new  lan- 
guage of  the  kingdom  into  which  so  many  men  have  now  gone, 
the  kingdom  that  comprehends  the  nobility  of  every  man  and  the 
merit  of  every  nation  and  that  mind  and  character  must  supplant 
force  and  war  by  as  much  as  this  generation  does  the  best  it 
knows  as  did  our  fathers  do  the  best  they  knew.  (Applause.) 
The  meeting  then  adjourned. 


TENTH  SESSION 

BUSINESS  SESSION  AND  CONFERENCE  OF 
PEACE  WORKERS 

Wednesday  Morning,  May  5,  at  9:30  o'clock 

Orchestra  Hall 

Hon.    JOSEPH    B.    MOOEE,    Justice    of    Supreme    Court    of    Michigan, 

Presiding. 

Secretary  Melendy: 

I  have  the  following  telegram  from  the  Universal  Peace 
Union  of  Philadelphia: 

"Hearty  greetings.  Remove  causes  and  establish  a  substitute 
for  war." 

I  have  a  communication  from  Mr.  H.  W.  Thomas,  formerly 
of  Chicago,  who  was  the  president  of  the  Chicago  Peace  Society: 
"To  the  National  Congress  of  Peace  assembled: 

"My  Dear  Co-workers:  It  is  a  great  joy  to  know  that  my 
home  city  is  today  welcoming  to  the  hearts  and  homes  of  her 
people  the  honored  representatives  of  the  great  cause  of  peace. 
How  dearly  would  I  love  to  accept  your  invitation,  but  another 
hand  rules  otherwise,  and  I  can  only  send  a  word  of  hopeful 
greeting.  Our  age  is  in  the  morning  of  a  great  new  day.  Racial 
and  religious  prejudices  are  giving  way  to  the  song  of  angels: 
'Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  man.' 

"A  divine  enthusiasm  is  inspiring  the  greatest  minds  and 
hearts  to  unite  all  nations  in  universal  peace.  It  is  an  inspiration 
from  the  infinite  and  cannot  fail.  Its  full  meaning  is  larger  than 
can  be  now  understood.    Victory  is  near. 

"That  your  words  and  work  and  counsel  may  have  much  to 
do  in  hastening  this  glad  day  is  my  belief  and  prayer. 

"Affectionately, 

"H.  W.  Thomas." 

343 


344 

On  motion  of  Secretary  Melendy,  it  was  resolved  that  the 
Congress  send  a  message  of  greeting  to  Mr.  Thomas,  and  also 
to  the  Universal  Peace  Union  at  Philadelphia. 

Judge  Edward  Osgood  Brown,  Judge  of  the  Appellate  Court 
for  the  First  District  of  Illinois,  then  submitted  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  as  follows : 

Judge  E.  O.  Brown: 

Mr.  Chairman  :  Before  reading  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee I  desire  to  say  that  the  committee  gave  consideration  to 
every  resolution  which  was  proposed  or  presented.  There  were 
many  which  had  the  sympathy  of  the  members  of  the  committee 
individually,  and  some  collectively,  but  we  were  obliged,  of 
course,  to  limit  the  report  to  those  matters  upon  which  every 
member  of  the  Peace  Congress  could  properly  agree  and  the 
matters  which  were  expressly  comprehended  in  its  call. 

I  believe  that  it  will  be  seen  that  the  committee  has  included 
all  the  essential  features  of  the  resolutions  offered  which  come 
under  that  description. 

PLATFORM  OF  THE  CONGRESS 

Whereas,  Civilization  has  now  reached  a  point  where  con- 
science, reason  and  the  sense  of  brotherhood  are  increasingly 
controlling  men  in  their  relations  to  each  other;  when  private 
war  and  the  duel  have  wholly  or  largely  disappeared,  and  the 
different  nations  have  created  for  themselves  systems  of  law 
and  courts  by  which  differences  between  their  citizens  are  peace- 
fully adjusted ;  and, 

Whereas,  The  two  Hague  Conferences  have  created  a  per- 
manent International  Court  of  Arbitration  to  which  all  the 
nations  are  now  parties ;  have  approved  unanimously  the  prin- 
ciple of  obligatory  arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  international 
controversies ;  have  sanctioned,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  the 
creation  of  a  permanent  International  Court  of  Justice,  with 
judges  always  in  service,  and  holding  regular  sessions,  and  have 
urged  the  governments  to  find  a  satisfactory  formula  for  the 
selection  of  the  judges ;  and  have  laid  the  foundations  of  a  regular 
Congress  of  Nations  by  unanimously  voting  for  periodic  meet- 
ings of  the  Hague  Conference  hereafter,  which  great  measures 


345 

are  the  most  decisive  steps  yet  taken  toward  that  organization 
and  systematic  co-operation  of  the  nations  which  shall  eventually 
substitute  law  for  war;  therefore,  be  it, 

Resolved,  by  this  Second  United  States  National  Peace 
Congress,  That  public  war  is  now  out  of  date,  a  relic  of  bar- 
barism unworthy  of  our  time,  and  that  the  nations  of  the  world 
by  joint  agreement,  by  a  league  of  peace  among  themselves, 
ought  to  make  its  recurrence  hereafter  impossible. 

Resolved,  That  no  dispute  between  nations,  except  such  as 
may  involve  the  national  life  and  independence,  should  be  reserved 
from  arbitration,  and  that  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitra- 
tion should  be  included  at  the  earliest  possible  date.  Pending 
such  a  general  treaty,  we  urge  upon  our  government  and  the 
other  leading  powers  such  broadening  of  the  scope  of  their  arbi- 
tration treaties  as  shall  provide,  after  the  example  of  the  Danish- 
Netherlands  Treaty,  for  the  reference  to  the  Hague  Court  of 
all  differences  whatever  not  settled  otherwise  by  peaceful  means. 

Resolved,  That  the  prevailing  rivalry  in  armaments,  both 
on  land  and  sea,  which  imposes  such  exhausting  burdens  of  taxa- 
tion on  the  people,  and  is  the  fruitful  source  of  suspicion,  bitter 
feeling  and  war  alarms,  is  wholly  unworthy  of  enlightened  mod- 
ern nations ;  is  a  lamentable  failure  as  a  basis  of  enduring  peace ; 
and  ought  to  be  arrested  by  agreement  of  the  powers  without 
delay. 

Resolved,  That  this  Peace  Congress  expresses  its  high  appre- 
ciation of  the  action  of  our  government  in  the  recent  conclusion 
of  twenty-four  arbitration  treaties,  and  in  the  promotion  of 
friendly  relations  between  the  various  American  republics.  It 
recognizes  with  special  satisfaction  what  was  done  by  our  govern- 
ment and  representatives  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference  in 
behalf  of  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  a  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice,  the  immunity  of  private  property  at  sea  from 
capture  in  time  of  war,  and  the  establishment  of  a  periodic  Con- 
gress of  the  Nations,  and  in  support  of  the  proposition  of  the 
British  government  for  limitation  of  armaments.  It  respectfully 
and  urgently  requests  the  President  and  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  to  take  the  initiative,  so  far  as  practicable,  in  an 
endeavor  to  complete  the  work  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference 
in  these  various  directions ;  and  especially  to  secure  an  agreement 


346 

among  the  military  and  naval  powers  for  a  speedy  arrest  of  the 
ruinous  competition  in  armaments  now  prevailing.  As  an  imme- 
diate step  to  this  end,  we  urge  our  government,  in  obedience  to 
the  charge  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  as  well  as  the  First, 
that  all  nations  should  earnestly  address  themselves  to  this  prob- 
lem, to  create  a  special  commission  of  the  highest  character  for 
its  consideration,  whose  report  shall  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  action 
of  our  delegates  at  the  Third  Hague  Conference. 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  earnestly  endorses  the  move- 
ment so  auspiciously  begun  by  the  governments  of  Denmark  and 
Great  Britain  to  provide  at  public  cost  for  constructive  measures 
to  promote  international  good  understanding,  hospitality  and 
friendship,  and  appeals  to  our  own  government  for  broad  and 
generous  action  upon  these  lines. 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress,  representing  all  sections  of 
our  great  country,  appeals  to  our  churches,  schools  and  press, 
our  workingmen's  and  commercial  organizations,  and  to  all  men 
of  good  will,  for  increased  devotion  to  this  commanding  cause 
and  such  large  support  of  its  active  agencies  as  shall  strongly 
advance  the  great  measures  which  are  to  come  before  the  next 
Hague  Conference,  and  shall  maintain  our  nation  in  high  and 
influential  leadership  in  behalf  of  international  justice  and  order. 

The  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
was  moved  by  Judge  Brown, 

Mr.  Galvani,  a  delegate  appointed  by  the  Governor  of  Ore- 
gon, spoke  as  follows : 

I  desire  on  behalf  of  the  great  state  of  Oregon  to  second  the 
adoption  of  these  resolutions. 

I  have  traveled  three  thousand  miles  in  order  to  be  present 
here,  and  if  it  were  necessary  for  me  to  travel  three  times  three 
thousand,  I  assure  you  I  should  be  willing  to  do  so. 

I  do  believe  that  there  is  no  greater  problem  before  the  world 
today  than  the  problem  of  international  peace.  I  realize  that  if 
it  is  to  come  at  all  it  is  to  come  from  the  action  of  men  and 
women  such  as  are  assembled  here,  rather  than  from  statesman 
and  preachers  and  teachers.  I  have  no  unkind  feelings  toward 
them,  but  they  have  had  every  chance  in  the  world  up  to  this 
time  to  bring  something  about.  A  minister  of  the  gospel,  when 
he  is  attired  in  his  brass  buttons  and  epaulets  as  a  chaplain,  is 


347 

just  as  much  a  soldier  as  a  cadet  at  West  Point.  I  rejoice  that 
the  time  has  come  when  the  people  themselves  are  taking  a  hand 
in  this  thing,  and  it  is  only  because  they  do  so  that  this  will 
come  to  an  end  and  not  before.  I  rejoice,  therefore,  that  this 
speech  making  has  come  to  an  end  and  that  the  resolutions  are 
now  being  presented,  and  I  hope  they  may  be  adopted.  I  hope 
that  when  you  start  for  your  homes  you  will  begin  an  agitation 
that  will  arouse  this  world  from  one  end  to  the  other,  and  make 
the  crowned  heads  and  the  governments  of  the  world  realize  that 
we  are  not  going  to  have  war  any  longer. 

I  rejoice  that  I  have  in  my  humble  way  contributed  by  my 
presence  to  these  meetings.  I  want  to  say  furthermore  that  the 
very  countries  which  are  accused  of  being  most  warlike  are  the 
very  countries  which  have  struggled  most  for  peace,  while  the 
countries  which  have  been  supposed  to  be  the  champions  of  peace 
are  the  very  ones  which  are  responsible  for  human  blood.  When 
Russia  called  the  Hague  Conference,  it  was  only  for  the  purpose 
of  making  her  people  believe  that  she  was  a  peaceably  disposed 
nation.  Germany,  when  the  Boxer  War  broke  out — in  haranguing 
his  troops  the  German  Emperor  said:  "Don't  make  prisoners." 
What  did  that  mean?  It  meant  to  kill  them  all.  Great  Britain, 
which  was  supposed  to  be  the  bully  of  the  nations,  has  done  more 
to  bring  about  universal  peace  than  any  other  agency  of  the 
world.  With  these  remarks,  I  second  the  motion  and  hope  that 
these  resolutions  will  carry  unanimously. 

Mr.  A.  M.  Simons,  of  the  Chicago  Daily  Socialist,  presented 
the  following  resolution : 

Whereas,  The  controversies  which  give  rise  to  war  and 
preparations  for  war  among  the  nations  center  around  the  prob- 
lem of  the  international  market,  each  nation  seeking  to  establish 
and  maintain  its  foreign  market  as  the  only  means  for  the  dis- 
posal of  its  surplus  production,  and, 

Whereas,  This  necessity  for  foreign  markets  grows  out  of 
the  curtailing  of  the  purchasing  power  of  the  masses  of  the 
people,  which  in  turn  is  due  to  the  exploitation  of  labor  and  the 
impoverishment  of  those  who  toil,  therefore. 

Resolved,  That  the  Peace  Congress  point  out  that  causes  of 
war  lie  deep  in  the  industrial  and  economic  life  of  the  nations. 


348 

That  the  burdens  of  war  rest  most  heavily  upon  the  working 
cla'^s  and  that  that  class  particularly  is  vitally  concerned  in  the 
efforts  to  establish  international  harmony  and  should  always  and 
everywhere  be  especially  urged  to  take  up  the  cause  of  interna- 
tional peace. 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  recognizes  the  great  service 
rendered  by  the  trade  unionists  of  this  and  other  countries  in 
their  steady  opposition  to  militarism  and  war  and  that  we  com- 
mend and  encourage  these  organizations  of  labor  to  press  their 
efforts  in  these  directions  with  all  speed  and  power,  and  further, 

Whereas^  The  industrial  and  political  organizations  of  labor 
have  been  an  active  factor  in  preventing  war  on  various  occasions 
notably  between  Germany  and  France  at  the  time  of  the  Morocco 
controversy  and  later  between  Norway  and  Sweden  at  the  time 
of  the  separation  of  the  two  countries, 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  recognize  in  the  international 
political  organization  of  the  working  class,  the  International 
Socialist  movement  with  its  four  hundred  and  seventy  representa- 
tives in  the  national  parliaments  of  the  world,  its  thousands  of 
officials  in  lesser  legislative  bodies,  its  nine  millions  of  voters, 
and  its  multiplied  millions  of  affiliated  labor  organizations — all 
openly  and  avowedly  committed  to  uncompromising  opposition  to 
militarism  and  capitalistic  wars,  the  greatest  peace  force  in  the 
world. 
Mr.  Simons: 

I  ask  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  Peace  Conference  decide 
at  this  time  to  at  least  recognize  the  fact  that  today  those  who 
have  shed  the  blood  that  has  been  shed  in  all  wars,  who  bore  all 
the  burdens  of  all  wars,  who  have  fought  all  the  battles,  and  who 
have  won  and  lost  all  battles  and  have  gained  no  victories  for 
themselves,  the  great  working  class  of  the  world ;  I  ask  that  you 
recognize  that  now,  in  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  century,  that 
working  class  in  organized  form  is  reaching  across  over  the 
barrier  of  race  and  creed  and  nationality  in  a  common  brother- 
hood of  peace,  and  has  declared  eternal  and  everlasting  war  upon 
all  war  and  the  causes  of  war. 

You  have  said  here  that  we  needed  to  recognize  the  causes 
of  war.  This  resolution,  I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  only 
resolution  presented  here  that  dares  to  lay  its  hand  upon  the 


349 

cause  that  has  produced  the  oceans  of  blood  that  have  been  shed 
in  the  history  of  man.  In  the  struggle  that  has  been  made  to 
secure  new  markets  to  sell  the  things  that  the  workers  of  the 
world  have  produced  and  that  have  been  taken  from  them  we 
are  to  find  the  origin  of  every  war  of  modern  times.  We  cannot 
look  for  peace,  Mr.  Chairman,  from  those  who  profit  by  war. 
No  matter  how  sincere  they  may  be  in  their  own  minds ;  no 
matter  how  eager  their  protestations,  their  interests  must  force 
them  to  carry  on  this  exploitation  of  labor,  to  carry  on  this 
demand  for  new  markets  and  greater  profit. 

And  so,  in  the  name  of  thirty  million  socialists  who,  when 
met  in  their  organized  bodies,  in  their  international  congresses 
and  in  their  national  congresses  for  more  than  fifty  years  have 
stood  always  and  all  the  time  for  peace  and  against  war,  I  ask  the 
adoption  of  this  resolution.  I  ask  it  in  the  name  of  the  only 
organized  body  of  men  that  standing  in  the  parliaments  of  the 
world,  every  parliament  of  any  importance  in  Europe  today, 
stand  recorded  on  every  measure  that  comes  up  as  voting  every 
time  against  anything  that  makes  for  war.  I  ask  you  then  that 
you  recognize  this  force  for  peace  today.  The  time  has  come,  it 
seems  to  me,  for  you  to  recognize  that  there  is  only  one  force 
that  can  really  bring  peace ;  that  force  is  the  workers.  Its  organ- 
ized expression  is  reaching  out  the  hand  of  peace.  Will  you 
recognize  that  by  the  adoption  of  this  resolution? 
Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson  : 

As  a  member  of  an  unorganized  body — 

Dr.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones: 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  I  simply  want  to 
know  what  the  ruling  of  the  Chair  is,  whether  we  are  to  dispose 
of  these  resolutions  as  they  come  up,  or  whether  we  are  to  have 
the  whole  of  them  and  then  begin  over  again.  My  suggestion  is 
that  these  resolutions  be  disposed  of  as  they  come  up,  as  a  matter 
of  expediency. 
Mr.  Samuel  L.  Hartman  (Lancaster,  Pa.) : 

I   suppose  the  resolution  presented  by  Mr.   Simons  is  the 
preamble  of  the  resolution  presented  to  the  committee  but  not 
reported  out  by  them. 
Judge  Brown  : 

The  motion  I  made  was  to  adopt  the  report  of  the  Committee 


350 

on  Resolutions.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions  has  reported  to 
this  house  preambles  and  resolutions  as  the  platform  of  this  Con- 
gress or  the  consensus  of  the  opinion  of  this  Congress.  There 
were  a  great  many  resolutionB,  There  was  one  presented  by  Mr. 
Simons.  They  were  all  considered  and  such  portions  of  them 
as  we  thought  we  could,  within  the  proper  limitations  of  time, 
subject  and  space,  incorporate  in  the  report  were  so  incorporated. 
I  cannot  pretend  to  remember  exactly  the  details  of  each  resolu- 
tion, and  I  do  not  remember  exactly  what  Mr.  Hartman's  resolu- 
tion was,  but  I  want  to  call  your  attention  again  to  the  point  of 
order  made  by  Mr.  Jones. 

It  seems  to  me  we  should  dispose  of  this  committee  report, 
and  that  everything  else  is  out  of  order  until  that  is  done. 
Mr.  Hartman  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  not  having  heard  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions  read  and  not  knowing  what  reference  is 
made  to  the  resolutions  presented  by  me,  I  desire  to  have  the 
report  re-read. 
Chairman  Moore  : 

I  will  state  to  the  gentleman  that  the  committee  and  the 
meeting  are  not  responsible  for  his  not  knowing  the  report  of  the 
committee.     The  report  was  read  and  we  have  not  time  to  go 
back  with  it. 
Mr.  Hartman  : 

I  never  abused  the  time  of  the  conference ;  I  don't  think  I 
remember  of  over  five  minutes  in  my  life. 
Chairman  Moore: 

I  will  say  with  reference  to  the  resolutions  that  on  account 
of  the  length  of  the  program  for  the  forenoon  the  committee  has 
decided  that  seconding  speeches  must  be  limited  to  three  min- 
utes. Everybody  will  recognize  the  propriety  of  that.  Does  Mr. 
Hartman  desire  to  speak  to  the  resolution  which  he  has  not  heard 
read  ? 
Mr.  Hartman  : 

I  simply  want  to  indicate  the  point  in  a  word  or  two,  which 
I  think  I  can  do  in  a  minute,  and  you  can  call  me  to  order  if  I 
transgress  your  time. 
Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood: 

May  I  ask  Mr.  Hartman  if  he  will  not  kindly  reserve  his 


351 

remarks  until  we  dispose  of  these  resolutions  and  then  present 
his  thought  to  the  audience.     I  may  say  to  him  that  the  com- 
mittee did  not  think  it  wise  to  embody  it  in  the  resolutions. 
Mr.  Hartman  : 

You  are  voting  on  resolutions  this  body  does  not  know  any- 
thing about.    I  want  them  to  know  something  of  the  purpose  of 
the  ideas  presented  in  my  resolution  yesterday. 
Dr.  Trueblood: 

You  were  not  here  when  the  resolutions  were  read  and  these 
people  were. 

(At  this  point,  in  response  to  repeated  calls  for  the  question, 
a  viva  voce  vote  was  taken  on  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  and  it  carried  unanimously.) 

The  question  then  recurring  to  the  adoption  of  Mr.  Simons' 
resolution,  it  was  seconded  by  one  of  the  delegates  and  the  Chair- 
man called  for  remarks  upon  the  motion. 

Secretary  Royal  L.  Melendy:  Mr.  Chairman,  I  did  not 
intend  to  speak  upon  this  or  any  other  resolution,  and  I  have  no 
resolution  to  present,  but  I  would  like  to  suggest  that  some  one 
prepare  a  substitute  resolution  embodying  this  thought,  of  the 
recognition  of  the  industrial  causes  of  war  as  one  of  the  avoidable 
causes  of  war.  I  should  hesitate  to  say,  as  the  resolution  does, 
that  it  is  the  only  cause  of  war,  but  I  think  it  should  be  recog- 
nized as  one  of  the  avoidable  causes  of  war.  I  should  also  like 
to  see  in  this  substitute  resolution  a  statement  recognizing  the 
magnificent  work  of  the  workers  who  are  internationally  organ- 
ized, in  bringing  about  peace.     (Applause.) 

Personally  I  should  have  to  vote  against  the  resolution  as 
presented,  but  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  do  so.  I  am  sorry  I 
have  not  a  substitute  resolution  to  present,  and  hope  that  time  may 
be  given  to  prepare  a  substitute  resolution  which  will  recognize 
among  other  causes  of  war  that  of  industrial  causes ;  and  also 
recognize  that  which  I  believe  is  one  of  the  most  important  in 
the  factors  for  bringing  about  peace,  namely  that  of  the  organiza- 
tions of  the  workers  of  the  world, 

Mr.  a.  M.  Simons: 

If  there  is  any  way  by  which  this  recognition  that  Mr. 
Melendy  speaks  of  can  be  secured,  I  am  certain  the  socialists  and 


352' 

trades  unions  will  be  very  glad  to  make  an  amendment  that  would 
recognize  that  fact. 
Chairman  Moore: 

Mr.  Simons,  if  the  thought  expressed  by  Mr.  Melendy  can 
be  put  in  formal  shape  would  that  not  answer  the  purpose  ? 
Mr.  Simons: 

I  should  think  so. 
Judge  E.  O.  Brown  : 

Although  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  has 
been  adopted  and  my  function  as  chairman  of  that  committee 
may  perhaps  be  over,  I  desire  to  suggest  to  this  body  that  there 
are  a  great  many  differing  opinions  and  different  organizations 
represented  in  this  Congress.  It  is  the  glory  of  the  peace  move- 
ment that  it  is  so  comprehensive;  all  classes  of  people  and  all 
shades  of  thought  are  represented.  Now,  if  in  addition  to  the 
report  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  which  is  to  stand  as  the 
utterance  of  this  Congress,  each  of  those  particular  schools  of 
thought  is  to  secure  from  this  meeting  the  passage  of  such 
resolutions  as  were  presented  to  our  committee  and  considered, 
it  x:an  easily  be  seen  that  the  report  of  the  committee  on  resolu- 
tions and  what  may  be  called  the  platform  of  this  Congress  will 
lose  in  importance  and  significance  as  it  goes  out  to  the  world; 
for  that  reason  and  for  that  reason  only  I  shall  most  earnestly 
oppose  and  deprecate  the  passage  of  a  resolution  of  this  kind. 
These  resolutions  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  it  seems  to  me 
should  go  out  as  the  concentrated  thought  of  the  Congress,  and  I 
deprecate  the  passage  of  any  other  resolution  of  this  character, 
although  I  should  be  glad  to  see  a  recognition  such  as  suggested 
by  Mr.  Melendy  of  the  work  of  the  trade  unions  and  socialists. 
A  Delegate  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  we  ought  to  be  quite  fair  to  such  a 
large  body  of  men  as  represented  by  Mr.  Simons.  At  the  same 
time  we  should  be  very  careful  how  we  inject  into  our  resolutions 
ideas  which  are  the  subject  of  contention.  Mr.  Simons'  resolution 
can  be  divided  in  two  parts ;  one  part,  which  I  feel  we  would  like 
to  endorse,  is  a  recognition  of  what  the  laboring  men,  the  labor 
unions — that  is  the  phrase  he  uses — have  done  in  the  cause  of 
peace.  The  other  part  reflects  upon  the  industrial  system.  It 
comes  from  Mr.  Simons  no  doubt  as  a  criticism  of  the  system. 


353 

We  cannot  open  here  the  question  of  sociaHsm.     Part  of  that 
resolution  opens  the  wage  question,  and  if  that  part  is  ehminated 
I  think  the  resolution  will  go  through  without  contention. 
Secretary  Melendy  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  don't  quite  think  I  was  understood  or  that 
the  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Simons  was  understood.  I  have 
not  until  this  morning  read  through  the  resolutions  presented  by 
the  committee,  nor  have  I  read  the  resolutions  presented  by  Mr. 
Simons.  The  point  he  made  was  that  among  other  causes  of 
war  are  industrial  causes.  That  does  not  mean  the  wage  system. 
There  is  a  race  prejudice — there  are  a  great  many  causes  of  war. 
I  think  it  is  quite  proper  to  recognize  that  there  are  industrial 
causes  of  war,  and  that  they  are  important,  and  I  think  it  is  very 
proper  that  we  should  recognize  the  force  of  the  workers  inter- 
nationally organized  as  against  this.  Possibly  it  might  not  be 
well  to  put  it  in  as  a  resolution,  but  simply  to  move  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  these  people  and  a  recognition  of  them. 
Mr.  J.  E.  Iglehart  : 

Mr.  President,  we  ought  not  to  adopt  that  resolution  here 
this  morning.  My  judgment  is  that  this  convention  will  lose 
more  or  less  of  its  moral  force,  especially  with  the  countries  of 
Europe,  to  interject  a  partisan  view  of  any  question  like  this  into 
the  record.  (Applause.)  The  Committee  on  Resolutions  has 
done  its  work  and  done  it  well.  It  has  had  before  it  all  these 
questions,  and  I  think  we  ought  to  do  as  other  bodies  do,  that 
these  questions  should  be  threshed  out  in  detail  before  the  com- 
mittee. I  say  we  cannot  thresh  it  out  here  this  morning  and  I 
move  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table. 

The  Chairman,  Judge  J.  B.  Moore,  put  the  motion  and 
declared  it  lost.  Upon  appeal  from  his  decision  another  viva  voce 
vote  was  taken  and  declared  lost.  Upon  second  appeal  a  standing 
vote  was  taken,  and  the  motion  to  table  the  resolution  was  an- 
nounced as  carried. 

The  adoption  of  the  following  resolution  was  moved  by 
Mr.  Joseph  B.  Burtt: 

Whereas,  The  principles  of  fraternity  are  as  broad  as 
humanity  and  the  movement  for  better  fraternal  education  is 
doing  much  to  promote  the  peace  of  our  nation ;  and, 


354 

Whereas,  Peace  at  home  among  ourselves  is  a  guarantee  of 
peace  with  other  nations ;  now,  therefore,  be  it, 

Resolved,  By  the  members  of  the  Second  National  Peace 
Congress,  in  convention  assembled  at  Chicago,  Illinois,  United 
States  of  America,  That  the  movement  for  better  fraternal  edu- 
cation can  be  best  promoted  along  the  lines  of  publicity,  partner- 
ship and  personality. 

James  Ewing  Davis, 
William  Grant  Edens, 
W.  E.  Hyde, 
Nelson  N.  Lampert, 
Charles  E.  Piper, 
Frank  C.  Roundy, 
Robert  Van  Sands, 
Richard  W.  Wolfe, 
Joseph   B.    Burtt,   Chairman. 
Committee  on  Fraternal  Orders. 
The  motion  was  duly  seconded. 

Mr.  Brown  : 

For  the  reasons 

Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones: 

I  would  remind  the  Judge  that  the  motion  is  not  yet  seconded. 
Mr.  Brown  : 

It  is  seconded.  For  the  reasons  which  I  gave  in  relation  to 
the  other  resolutions  and  which  apply  equally  to  this,  and  to 
every  other  of  the  resolutions  which  were  presented  to  the  com- 
mittee and  considered,  I  move  to  lay  that  resolution  on  the  table. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  duly  seconded,  put  and 
carried. 
Mr.  Melendy  : 

I  want  to  present  one  resolution,  rather  informally,  without 
having  it  written,  although  it  expresses  my  deep  conviction. 

Be  it  Resolved,  That  this  Congress  desires  to  recognize  the 
efficient  service  in  the  cause  of  international  peace  that  has  been 
rendered  by  the  international  organization  of  the  workers  of  the 
world. 

The  motion  on  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  was  duly 
seconded,  put,  and  unanimously  carried. 


355 

Mr.  J.  J.  Sultaire,  delegate  from  the  Federated  Trades  Coun- 
cil of  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin,  presented  the  following  resolution 
and  moved  its  adoption: 

Whereas,  The  War  Department  of  the  United  States  has 
been  extensively  advertising  on  billboards  and  through  other 
agencies  showing  alluring  pictures  of  the  advantages  to  young 
men  of  joining  the  army  and  navy;  and, 

Whereas,  We  find  that  many  young  men  who  are  the  sole 
support  of  families  are  induced  by  these  advertisements  to  enlist 
in  the  army  and  navy,  thus  working  great  hardship  to  those 
dependent  upon  them — the  sole  purpose  of  their  enlistment  being 
that  of  engaging  in  the  art  of  scientific  warfare,  an  art  more 
commonly  called  wholesale  murder  when  peace  workers  do  the 
calling ; 

Resolved,  That  this  Peace  Congress,  while  not  opposing 
legitimate  advertising  for  the  army  and  navy,  so  long  as  such 
military  organizations  remain  necessary  under  the  existing  sys- 
tem, does  most  thoroughly  deprecate  these  and  similar  methods 
of  luring  the  youth  of  our  nation  away  from  their  homes  and 
dependent  ones  for  the  giving  of  military  service. 

J.  J.  Sultaire, 
Delegate  Federated  Trades  Council,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

F.  E.  Neumann, 
Delegate  Federated  Trades  Council,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 

Seconded  by  Arthur  Kahn,  of  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Trueblood  raised  the  point  of  order  whether  a  resolution 
which  had  been  referred  to  the  committee,  and  which  had  been 
disposed  of  by  the  committee,  should  properly  again  be  brought 
up,  and  presented  in  full  session  of  the  Congress. 
The  Chairman  : 

The  Chairman  rules  against  the  point  of  order  for  the  reason 
that  it  has  been  stated  from  this  platform  time  and  again  during 
the  sessions  that  notwithstanding  these  resolutions  must  be  pre- 
sented to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  that  they  may  be  pre- 
sented in  open  session  if  the  resolution  was  presented  to  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Sultarie's  motion  was  duly  seconded  by  Arthur  Kahn, 
of  Philadelphia. 


356 

A  delegate  moved  that  said  motion  be  laid  upon  the  table. 
The  motion  was  duly  seconded  and  prevailed,  and  the  resolution 
was  laid  upon  the  table. 
Mr.  Melendy: 

Although  I  have  made  this  announcement  frequently  that 
opportunity  would  be  given,  I  have  also  announced  a  very  full 
program  for  this  morning,  and  I  therefore  move  you  that  the 
executive  session  of  this  Congress  be  closed  within  five  minutes, 
and  that  the  program  be  then  taken  up. 

Mr.  Melendy's  motion  was  duly  seconded  and  prevailed. 

The  following  resolution  was  then  presented  by  Rev.  Jenkin 
Lloyd  Jones,  as  follows: 

The  Congress  desires  to  record  its  high  appreciation  of  the 
work  done  and  doing  by  the  American  Peace  Society  without 
whose  initiative  continuous  co-operation  and  generous  support 
this  Congress  could  not  have  been.  The  Chicago  members  of  this 
Congress  desire  to  testify  to  the  especial  service  rendered  to  this 
Congress  by  the  tireless  work  of  the  Field  Secretary  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  the  Rev.  Charles  E.  Beals,  and  we 
hereby  pledge  our  support  to  this  society  and  its  future  work. 

Upon  motion  duly  made  and  seconded,  the  resolution  offered 
by  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  was  carried. 

Miss  Anna  B.  Eckstein,  Boston,  prefacing  the  ofifer  by  a 
few  remarks,  ofifered  the  following  resolution  relative  to  the 
program  of  the  Third  Hague  Conference : 

Resolved,  by  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  held  in 
Chicago  May  3  to  5,  1909,  composed  of  delegates  from  states. 
That  the  signatory  powers  of  the  Hague  conventions  be  respect- 
fully requested  to  place  on  the  program  of  the  Third  Hague  Con- 
ference the  subjects  of  the  world  petition  to  the  Third  Hague 
Conference,  which  are  as  follows : 

1.  The  establishment  of  a  universal  law,  by  which  a  decision 
by  pacific  means,  of  any  international  difficulty  shall,  in  no  case, 
endanger  the  self-preservation  and  development,  i.  e.,  the  vital 
interests  and  honor  of  any  nation. 

2.  Removal  of  the  causes  of  war  by  regulating,  in  speedy 
succession,  all  international  interests  by  conventions  and  treaties, 
each  with  clause  insuring  pacific  settlement  of  any  difficulty  that 
may  arise  from  said  arrangements. 


357 

3-  Settlement  by  pacific  means  of  all  difficulties  arising 
from  any  international  interest  not  yet  covered  by  convention  or 
treaty  with  pacific  clause. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  this  Congress  appoint  a 
committee,  whose  duty  shall  be  to  forward  this  resolution  to  the 
signatory  powers  of  the  Hague  conventions,  either  direct,  or 
through  mediation  of  the  Permanent  Hague  Tribunal. 

Respectfully  submitted  by, 

Anna  B.  Eckstein, 
30  Newbury  Street,  Back  Bay,  Boston, 

The  committee  suggested  to  be  as  follows :  Hon.  Richard 
Bartholdt,  M.  C,  chairman ;  Hon.  Robert  Treat  Paine,  Edwin 
Ginn,  Esq. ;  Anna  B,  Eckstein. 

Miss  Eckstein  moved  the  adoption  of  the  foregoing  reso- 
lution. 

A  delegate  raised  the  point  of  order  that  the  executive  session 
of  the  Congress  had  then  closed  by  limitation  of  time,  and  the 
Chairman  sustained  the  point. 

Thereupon  Dr.  Trueblood  moved  that  the  time  of  the  execu- 
tive session  be  extended  for  ten  minutes,  which  motion  prevailed. 
Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones: 

We  are  having  the  experience  of  every  convention  of  this 
kind  at  its  close,  from  the  desire  of  people  to  project  their  theories 
and  stump  speeches  in  the  form  of  resolutions.  This  is  a  large 
problem  which  this  Congress  has  sat  upon  for  three  days.  This 
resolution  has  been  before  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  and 
they  have  had  to  exclude  it  by  simply  the  same  law  of  fairness 
which  has  placed  a  limitation  on  other  resolutions  offered.  I 
accordingly  move  that  the  resolution  be  laid  upon  the  table. 
Judge  E.  O.  Brown  : 

I   second  that  motion.     The  essence  of  that  resolution  is 
embodied   in   our    platform.      The   petition    may   be    forwarded, 
according  to  Miss  Eckstein's  wording,  if  she  can  make  us  under- 
stand it. 
Chairman  Moore  : 

The  motion  is  not  debatable. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  motion  to  lay  the  resolution 


358 

on  the  table;  and  the  result  being  in  doubt  the  question  was  put 
again  and  declared  carried. 

Thereupon  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead  presented  a  resolution  which 
he  declared  was  submitted  by  an  organization  of  "a  million  and  a 
half  of  our  German  fellow  citizens." 

Whereas,  It  is  inconsistent  that  a  neutral  shall  not  furnish 
ammunition  to  nations  at  war,  but  that  he  shall  be  allowed  to 
furnish  the  money  with  which  to  buy  ammunition ;  and, 

Whereas,  A  modern  war  could  hardly  be  waged  without  the 
financial  assistance  furnished  by  the  citizens  of  neutral  nations ; 
be  it, 

Resolved,  That  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  urges 
upon  our  National  Congress  the  enactment  of  a  law  forbidding 
the  solicitation  and  subscription  to  war  loans  of  foreign  nations 
in  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Mead: 

I  shall  not  discuss  it  at  all  except  to  sa}-^  that  from  Mr. 
Richard  Cobden's  time  down  to  the  present  that  has  been  the 
firm  and  earnest  conviction  of  all  the  peace  workers  of  the 
world,  and  I  hope  that  this  Congress  will  go  unanimously  upon 
record  in  support  of  this  motion  submitted  by  our  German  fellow 
citizens. 
Judge  E.  O.  Brown  : 

We  do  not  wish  to  dissipate  the  significance  of  our  platform ; 
and  that  is  my  only  reason  for  moving  to  table  the  resolutions 
which  have  been  read.  I  do  not  believe  we  should  have  such 
resolutions,  and  I  therefore  move  to  lay  it  on  the  table. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  duly  seconded,  put  and 
carried,  and  the  Chairman  announced  that  the  Congress  would 
now  proceed  with  the  regular  order  of  the  morning's  program. 
The  Chairman  : 

If  there  is  to  be  any  considerable  reduction  in  the  armies 
and  navies  of  the  world,  it  will  be  because  of  the  establishment 
of  an  International  Court  of  Arbitration.  The  reasonable  cer- 
tainty of  a  complete  organization  of  that  character  in  the  early 
future  is  due,  so  far  as  one  agency  is  concerned,  as  much  to  the 
organization  established  by  that  great  philanthropist,  Hon.  Albert 
K.  Smiley,  the  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference ;  we  had  hoped 


359 

this  morning  to  hear  with  reference  to  that  organization  from 
its  present  secretary,  Mr.  PhilHps,  but  he  is  unable  to  be  present. 
The  next  address  upon  the  program  is  entitled,  "State  Peace 
Congresses — Pennsylvania's  Experience."  In  the  absence  of  its 
author,  Mr.  Henry  C.  Niles,  of  York,  Pa.,  the  paper  will  be  read 
by  Mr.  A.  B.  Farquhar. 
Mr.  Farquhar: 

Pennsylvania   is  the  great  mother  of  peace   arbitration,   as 
you  know,  and  gave  the  first  example  of  its  entire  practicability. 


State  Peace  Congresses  —  Pennsylvania's  Experience 

Henry  C  Niles 

In  the  woods  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  first  sincere  attempt 
of  the  capable  and  strong  to  deal  fairly  and  justly,  under  no  com- 
pulsion, with  the  ignorant  and  weak.  Many  there  now  are  true 
to  their  peaceful  heritage.  A  year  ago  seven  hundred  and  ten 
delegates  from  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  organizations 
assembled  in  Philadelphia.  They  sat  almost  within  the  round  of 
the  shadow  of  the  sweeping  elm  where  had  been  solemnized  the 
great  treaty  that,  scrupulously  kept  for  forty  years,  made  the 
colony  unique  in  prosperity  and  freedom  from  alarm.  True  to 
traditions  of  ancestry  and  place,  there  were  gathered  of  the 
commonwealth's  best  and  most  influential;  to  further  the  move- 
ment to  make  the  early  policy  of  Penn  the  permanent  principle 
of  international  relations.  The  Governor  presided  at  the  initial 
session.  Prominent  educators,  jurists,  business  and  professional 
men  and  ladies  delivered  addresses  and  participated  in  the  dis- 
cussions. Clergymen,  Catholic,  Protestant  and  Jewish,  with  their 
followers,  united  in  the  efifort  to  promote  the  cause  of  all  true 
worshipers  of  God  and  lovers  of  His  children.  A  distinct 
strengthening  of,  and  emphasis  upon  the  sentiment  of  the  state 
favorable  to  a  definite  system  of  arbitration  and  a  permanent 
international  court,  was  a  result.  The  sentiment  of  the  three 
days'  conference  was  crystallized  in  certain  resolutions. 

The  admirable  course  of  our  government  at  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  was  commended  and  we  pledged  our  active 
and  cordial   support   toward    fulfilling   the   recommendations   of 


360 

that  conference.  We  particularly  endorsed  the  recommendation 
in  regard  to  the  limitation  of  armaments,  the  International  Prize 
Court  and  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.  We  urged  our  govern- 
ment to  take  action  to  establish  this  great  world  court,  believing 
that  in  this  way  it  is  now  possible  to  render  a  most  signal  and 
memorable  service  to  mankind.  Similar  conferences  in  every 
state  of  the  Union  were  urged,  to  serve  as  organizers  and  repre- 
sentatives of  public  opinion.  The  nucleus  of  a  permanent  organi- 
zation was  provided  for  by  the  appointment  of  an  executive  com- 
mittee of  which  Senator,  now  Secretary  of  State,  Philander  C. 
Knox  is  the  head.  This  executive  committee  has  had  a  year  of 
active  organization  work.  A  sub-committee  on  educational  work, 
acting  in  co-operation  with  the  School  Peace  League,  has  com- 
menced very  successfully  the  efifort  to  interest  the  people,  par- 
ticularly the  young,  through  literature  and  lectures,  at  schools, 
clubs,  granges,  labor  unions,  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s,  ministerial  and  other 
religious  associations,  teachers'  institutes  and  university  exten- 
sion. Arrangements  have  been  made  for  quite  general  observance 
of  May  ^8,^  1909,  as  Peace  Day,  and  a  suggested  program  has 
been  distributed  among  the  schools. 

On  March  15  a  hearing  arranged  by  the  committee  on  cor- 
respondence was  given  at  Washington  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  the  proposition  was  urged  with  able  arguments  that  our 
government  should  take  steps  to  induce  at  least  two  other  powers 
to  act  with  the  United  States  in  appointing  judges  and  setting  up 
the  permanent  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice. 

Pennsylvanians  hope  for  the  honor  that  the  permanent  world 
tribunal,  with  impartial  judges  declaring  and  administering  a 
system  of  fixed  international  law,  judicially  and  not  as  diplomats, 
will  be  the  crowning  glory  of  the  Taft  administration  and  of  his 
Prime  Minister,  who  is  the  permanent  chairman  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Peace  and  Arbitration  Conference. 

While  much  has  been  planned  and  considerable  accomplished, 
it  is  probable  that  more  might  be  done  with  a  State  Society. 

The  permanent  committee  which  has  charge  of  the  work  in 
Pennsylvania  would  as  the  result  of  their  experience  recommend 
the  organization  of  groups  of  interested  people  in  various  parts 
of  the  state,  promptly,  before  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Conference 
has  passed. 


36i 

Following  the  reading  of  Mr,  Niles'  paper,  Chairman  Moore, 
in  introducing  Mr.  William  H.  Short,  executive  secretary  of  the 
New  York  Peace  Society,  said : 
Chairman  Moore: 

It  is  very  proper  that  there  should  be  a  permanent  peace 
office  in  the  greatest  city  on  this  continent.  We  will  hear  of  the 
work  of  that  office  from  Mr.  William  H,  Short,  its  executive 
secretary. 

A  Permanent  Peace  Office  in  Nevs^  York 

Mr.  William  H.  Short 

Mr.  William  H.  Short: 

When  the  Peace  Movement  had  evolved  a  program  definite, 
clear  and  capable  of  appealing  to  the  average  man  as  practicable, 
and  the  nations  at  The  Hague  had  begun  to  consider  parts  of 
this  program  with  favor  then  the  day  had  come  for  the  opening 
of  permanent  peace  offices  in  the  centers  of  the  world.  By  a 
permanent  office  I  mean  one  that  shall  render  active  service  until 
a  world  court  and  the  compulsory  use  of  it  by  the  nations 
for  the  settlement  of  all  differences  shall  have  been  secured.  It 
may  even  then  be  necessary  to  keep  the  office  open  for  a  genera- 
tion or  two  longer,  until  custom  shall  have  removed  all  danger 
of  a  relapse  into  the  old  barbarities. 

"The  first  publication  in  America  professedly  and  exclusively 
for  the  cause  of  peace,"  says  Dr.  Trueblood,  "was  written  in  1809 
by  David  Low  Dodge,  of  New  York.  In  August,  1815,  the  first 
peace  society  in  the  world  was  formed  in  New  York  under  the 
inspiration  of  the  same  man.  The  organization  of  other  societies 
quickly  followed,  and  by  1826  there  were  fifty  of  them  scattered 
through  the  different  states." 

Universal  peace  was  then  only  an  ideal.  The  moral  note 
alone  could  be  struck  by  its  advocates.  The  movement  toward 
arbitration,  world  court  and  world  organization,  which  together 
constitute  the  modern  peace  movement,  had  not  begun.  These 
societies  gained  the  support  of  a  group  of  splendid  men,  but  they 
suffered  the  fate  of  all  societies  which  merely  voice  a  protest  and 
do  not  have  a  definite  program  which  appears  attainable.  Most 
of  them  languished  in  feebleness  and  neglect. 


362 

By  1828  it  had  become  clear  that  a  central  organization  was 
needed,  and  the  societies  co-operated  in  forming  the  American 
Peace  Society,  most  of  them  being  merged  in  the  new  organiza- 
tion. This  society  for  seven  years  had  its  headquarters  in  New 
York,  but  in  1835  removed  to  Hartford,  Conn.,  where  it  tarried 
for  a  night,  and  then  moved  farther  on  to  Boston.  Here  it  found 
a  congenial  soil,  and  has  remained  until  this  day.  For  two  or 
three  generations  the  peace  propaganda  in  this  country  was  car- 
ried on  chielly  by  the  men  in  Boston  and  elsewhere  who  gathered 
around  this  society. 

The  peace  advocates  of  the  world  step  by  step  worked  out  a 
program  that  began  to  appear  attainable,  and  the  battle  was  half 
won.  Then  the  Hague  Conference  were  called  and  the  plans 
of  the  peace  party  began  to  take  shape  before  the  world. 

The  task  had  now  become  a  very  different  one  from  that 
which  confronted  the  men  of  181 5.  It  appeared  to  be  no  longer 
that  of  changing  the  nature  of  men  and  ushering  in  the  millennium 
as  a  first  step  toward  peace.  It  had  come  to  be  understood  as  a 
question  of  extending  into  the  international  sphere  the  reign  of 
law  and  the  decrees  of  courts  with  which  men  had  happily  become 
familiar  elsewhere,  and  so  of  sloughing  off  an  outgrown  system 
of  settling  questions  of  right  between  nations  by  brute  force.  The 
proposals  of  a  peace  society  were  now  beginning  to  appeal  as 
strongly  to  practical  men  as  to  the  idealist,  and  the  time  was  ripe 
for  the  multiplication  of  permanent  peace  societies. 

The  immediate  inspiration  for  the  establishment  of  the  New 
York  society  seems  to  have  been  found  in  the  meetings  of  the 
Mohonk  Peace  and  Arbitration  Conferences.  In  January,  1906, 
a  meeting  was  called  by  Prof.  Ernst  Richard  to  consider  the 
matter  and  in  February  the  society  was  organized  with  the  Hon. 
Oscar  S.  Straus  as  president,  and  for  a  year  did  its  work  in  a 
quiet  way.  Then  Mr.  Straus  was  called  to  a  place  in  the  Cabinet 
at  Washington,  and  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  took  his  place  at  its 
head.  The  first  National  Peace  Conference  was  held  and  gave  a 
great  impulse  to  the  growth  of  the  society.  Membership  increased, 
and  the  busy  men  who  were  carrying  its  burdens  began  to  be 
overwhelmed  by  the  calls  which  were  made  upon  them.  At  the 
annual  meeting  in  May,  1908,  it  was  decided  that  a  permanent 
office  must  be  opened,  and  in  November  this  was  done. 


The  work  carried  on  there,  while  varied  in  character,  is  all 
done  with  the  intent  to  create  a  public  sentiment  which  will  lead 
to  the  abandonment  of  war.  The  office  has  been  a  busy  place, 
much  busier  than  anybody  thought  would  be  possible  beforehand. 
The  reason  is  that  the  city  is  ready  for  its  message. 

New  York  is  the  most  cosmopolitan  city  in  the  world,  and 
the  society  has  sought  to  capitalize  that  fact.  It  found  in  exist- 
ence a  Japan  society  made  up  of  a  group  of  Japanese  and  of 
Americans  who  have  traveled  in  or  have  dealings  with  Japan,  an 
Italian  peace  society,  a  German- American  peace  society  and  other 
organizations  of  this  character.  It  helped  to  form  the  American- 
Scandinavian  society,  which  promises  useful  services.  These 
organizations,  with  a  purpose  kindred  to  its  own,  it  is  co-ordinat- 
ing and  affiliating  into  one  organism  which,  with  its  several  arms, 
shall  be  able  to  touch  the  life  of  the  city  at  as  many  points.  To 
assist  in  this  work  a  strong  group  of  eminent  women  is  also  being 
enlisted. 

But  it  has  made  other  use  of  the  several  national  groups  that 
are  to  be  found  in  the  city.  It  felt  that  an  example  ought  to  be 
given  on  a  scale  which  could  be  done  only  in  New  York  of  inter- 
national co-operation.  For  this  purpose  it  seized  on  the  fact  that 
during  the  year  the  world  has  been  at  peace,  and  in  celebration 
of  this  fact,  organized  a  great  International  Peace  Festival. 
Speeches  were  made  by  Mr.  Carnegie  and  His  Eminence,  Wu 
Ting-fang,  Minister  from  China.  The  program  was  largely 
musical  and  was  rendered  by  singing  societies  and  artists  repre- 
senting most  of  the  greater  nations,  all  of  whom  freely  lent  their 
services  to  the  occasion.  Representatives  of  sixteen  of  the  nations 
having  embassies  at  Washington  were  present  as  guests  of  the 
society.  The  hall  was  appropriately  decorated  with  the  flags  of 
the  nations,  and  a  most  unique  and  successful  occasion  was  the 
result. 

Another  line  of  work  carried  on  with  constant  diligence  has 
been  the  education  of  public  opinion  through  pulpit,  platform, 
press  and  other  agencies.  In  this  work  of  education  a  fine  com- 
pany of  speakers  has  been  gathered  and  their  services  offered  free 
of  charge  to  organizations  of  every  kind.  They  have  voiced  the 
message  of  the  society  from  the  most  prominent  pulpits  in  the 
city,  and  carried  it  to  the  voters  in  many  of  the  political  clubs. 


364 

Our  speakers  have  been  invited  to  address  and  to  speak  at  din- 
ners of  commercial  and  social  clubs  of  all  kinds,  and  have  af)- 
peared  in  the  lecture  halls  of  the  Board  of  Education.  And 
a  woman,  eminent  as  a  peace  advocate  the  world  over,  spoke 
twice  every  day  for  several  weeks,  frequently  before  the  largest 
and  best  high  schools.  Perhaps  a  hundred  thousand  people  have 
thus  heard  of  the  progress  of  the  international  peace  movement 
during  the  five  months. 

The  press  has  generously  co-operated  in  the  work  of  educa- 
tion. Several  hundred  press  notices  inspired  by  the  activities  of 
the  society  have  come  to  the  notice  of  the  office,  and  there  were 
probably  a  much  larger  number  which  have  not  found  their  way 
there.  But  we  feel  that  our  proper  work  of  co-operation  with  the 
press  has  hardly  begun,  and  that  a  society  in  such  a  city  ought 
to  lead  in  the  organization  of  a  press  bureau,  which  shall  furnish 
and  interpret  the  news  of  the  things  which  make  for  peace  to  the 
press  of  the  land. 

In  a  modest  way  effort  has  also  been  made  to  bring  influence 
to  bear  upon  the  rulers  and  statesmen  of  our  own  and  other  lands 
tliat  the  principles  of  arbitration  may  be  extended,  and  the  move- 
ment toward  world  court  and  organization  which  centers  at  The 
Hague  exalted. 

Besides  the  Peace  Festival  already  mentioned,  which  brought 
together  official  representatives  of  many  nations  to  think  of  peace 
and  listen  to  the  international  language  of  music,  several  other 
functions  were  arranged  with  this  intent. 

A  reception  and  dinner,  tendered  jointly  with  the  American- 
Scandinavian  Society  to  the  three  Scandinavian  ministers  to  the 
United  States,  attracted  much  attention  from  the  press  of  the  city 
and  even  of  Europe.  The  one  society  acted  as  host  at  the  recep- 
tion, and  the  other  at  the  dinner.  Congratulatory  dispatches  were 
received  from  the  governments  of  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way. The  general  impression  was  that  the  occasion  had  been  of 
large  importance  in  the  betterment  of  the  relations  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian peoples  of  New  York,  and  of  considerable  significance 
in  the  international  field. 

The  great  event  of  the  winter  in  the  effort  to  influence  our 
lawmakers  was,  however,  a  dinner  tendered  to  Senator  Elihu 
Root  in  recognition  of  his  service  to  the  cause  of  peace  while 


365 

holding  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State.  Six  hundred  guests 
were  present  on  this  occasion.  The  speech  by  Mr.  Root  on  inter- 
national good  manners  was  an  important  one,  and  was  widely 
reported  by  the  press,  and  circulated  as  a  document  by  the  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation  in  both  America  and 
Europe.  Other  addresses  were  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  James  Bryce,  of 
England ;  Senor  Nabuco,  of  Brazil ;  Baron  Takahira,  of  Japan ; 
the  Hon.  Joseph  Choate,  of  New  York;  Governor  Hughes  and 
President  Taft.  By  common  consent  this  dinner  was  one  of  the 
most  notable  ever  given  in  New  York,  and  must  have  served  in 
some  degree  to  make  the  representatives  of  nations  more  pacific 
and  just  in  their  dealings  with  one  another.  Public  functions 
which  are  thus  calculated  to  bring  influence  to  bear  in  official 
quarters  where  it  will  be  immediately  productive  of  more  pacific 
relations  between  nations,  the  society  hopes  to  repeat  and  mul- 
tiply. 

It  is  also  preparing  to  extend  frequent  hospitality  to  distin- 
guished citizens  and  foreigners  and  is  furthering  the  interchange 
of  students  and  professors  between  our  own  and  European  uni- 
versities. It  believes  that  the  day  has  come  when  men  of  promi- 
nence and  influence  both  ought  to  be  and  can  be  led  to  speak 
at  Washington  and  other  capitals  in  favor  of  peaceful  methods 
and  against  vast  and  costly  armaments. 

Along  with  these  and  many  other  activities,  largely  because 
of  them  perhaps,  a  strong  society  is  growing  up  with  little  effort. 
We  have  both  the  idealists  and  the  practical  men.  On  the  roll 
of  its  members  are  the  names  of  captains  of  industry,  kings  of 
finance,  and  a  large  and  constantly  increasing  group  of  jurists. 
Women  of  social  prominence  are  among  its  officers.  If  its  mem- 
bers are  not  numerous  from  among  the  Tammany  and  Republican 
clubs,  at  least  interest  among  them  is  marked  and  sincere,  while 
the  socialists  tell  us  that  they  are  the  original  peace  men,  and  as 
such  are  to  be  counted  in  our  ranks.  Statesmen  are  among  its 
officers  and  diplomats  and  presidents  speak  from  its  platform. 

All  things  considered,  let  it  be  said  in  closing,  in  spite  of 
growing  navies  and  occasional  jingoism,  the  cause  of  peace  looks 
vastly  hopeful  as  viewed  from  the  vantage  ground  of  the  New 
York  Peace  Office. 


366 

Chairman  Moore  : 

Mr.  Robert  C.  Root,  of  Los  Angeles,  California,  will  tell  us 
of  the  Pacific  Coast  Agency  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 
(Applause.) 


The  Pacific  Coast  Agency  of  the  American  Peace  Society 

Mr.  Robert  C.  Root 

I  may  be  pardoned  possibly  for  a  single  reference  to  California. 
As  we  come  from  sunny  southern  California  to  this  less  sunny 
land  we  sympathize  with  you  who  do  not  live  there.  We  have 
so  many  good  things  we  would  like  to  tell  you  about,  that  if  I 
were  to  attempt  to  tell  you  about  all  of  those  delightful  things 
you  might  classify  me  as  the  small  boy  classified  the  man  who 
came  to  the  fence  surrounding  his  father's  field  one  day  and  asked 
the  boy  some  questions.  This  man  came  up  to  the  cornfield  and 
said  to  the  boy:  "Your  corn  looks  yellow."  "Yes,  that  is  the 
kind  we  planted."  But  the  man  looked  again  at  it  and  saw  that 
it  was  not  very  well  cultivated  and  he  said :  "Well,  you  won't 
get  more  than  half  a  crop,  will  you?"  "No,"  he  said,  "we  don't 
expect  to.  The  landlord  gets  the  other  half."  The  man  looked 
at  the  small  boy  again  and  said :  "Boy,  there  isn't  very  much 
between  you  and  a  fool,  is  there?"  "No,  only  a  fence,"  replied 
the  boy.  (Laughter.)  Now  if  I  were  to  go  on  and  tell  you  all 
about  California  you  would  want  to  classify  me  as  the  small  boy 
did  his  friend. 

But  I  am  here  to  tell  you  about  the  Pacific  Coast  Agency. 
We  believe  in  California  in  this  movement  for  peace  and  good 
will,  and  some  of  us  are  putting  our  hearts  and  hands  and  heads 
and  everything  else  that  belongs  to  us  into  the  work.  We  are 
trying  to  do  things.  We  have  the  spirit,  some  of  us,  of  that  grand 
man  you  have  heard  here  on  more  than  one  occasion  in  this  con- 
ference, the  President  of  Stanford  University.  We  used  to  hear 
him  say  that  the  world  stops  and  steps  aside  for  the  man  who 
knows  what  he  wants  to  do  and  knows  where  he  is  going.  That 
spirit  is  in  the  peace  workers  out  on  the  Pacific  Coast  and  these 


367 

are  some  of  the  things  we  did.  They  are  indicative  of  some  of 
the  things  we  propose  to  do  in  the  future. 

We  have  had  three  peace  conferences,  and  out  of  those  three 
conferences  have  been  organized  two  peace  societies ;  the  North- 
ern Cahfornia  Peace  Society  with  fifty  charter  members,  in- 
chiding  President  Wheeler,  of  the  University  of  Cahfornia,  and 
a  number  of  his  leading  professors;  the  mayor  of  the  city  of 
Berkeley,  the  postmaster,  six  or  seven  of  the  leading  divines,  the 
leading  bankers  of  the  city  and  a  number  of  prominent  representa- 
tives of  other  callings  in  life.  In  Los  Angeles  we  organized  the 
Southern  California  Peace  Society,  starting  with  thirty-two  mem- 
bers one  year  and  two  months  ago,  but  we  now  have  one  hundred 
and  ninety-two  paid-up  members  in  Los  Angeles  and  we  expect 
to  have  several  hundred  before  the  campaign  ends. 

We  have  had  Hague  Day  in  six  of  our  high  schools  in  south- 
ern California  and  one  hundred  and  ten  public  schools  or  gram- 
mar schools  in  that  part  of  the  state.  Our  state  superintendent 
and  the  county  superintendent  of  Los  Angeles  County  have  told 
me  in  response  to  letters  sent  to  them  that  they  will  urge  the 
observance  of  Hague  Day  this  year  in  the  public  schools  of  the 
state  and  county.  Hague  Day  programs  were  sent  to  every 
county  and  city  superintendent  of  schools  in  California.  Eight 
or  ten  Hague  Day  speakers  have  been  secured  for  the  coming 
Hague  Day  program  in  southern  California  schools.  We  have 
distributed  all  over  the  state  of  California  and  the  Pacific  Coast 
during  the  past  year  over  sixty  thousand  pages  of  peace  literature, 
octavo  pages,  among  others  that  magnificent  answer  of  Dr.  John 
De  Forest  to  Richmond  P.  Hobson.  That  able  answer,  "The 
Truth  About  Japan,"  is  scattered  up  and  down  the  Pacific  Coast 
by  the  hundreds. 

A  peace  literature  exhibit  was  made  at  the  city  and  county 
school  superintendents'  biennial  convention  at  Lake  Taboe  last 
September,  where  all  of  the  city,  county  and  school  superin- 
tendents of  California  were  gathered  in  convention  for  three  or 
four  days.  We  had  also  at  the  Orange  County  Teachers'  Insti- 
tute a  like  exhibit. 

In  Los  Angeles  we  had  at  the  Los  Angeles  and  Ventura 
Joint  County  Teachers'  Institute  another  exhibit,  and  at  the 
Southern  California  Teachers'  Association  that  met  in  Los  Ange- 


368 

les  last  December  two  exhibits.  Again,  at  the  California  State 
Teachers'  Association  at  San  Jose,  in  central  California,  we  had 
another  exhibit;  and  again  at  the  Old  Soldier's  Encampment  at 
Huntington  Beach,  one  of  our  coast  towns,  we  had  another 
exhibit  of  peace  literature ;  and  then  in  the  secretary's  office  in  Los 
Angeles  we  have  a  continuous  exhibit  there  so  that  all  who  enter 
the  door  may  be  exposed  to  the  microbes  of  peace.  We  believe 
that  if  the  people  can  get  in  touch  with  our  excellent  peace  litera- 
ture furnished  us  from  the  head  office  in  Boston,  and  actually 
read  and  learn  something  of  the  movement,  they  too  will  become 
advocates  of  peace  and  good  will  among  men. 

In  addition  to  this,  arrangements  have  been  made  for  some 
oratorical  contests  in  California.  There  is  one  to  take  place  in  the 
near  future  among  the  young  men  and  young  women  of  the  high 
schools  of  California,  of  southern  California  more  especially. 

The  most  inspiring  work  that  it  has  been  my  privilege  to  do 
in  this  cause  on  the  Pacific  Coast  has  been  with  the  young  men 
and  young  women  of  the  high  schools.  Formerly  it  was  my 
profession  to  teach  history  in  some  of  the  high  schools  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  to  see  these  young  people  as  they  came  to  me  to  get 
information,  to  get  something  to  write  about  on  the  subject  of 
peace, — to  see  their  eyes  sparkle,  to  see  the  interest  they  take 
when  they  realize  the  things  that  may  be  acquired,  the  knowledge 
of  the  world,  the  knowledge  of  history,  the  knowledge  of  human 
affairs  and  the  possibilities  that  grow  out  of  this  work,  is  an 
inspiration  that  I  wish  you  could  share  with  me  as  I  work  with 
these  high  school  students  on  the  Pacific  Coast, 

Not  only  that,  but  college  students  have  come  and  wanted 
to  know  what  to  say,  what  subject  to  take,  what  information  to 
get  and  where  to  get  it,  so  that  in  the  past  few  months  I  have 
had  in  my  office  in  Los  Angeles  seventeen  high  school  students, 
and  a  number  of  others  have  written  me,  about  a  dozen  college 
and  university  students,  gathering  information  in  order  that  they 
might  write  and  speak  upon  the  subject  of  peace. 

A  word  about  our  contest  recently  held  in  Los  Angeles  just 
before  I  started  to  this  congress.  We  had  gathered  there  in  Los 
Angeles  a  much  larger  audience  than  I  see  here  this  morning  to 
listen  to  the  orations  of  four  young  men,  representatives  of 
colleges   in   southern   California.     Upon   the   platform  on   that 


369 

occasion  was  one  of  the  most  highly  honored  men,  Bishop  John- 
son, of  Los  Ageles,  as  presiding  officer.  Upon  this  platform  also 
were  three  doctors  of  divinity,  and  in  our  list  of  judges  some  of 
the  most  prominent  citizens  of  the  city.  Three  prizes  were 
offered  by  the  Friends  Churches  of  California ;  a  cash  prize  of 
seventy-five  dollars  offered  by  the  Methodist  Churches  of  southern 
California;  and  a  cash  prize  of  fifty  dollars  offered  by  the 
Christian  Churches  of  southern  California.  I  desire  to  say  that 
after  listening  to  an  excellent  inter-collegiate  contest  at  your 
great  University  of  Chicago  yesterday  I  am  sorry  that  our  young 
men  from  Los  Angeles  were  not  here  to  enter  that  contest  and  try 
their  mettle  with  those  young  men  who  entered  the  contest  at  the 
University  of  Chicago. 

Again,  there  have  come  to  our  office  inquiries  from  ladies 
who  were  preparing  programs  for  the  ladies'  clubs  like  the  Ebell 
and  other  organizations,  asking  for  information  upon  this  great 
subject,  and  five  of  those  clubs  have  been  aided  in  preparing  pro- 
grams upon  the  subject  of  peace  and  good  will.  In  addition  to 
that  we  have  had  special  addresses  by  such  men  as  the  following: 
Rev.  H.  H.  Guy,  for  fifteen  years  missionary  to  Japan,  who  gave 
a  magnificent  address  at  our  first  peace  conference.  President 
George  A.  Gates,  president  of  Pomona  College — you  people  will 
recognize  him  as  a  strong  m.an  formerly  of  the  middle  West, 
who  gave  us  an  excellent  address  at  our  second  conference.  Then 
we  had  the  Rev.  L  N.  McCash,  of  Berkeley;  Hon  W.  Almont 
Gates,  secretary  State  Board  of  Charities ;  Dr.  Arthur  S.  Phelps 
and  Dr.  Charles  Edward  Locke,  two  of  our  prominent  divines  of 
Los  Angeles,  and  last  and  not  least  we  had  Dr.  David  Starr 
Jordan,  who  lectured  to  an  audience  that  filled  one  of  our  largest 
churches  to  the  doors. 

It  has  been  my  own  privilege  and  pleasure  to  give  something 
like  fifty  addresses  in  the  past  year;  twenty-one  before  church 
congregations,  one  before  the  Los  Angeles  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  the  W. 
C.  T.  U.,  and  the  Church  Federation  of  that  city;  five  before 
teachers'  meetings  and  teachers'  institutes;  and  I  may  say  here 
that  I  have  in  my  possession  an  invitation  from  the  county 
superintendent  at  Los  Angeles  to  take  part  in  his  next  County 
Teachers'  Institute  for  the  County  of  Los  Angeles,  the  largest 
one  in  southern  California.     In  the  business  schools  of  Los  An- 


370 

geles  I  delivered  three  addresses ;  in  the  State  Normal  School 
one  address,  before  a  body  of  five  hundred  prospective  teachers  it 
was  my  great  pleasure  to  present  the  cause  of  peace  and  good 
will.  And  again  before  four  southern  California  colleges,  before 
eleven  high  schools  in  southern  California  and  one  in  northern 
California  at  Berkeley,  the  seat  of  the  State  University. 

That  is  a  part  of  the  work  we  have  tried  to  do  on  the  Pacific 
Coast.  And  now  a  few  words  in  closing  as  to  the  future,  as 
greatest  problem  is  the  lack  of  knowledge.  Second,  the  next 
problem  is  to  secure  sufficient  funds  to  carry  on  the  work  as  it 
should  be  done.  That  people  perish  for  want  of  knowledge  is  ap- 
plicable not  only  to  the  Pacific  Coast,  but  I  find  it  here  even  in  the 
city  of  Chicago.  I  learned  at  breakfast  this  morning  some  things 
about  Los  Angeles  I  never  heard  of  before,  and  no  one  else  ever 
heard  of  before,  I  think.  I  was  reminded  of  the  saying  of  Josh 
Billings  that  it  is  better  not  to  know  so  much  than  to  know  so 
many  things  that  are  not  so;  and  when  I  heard  that  man  talk 
about  the  danger  of  the  Japanese  problem  in  Los  Angeles  I 
thought  I  might  apply  to  him  that  saying  of  Josh  Billings.  We 
have  a  Japanese  problem  upon  the  Pacific  Coast.  Let  me  tell 
you  just  a  few  things  about  it.  It  was  my  privilege  in  the 
University  of  California  as  a  graduate  student  some  years  ago  to 
go  over  all  the  literature  to  be  found  in  that  great  university  upon 
the  Chinese  problem ;  to  study  it  in  all  possible  relations,  but  with 
special  reference  to  the  problem  of  the  Chinese  in  San  Francisco ; 
and  I  want  to  say  that  as  a  result  of  my  study  and  preparation 
for  that  thesis  presented  to  a  professor  in  the  university,  I  learned 
that  all  the  dire  prophecies  of  previous  years  about  the  Chinese 
problem,  the  Great  Yellow  peril,  had  simply  come  to  naught ;  and 
I  prophesy  here  this  morning,  if  you  wish  to  call  it  a  prophesy, 
that  the  so-called  Japanese  problem,  if  we  maintain  our  own  self- 
respect,  if  we  maintain  the  dignity  of  men,  if  we  treat  our  fellow 
men  as  gentlemen  and  keep  the  Golden  Rule  then  the  so-called 
Japanese  problem  will  fade  away  as  did  the  earlier  question  of 
the  Yellow  Peril  of  the  Chinese. 

I  would  like  to  say  more  about  the  Japanese  question  but 
time  forbids.  Just  one  thing  more :  Our  campaign  for  the 
future  is  a  campaign  of  education.  We  need  to  be  educated  upon 
this  question  as  you  are  in  the  east  and  we  are  going  to  try  to 


371 

work  out  our  own  problems  and  we  expect  to  solve  them  by  and 
by  upon  the  lines  of  an  old  and  abiding  faith  in  God  and  our 
fellow  men,  that  will  lead  us  to  solve  them  aright,  and  in  con- 
sonance with  that  first  Christmas  message  that  was  sounded  over 
the  plains  of  Judea  two  thousand  years  ago,  "Peace  on  earth, 
good  will  toward  men."     (Applause.) 

Chairman  Moore: 

One  of  the  most  hopeful  things  in  this  movement  is  the 
interest  which  is  taken  in  it  by  the  young  men  and  women  who 
are  in  the  various  colleges  and  universities  of  the  country,  and 
Mr.  Fulk,  of  Illinois,  will  tell  us  about  "The  Intercollegiate  Peace 
Association." 

The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association 

George  Fulk. 

A  significant  phase  of  the  Peace  Movement  is  the  springing 
up  of  organizations  for  propaganda.  In  the  college  and  university 
field  we  have  the  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association.  This  is  an 
indirect  outgrowth  of  the  Lake  Mohonk  Conferences  on  Interna- 
tional Arbitration.  The  organization  had  its  inception  in  a  peace 
conference  of  colleges  of  Indiana  and  Ohio,  called  in  1905  by 
Noah  E.  Byers,  president  of  Goshen  College,  Indiana.  The  devel- 
opment of  the  organization  has  been  rapid.  It  now  includes  about 
sixty  colleges  and  universities  in  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Penn- 
sylvania, Michigan  and  Wisconsin. 

The  active  work  of  the  association  is  varied.  The  secretary 
is  kept  in  the  field  as  much  as  possible,  promoting  the  interests 
of  the  organization.  An  extensive  series  of  oratorical  contests, 
local,  state  and  interstate,  on  the  subject  of  international  arbitra- 
tion or  peace,  is  carried  on,  resulting  in  the  preparation  and  deliv- 
ery of  hundreds  of  orations  annually.  Lectures  and  special  exer- 
cises on  the  subject  are  promoted  as  widely  as  possible.  A  goodly 
supply  of  standard  peace  literature  is  installed  in  every  college 
library.  An  annual  convention  of  the  association  is  held  in  the 
interest  of  the  work.  The  net  result  of  this  propaganda,  in  its 
various  forms,  is  the  spreading  of  education  on  the  subject  in  a 
special   way   throughout   every   institution   in   the   organization. 


372 

No  more  striking  method  of  recruiting  the  choicest  leaders  in 
the  movement  is  to  be  seen  anywhere.  They  are  leaders  for  the 
future,  to  be  sure,  but  how  immediate  is  their  day  to  be !  The 
Peace  Movement  grows,  and  far-reaching  results  are  obtained 
even  among  the  men  who  guide  the  affairs  of  the  world  today,  and 
yet  they  were  not  ''built  that  way."  What  can  we  reasonably 
expect  of  the  generation  which  is  being  schooled  in  international 
education  and  culture? 

The  students  of  this  new  school  ask  a  simple  question :  Why 
should  nations  not  be  civilized  as  well  as  individuals?  Why 
should  individuals  be  governed  by  a  code  of  laws  which  define 
lying,  stealing  and  murder  as  crimes,  while  the  nations  recognize 
these  as  standard  methods  of  international  dealing?  Students 
are  not  radical.  They  know  well  the  cause:  we  simply  haven't 
gotten  around  to  it  yet ;  but  the  keynote  of  their  propaganda  is, 
lend  a  hand.  The  tacit  pledge  of  every  student  pacifist,  if 
expressed,  would  be  something  like  this :  "Let's  join  the  peace 
army,  and  if  we  fall  in  the  fight  it  will  be  with  our  faces  to  the 
firing  line." 

The  organization  and  work  of  the  intercollegiate  peace  move- 
ment is  but  begun.  There  is  no  other  field  in  the  world  where  the 
movement  promises  so  much.  Every  ideal  in  the  educational 
world  is  diametrically  opposed  to  brute  force  and  violence  as  a 
substitute  for  enlightened  justice.  The  students  are  filled  with 
this  idealistic  spirit.  In  addition,  they  comprise,  as  a  body,  the 
choicest  and  most  promising  intellectual  talent  of  the  country. 
Alert,  zealous,  ambitious,  trained  in  high  ideals,  they  need  only 
to  have  impressed  upon  them  the  purpose  of  the  peace  move- 
ment and  straightway  the  strongest  in  every  college  and  univer- 
sity rise  up  and  champion  the  cause.  That  this  work  can  be 
extended  to  every  college  and  university  in  the  world  there  is  not 
the  slightest  doubt.  Various  students'  societies,  embodying  the 
peace  propaganda  as  a  cardinal  feature  of  their  work,  now  exist 
in  Europe.  In  America  we  have  an  important  students'  organ- 
ization which  is  closely  akin  to  those  of  Europe,  namely,  the 
Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs.  Negotiations  are  now  pend- 
ing for  a  working  federation  of  these  American  and  European 
students'  organizations.  The  purpose  of  the  proposed  federation 
is  close  co-operation  in  the  work,  coming  together  of  delegates  in 


373 

international  congresses,  exchange  of  official  publications,  and 
finally  to  issue  a  students'  international  journal  which  will  draw 
the  members  closer  together,  and  furnish  material  of  intense 
interest  for  local  college  and  university  journals  in  all  countries. 
Is  it  too  much  to  hope  that  we  can  raise  up  an  Addison  to  edit  a 
Spectator  in  the  student  world?  If  this  be  so,  who  can  foretell 
the  limits  or  the  possibilities  of  the  students'  movement  for  world 
organization — and  hence,  peace? 

On  behalf  of  the  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association  I  beg  to 
make  an  appeal  which,  if  heard,  will  mean  the  opening  up  of 
limitless  possibilities  for  this  work.  This  organized  movement 
needs  with  all  possible  appeal  to  be  extended  to  every  institution 
for  higher  learning  in  the  United  States  and  developed  in  all 
the  world.  The  association  subsists  on  voluntary  support.  The 
small  contribution  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  to  be  used  as 
prizes  for  peace  orations  will  launch  a  series  of  oratorical  con- 
tests and  start  the  work  throughout  an  entire  state.  Why  should 
there  not  be  a  number  of  persons  in  this  audience  happy  to  seize 
the  opportunity  to  start  the  work  in  new  states?  Rich  in  all 
other  equipment,  the  association  has  been  struggling  in  pitiful 
poverty.  Given  financial  assistance,  and  the  work  will  prove  one 
of  the  largest  and  most  practical  philanthropies  in  the  world. 

Following  Mr.  Fulk's  address,  the  following  resolution  was 
presented  by  Mr.  Robert  Treat  Paine,  of  Boston,  and  unanimously 
carried  by  a  rising  vote : 

Resolved,  That  a  vote  of  thanks  be  extended  to  the  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  this  Congress  and  their  associate  committees 
for  their  services  in  organizing  this  great  Congress ;  the  Chicago 
Association  of  Commerce  for  its  generous  hospitality,  and  to  that 
and  other  Chicago  organizations  for  their  liberal  support  of  this 
Congress;  the  newspapers  of  Chicago  for  the  large  degree  of 
attention  they  have  given  to  the  Congress,  and  the  warm  words 
spoken  by  many  of  them  in  support  of  its  principles. 

Chairman  Moore: 

You  will  all  be  glad  to  hear  of  the  movement  in  the  interests 
of  peace  on  the  other  side,  and  the  Rev.  J.  L.  Tryon  of  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  will  tell  us  of  the  London  Peace  Congress  of  1908. 


i  374 

i 

The  London  Peace  Congress  of   1908 
Rev.  J.  L.  Tryon 

The  progress  of  the  peace  movement  is  registered  by  its 
international  congresses.  The  first  of  these  congresses  was  held 
in  London  in  1843  '^^^  was  the  realization  of  a  suggestion  made 
by  Joseph  Sturge,  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Birming- 
ham, England.  Mr.  Sturge,  while  on  a  visit  to  Boston,  impressed 
the  idea  of  an  international  conference  of  peace  workers  upon  the 
American  Peace  Society,  which,  as  in  the  case  with  the  New 
York  and  Chicago  National  Congresses,  became  its  initiator  and 
co-operated  to  bring  it  to  success.  Other  international  congresses 
were  held  at  London  in  1850,  1890  and  1908. 

Between  the  first  and  the  last  of  these  congresses  the  Peace 
Movement  has  become  recognized  as  the  greatest  reform  of  the 
age.  The  flowing  visions  of  its  apostles,  once  laughed  at  or 
treated  with  disdainful  silence,  are  now  embodied  in  the  law  of 
the  world.  Arbitration,  by  treaty  agreement,  as  a  rational  substi- 
tute for  war,  securing  justice  through  an  international  court 
always  ready  to  sit  in  judgment  on  controversies,  this  with  two 
Hague  Conferences,  the  last  of  which  brought  together  all  the 
civilized  nations,  preparing  the  way  for  the  future  Parliament  of 
Man,  is  the  astounding  result  of  an  organized  agitation  for  less 
than  a  hundred  years. 

When  the  last  congress  met  at  London  it  revealed  the  deter- 
mination of  the  thinking  world,  of  philanthropists,  scholars  and 
statesmen,  of  ministers,  lawyers  and  business  men,  to  see  the 
unfinished  work  of  this  movement  carried  forward  to  its  logical 
completion.  Delegates  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  societies,  rep- 
resenting twenty-five  nations  from  the  far  East  and  the  near  East, 
from  Western  Europe,  Great  Britain  and  the  Americas,  assem- 
bled in  Caxton  Hall  to  discuss  and  present  to  the  public  the 
things  most  necessary  to  be  done.  The  congress  recognized  the 
great  accomplishments  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  which 
had  met  but  a  year  before.  It  recommended  that  the  international 
life,  the  solidarity  of  which  that  conference  was  the  best  illustra- 
tion, should  be  organized  hereafter,  not  only  in  the  shape  of  a 
court  and  congress,  but  with  an  executive  power  to  enforce  the 


375 

laws.  It  protested  against  the  use  of  airships  in  warfare,  and 
asked  all  the  states  who  had  not  then  given  their  signatures  to 
sign  the  convention  which  prohibits  the  throwing  of  explosives 
and  projectiles  from  balloons.  It  asked  that  all  innocent  mer- 
chant ships  and  their  cargoes  be  exempted  from  capture  on  the 
high  seas  in  time  of  war,  a  measure  for  which  the  United  States 
has  for  nearly  a  century  stood  committed,  and  which  awaits  but 
the  sanction  of  Great  Britain  and  two  or  three  other  opposing 
world  powers  to  become  incorporated  into  international  law.  It 
called  attention  to  the  vast  sums  of  money  which  had  been  spent 
upon  armaments  between  the  First  and  Second  Hague  Conference, 
and  proposed  that  Great  Britain  lead  all  the  governments  in  a  lim- 
itation of  military  and  naval  budgets  by  an  agreement  for  a  short 
term  of  years.  Trade  union  members  and  wage  earners,  who  are 
now  among  the  most  advanced  advocates  of  peace  and  conse- 
quently of  the  limitation  of  armaments,  which  they  believe  are  a 
menace  to  peace  as  well  as  an  intolerable  burden  of  expense  to 
the  working  men,  were  invited  to  take  part  in  future  congresses, 
to  be  in  the  organized  movement  and  not  separated  from  it, 
and  as  a  part  of  the  established,  not  merely  of  the  occasional 
order  of  things.  The  congress  reaffirmed  its  old  position  of  pre- 
vious congresses,  that  peace  principles  should  be  taught  alike  to 
the  pupils  of  schools  and  to  the  college  students,  that  teachers 
should  be  associated  with  peace  societies  in  popularizing  these 
principles,  that  military  training  and  all  militarist  propaganda 
should  be  kept  out  of  the  schools  as  detrimental  to  true  educa- 
tion, and  that  a  more  humane  interpretation  of  history  take  the 
place  of  the  glorification  of  war.  The  congress  extended  its 
sympathy  for  all  measures  that  tend  to  bring  justice  to  oppressed 
peoples,  and  urged  upon  Turkey,  at  that  moment  by  peaceful 
revolution  placed  under  a  constitutional  government,  fair  dealing 
with  all  classes  of  her  people. 

But  a  peace  congress  is  not  to  be  judged  wholly  by  its  reso- 
lutions; these  register  its  matured  thought  and  are  the  central 
point  towards  which  the  work  of  the  delegates  is  directed ;  but 
they  give  no  idea  of  that  picturesque  and  even  more  significant 
side  of  public  sentiment  which  is  revealed  in  the  attitude  of  the 
community  where  a  congress  is  held  and  in  the  speeches  made  at 
popular  gatherings.     I  said  that  the  congress  passed  resolutions 


Z7^ 

that  the  peace  movement  should  be  put  into  schools.  A  meeting 
of  school  children,  held  in  Queen's  Flail,  showed  how  far  the 
principles  of  peace  have  already  taken  hold  of  the  children  of 
Great  Britain.  It  was  preceded  by  a  life  guard  drill  and  a  fire 
brigade  drill  by  boys,  and  by  a  drill  in  physical  exercises  by  girls, 
all  of  whom  belong  to  organized  teams  which  had  previously 
distinguished  themselves  by  taking  prizes  for  their  proficiency. 
The  life  guard  exercises  showed  that  boys  and  girls  can  be  true 
heroes  and  heroines  of  peace  as  ministering  angels  in  the  time 
of  accident.  The  fire  drill  enabled  a  boy  company  to  show  that 
they  could  rescue  people  from  a  burning  building  in  a  few 
moments  after  an  alarm  of  fire.  The  exhibition  was  a  splendid 
example  of  the  beneficent  aims  which  can  be  realized  in  civil  life 
by  the  same  co-operation  and  bravery  which  are  claimed  to  be 
promoted  by  war.  These  societies  of  boys,  of  which  there  are 
now  several  hundred  in  Great  Britain,  were  organized  to  supplant 
the  boys'  brigades,  the  preparatory  school  of  militarism. 

Remarkable  respect  was  shown  the  peace  movement  by  the 
churches.  The  Pope  sent  the  congress  his  blessing  and  asked 
that  there  be  prayers  for  it  in  all  the  Catholic  churches  of  Lon- 
don. A  service  of  welcome  was  held  at  Westminster  Abbey,  at 
which  the  Bishop  of  Carlisle  addressed  the  delegates  of  the 
nations.  The  Lambeth  Conference  sent  to  the  congress  by  three 
of  its  Bishops,  representing  England,  Australia  and  the  United 
States,  resolutions  testifying  to  the  importance  of  peace.  Prot- 
estant bodies  of  different  lands  met  in  a  preliminary  conference 
which  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  dvi^elt  upon  the  need  of  neighborli- 
ness  among  nations  as  well  as  among  citizens  of  a  common 
state  or  city.  There  is  but  one  law  for  nations  as  well  as  for  indi- 
viduals— the  law  of  brotherhood.  The  keynote  of  feeling  against 
war  and  armaments  was  bravely  sounded  by  Dr.  R.  F.  Horton 
in  a  ringing  address  in  which  he  declared  there  should  be  no  com- 
promise with  either  of  them.  It  was  advised  that  steps  be  taken 
to  organize  the  churches  through  their  guilds  and  committees  to 
aid  the  movement  effectively.  When  the  churches  preach  a  true 
Christianity,  it  was  rightly  said,  war  will  go.  It  was  at  this 
conference  that  Professor  J.  Estlin  Carpenter  uttered  words 
which  all  preachers  and  teachers  of  morals  should  make  their 
rule  of  conduct.     "War,"  he  said,  "is  a  people's  question.     It  is 


377 

no  longer  made  by  statesmen,  financiers  and  journalists,  but 
begins  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  We  must  teach  that  it  is  pos- 
sible to  prevent  war  and  must  try  to  overcome  men's  hopelessness 
of  this  possibility  by  diffusing  among  them,  with  moral  ardor,  all 
the  information  and  optimism  that  are  needful  for  the  task." 

But  more  notable  than  all  was  the  recognition  given  the 
peace  movement  by  the  British  Government.  The  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  the  British  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr. 
David  Lloyd-George,  the  most  popular  man  in  England,  came 
to  Queen's  Hall  and  ridiculed  the  idea  of  a  war  with  Germany. 
His  address,  pitched  in  a  high  key,  represented  a  vision  of  faith 
in  the  things  that  ought  to  be  and  will  be  when  England  leads  the 
world  in  putting  the  money  which  she  now  spends  in  armaments 
into  useful  public  works  and  in  redeeming  her  neglected  classes 
from  poverty  and  ruin.  "Let  us  spend  less  money,"  he  said — 
and  this  is  a  good  motto  for  the  nations — "for  the  production  of 
suffering  and  more  money  for  the  reduction  of  suffering." 

The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  had  just  established  a 
hospitality  fund  of  $100,000  to  be  spent  by  Great  Britain  in  enter- 
taining foreign  visitors  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  international 
friendship  and  peace.  This  congress  was  the  third  body  of 
foreign  representatives  to  receive  entertainment  from  that  fund. 
That  the  example  of  England  will  be  followed  by  all  the  govern- 
ments of  the  world  and  when  followed  will  help  to  bring  the 
nations  more  closely  together  is  the  hope  of  every  peace  advocate 
who  saw  with  his  own  eyes  what  great-hearted  England  can  do 
when  she  wants  to  make  friends.  A  banquet  was  given  the  con- 
gress at  the  Hotel  Cecil,  presided  over  by  Mr.  Harcourt,  Commis- 
sioner of  Public  Works,  attended  by  the  The  Lord  Chancellor, 
the  Prime  Minister,  and  other  distinguished  citizens  of  Great 
Britain,  including  Lord  Courtney  of  Penwith,  the  courageous, 
outspoken  president  of  the  congress,  who  honored  its  principles 
on  every  occasion.  Mr.  Asquith,  the  Prime  Minister,  in  respond- 
ing to  the  toast,  "The  International  Peace  Movement,"  declared 
that  half  the  quarrels  of  the  nations  arise  from  the  want  of 
friendly  understanding,  and  that  the  main  thing  is  that  the  nations 
should  get  to  know  and  to  understand  one  another,  agreeing  in 
this  sentiment  with  the  words  of  our  own  Secretary  Root,  who  not 
long  ago  said  that  it  is  not  real  differences  that  divide  nations,  but 


378 

feelings.  It  is  in  this  speech  that  the  Prime  Minister  said  that 
the  movement  for  the  establishment  of  peace  upon  earth  is  "the 
greatest  of  all  reforms." 

More  than  this  could  hardly  be  said  or  done  by  any  govern- 
ment to  recognize  the  peace  movement,  but  besides  it  all,  King 
Edward,  the  man  who  bears  the  peerless  title  of  all  the  rulers, 
"King  Edward,  the  Peacemaker,"  received  a  deputation  from  the 
congress,  to  whom  he  said  these  words,  that  ought  to  go  down 
into  history  with  the  sayings  of  earth's  greatest  souls :  "Rulers 
and  statesmen  can  set  before  themselves  no  higher  aim  than  the 
promotion  of  national  good  understanding  and  cordial  fellowship 
among  the  nations  of  the  world.  It  is  the  surest  and  most  direct 
means  whereby  humanity  may  be  enabled  to  realize  its  noblest 
ideals,  and  its  attainment  will  ever  be  the  object  of  my  own 
constant  endeavors." 

The  Chairman  : 

It  is  probable  that  the  most  productive  work  which  is  being 
done  today  in  the  interest  of  this  great  movement  is  the  teaching 
of  the  boys  and  girls  with  reference  to  what  we  desire  accom- 
plished. Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  of  Boston,  will  tell  us  of 
the  work  which  is  being  done  by  the  American  School  Peace 
League. 

The  American  School  Peace  League 

Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews. 

The  American  School  Peace  League  aims  to  secure  the 
co-operation  of  the  educational  public  of  America  in  the  project 
for  promoting  international  justice  and  equity.  The  peace  move- 
ment began  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  as  a  reac- 
tion against  the  devastating  warfare  of  that  time.  It  was  then 
that  the  first  peace  society  in  the  world  was  formed  in  New  York 
City.  For  many  years  the  leaders  in  this  world's  philanthropy 
endeavored  to  create  a  sentiment  against  war  by  showing  its 
injustices  as  well  as  its  inconsistencies  with  ethical  and  humane 
principles.  Although  the  movement  began  as  a  moral  revolt 
against  the  cruelty  and  wickedness  of  war,  it  soon  emphasized 
the  economic  and  governmental  arguments.     With  this  appeal 


379 

to  the  progressive  thought  of  the  times,  the  five  hundred  peace 
societies  in  the  world  constitute  the  organizing  and  directing  force 
in  the  great  political  and  economic  readjustment  that  is  swiftly 
leading  the  world  on  to  international  peace — to  the  establishment 
of  a  permanent  international  court  and  a  World  Congress.  An 
organized  world  is  the  prerequisite  for  world  peace. 

The  First  and  Second  Hague  Conferences,  held  in  1899  and 
1907,  respectively,  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  an  Interna- 
tional Court  of  Arbitration,  the  unanimous  approval  by  forty-four 
nations  of  a  Permanent  World  Court,  and  the  agreement  for 
periodic  world  congresses.  The  Hague  Conference  of  1899  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  in  international  politics;  and  so 
quickly  have  events  followed  one  another  in  the  past  ten  years 
that  we  may  well  describe  this  period  as  ushering  in  the  age  of 
the  new  internationalism.  A  striking  manifestation  of  the  new 
spirit  is  evinced  in  the  official  recognition,  by  the  governments, 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  composed  of  over  twenty-five 
hundred  representatives  from  the  parliaments  of  the  different 
nations,  unitedly  working  for  an  organized  world. 

No  less  important,  however,  and  perhaps  more  subtle  in 
effect,  are  the  economic  and  social  forces  which  are  unconsciously 
drawing  the  interests  of  the  civilized  nations  into  harmonious 
action.  The  more  prominent  instances  of  these  agencies  are  the 
great  medical  congresses,  in  which  the  science  of  the  world  is 
assembled  to  devise  means  for  the  control  of  contagious  disease; 
the  international  tuberculosis  congresses;  and  those  of  applied 
chemistry,  which  have  rendered  great  service  to  many  lands  in 
securing  pure  food  by  regulation  of  traffic  in  foodstuffs ;  not  to 
dwell  on  the  periodic  congresses  of  hygiene,  moral  training,  pure 
science,  geology,  sociology,  the  Public  Health  Association,  or  the 
international  exchange  of  university  professors,  and  public  school 
teachers.  These  are  significant  milestones  in  the  onward  march 
toward  world  peace. 

Side  by  side,  then,  with  the  political  march  of  events,  runs 
this  great  economic  and  social  current.  In  the  United  States 
these  activities  are  receiving  an  ever-widening  impulse  from  the 
Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference,  which  has  secured  the  co-opera- 
tion of  over  one  hundred  boards  of  trade  and  two  hundred  col- 
leges;   the  American   Peace   Society,   whose   literature   reaches 


38o 

every  corner  of  the  country;  the  Itahan- American,  German- 
American,  and  Scandinavian-American  Societies,  organized  to 
promote  educational  and  social  international  relations ;  the  Inter- 
collegiate Peace  Association,  with  branches  in  forty-seven  col- 
leges ;  and  the  Cosmopolitan  Club,  composed  of  twenty  chapters 
in  as  many  colleges,  formed  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  closer 
together  men  from  different  countries  to  learn  the  customs,  view- 
points and  characteristics  of  other  nationalities,  to  remove  national 
prejudice,  and  to  establish  international  friendships. 

With  all  these  forces  the  American  School  Peace  League 
aims  to  acquaint  the  educational  public  of  America,  in  order  that 
the  teachers  may  be  influenced  to  emphasize  the  broad  humani- 
tarian principles  of  right  and  justice  which  transcend  all  national 
boundaries.  The  teaching  of  history,  geography,  science  and 
literature  lends  itself  admirably  to  this  end.  History  should  be 
made  to  show  the  common  achievements  of  the  different  nations. 
Becoming  acquainted  with  this  co-operative  process,  leading  to 
world  unity,  the  pupil  can  realize  more  fully  the  meaning  of  the 
history  and  administration  of  his  own  country.  The  teaching  of 
civil  government  might  well  be  supplemented  by  instruction  in 
international  government.  The  pupil  can  learn  through  geog- 
raphy that  the  resources  of  all  countries  are  needed  to  supply  our 
wants — in  fact,  that  every  active  man,  wherever  he  may  be,  makes 
some  contribution  to  the  well-being  of  the  world  at  large.  The 
teacher  of  science  can  explain  how  scientific  truths  are  the  results 
of  the  composite  achievements  of  the  scientists  of  all  lands ;  and 
literature  can  be  drawn  upon  to  teach  the  essentials  of  peace, 
justice  and  brotherhood. 

The  organization  of  the  American  School  Peace  League  is 
national  in  its  scope,  with  a  plan  for  active  representation  in  each 
state  of  the  Union.  It  is  hoped  that  every  teacher  in  the  country 
will  subscribe  to  the  purposes  of  the  League  by  becoming  a  mem- 
ber. Much  of  the  work  will  be  done  by  committees,  five  of  which 
have  been  organized  up  to  the  present  time. 

The  Committee  on  Meetings  and  Discussion  aims  to  induce 
educational  associations  throughout  the  country  to  place  the 
subject  of  internationalism  on  their  programs.  It  also  seeks  to 
stimulate  literary  and  debating  societies,  in  colleges  and  schools, 
to  study  the  subject.    The  committee  recommends  to  educational 


38i 

associations  the  establishment  of  international  committees,  or 
departments,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  detailed  study  of  the 
relation  of  the  international  movement  to  school  instruction. 

The  Committee  on  Publication  intends  to  build  up  a  body  of 
literature  dealing  with  the  interrelation  between  peoples  and 
nations  along  political,  industrial  and  social  lines.  To  this  end 
the  committee  purposes  to  issue,  directly  or  indirectly,  a  series  of 
publications  for  the  young  that  may  be  used  in  the  geography, 
history,  science  and  literature  classes ;  it  also  intends  to  make  a 
collection  of  the  present  songs  which  illustrate  the  peace  sentiment 
and  to  stimulate  the  writing  of  new  ones. 

The  Press  Committee,  which  comprises  some  of  the  leading- 
educational  editors  of  the  country,  is  prepared  to  acquaint  teach- 
ers with  the  work  of  the  League  through  the  columns  of  the 
educational  magazines. 

The  Committee  on  Teaching  History  will  study  the  text- 
books with  reference  to  the  space  devoted  respectively  to  war  and 
to  peace.  It  hopes  to  develop  among  teachers  a  sentiment  which 
shall  lay  emphasis  on  the  arts  of  peace,  and  on  the  industrial  and 
social  conditions  of  the  people,  rather  than  on  campaigns,  battles 
and  other  military  details.  It  further  aims  to  arrange,  if  possible, 
courses  in  history  to  be  given  at  summer  schools  and  teachers' 
institutes,  with  special  attention  to  the  growth  of  international 
friendship. 

The  International  Committee  intends  to  make  a  constructive 
study  of  international  co-operation  in  activities  which  particularly 
affect  educational  work.  Recognizing  that  in  this  age  of  inter- 
nationalism, progress  is  largely  dependent  on  the  inspiration  and 
help  which  come  from  the  mingling  of  peoples  of  different  origin 
and  varying  national  ideals,  this  committee  believes  that  no  more 
effective  means  of  bringing  nations  into  mutual  accord  can  be  de- 
vised than  to  weave  their  educational  ideals  into  one  harmonious 
whole  for  the  common  good.  Many  teachers  are  already  instructing 
their  pupils  in  the  principles  for  which  the  American  School 
Peace  League  stands ;  for  through  the  formal  approval  of  leading 
educational  associations,  peace  teaching  has  received  a  strong 
impetus.  Following  the  address  of  the  President  of  the  National 
Educational  Association  in  1907,  entitled  "What  Can  the  School 
Do  to  Aid  the  Peace  Movement?"  this  body  passed  resolutions  of 


382 

striking  significance.  The  section  cabled  to  the  American  dele- 
gation at  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  then  in  session,  was  a 
strong  endorsement  of  the  movement  for  international  peace,  as 
was  this  section,  addressed  to  the  teachers  of  the  country:  "We 
recommend  to  the  teachers  that  the  work  of  The  Hague  Confer- 
ence and  of  the  Peace  Associations  be  studied  carefully,  and  the 
results  given  proper  consideration  in  the  work  of  instruction." 
Significant  also  is  the  statement  of  United  States  Commissioner 
Elmer  E.  Brown,  in  his  report  for  1908,  concerning  the  observ- 
ance of  the  1 8th  of  May,  the  anniversary  of  the  opening  of  the 
First  Hague  Congress.  "Widespread  interest,"  he  says,  "has  been 
manifested  in  the  observance  of  the  i8th  of  May,  variously  named 
as  Hague  Day,  Peace  Day,  or  Arbitration  Day,  as  a  time  for 
accentuating  the  endeavor  to  arrive  at  a  fair  understanding  of 
the  other  nations  of  the  earth,  which  is  the  surest  basis  of  honor- 
able and  fruitful  peace  and  an  indispensable  element  in  modern 
education.  No  complete  record  has  been  made  of  the  states  and 
cities  in  which  this  day  is  regularly  observed.  But  it  is  known 
that  such  observance  has  been  recommended  by  the  state  super- 
intendents of  public  instruction  in  at  least  fourteen  of  the  states 
and  by  the  city  school  superintendents  in  at  least  five  of  our  larger 
cities." 

The  teachers  of  the  United  States  have  thus  joined  the  ranks 
of  their  many  co-workers  in  Europe,  who  are  explaining  to  their 
pupils  the  meaning  of  the  great  world  events  which  center  around 
the  1 8th  of  May.  To  co-ordinate  and  extend  the  scope  of  these 
efforts,  and  to  build  up  an  organization  which  shall,  through  the 
channels  of  education,  advance  the  principles  of  international 
justice  and  equity,  is  the  aim  of  the  American  School  Peace 
League. 

Chairman  Moore: 

Rev.  Gilbert  Bowles,  of  Tokyo,  Japan,  will  tell  us  of  what  is 
being  done  by  the  Peace  Society  of  Japan. 


383 

The  Peace  Society  of  Japan 
Rev.  Gilbert  Bowles 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Delegates  of  the  Congress  :  Late  as 
it  is,  I  feel  like  doing  as  did  a  Japanese  preacher  in  the  days  gone 
by  when  it  was  customary  for  the  local  police  sometimes  to  inter- 
fere with  public  Christian  meetings.  On  such  an  occasion  one 
evangelist  consented  to  the  interruption  with  the  condition  that 
at  the  time  appointed  for  the  meeting  he  should  be  allowed  to 
explain  why  the  meeting  was  not  to  be  held.  Taking  advantage 
of  that  action,  he  said  that  since  the  meeting  had  been  forbidden 
he  would  simply  tell  them  what  he  would  have  said  if  he  had 
been  allowed  to  speak.     (Laughter.) 

The  statement  on  the  program  concerning  my  relation  to 
the  Japan  Peace  Society  is  somewhat  misleading,  for  it  is  given 
there  as  secretary  of  the  Japan  Peace  Society.  While  it  has  been 
my  privilege  to  act  as  English  secretary  of  the  Japan  Peace  Soci- 
ety, there  are  two  or  three  Japanese  secretaries  upon  whom  rests 
the  real  work  of  the  Peace  Society  in  Japan,  While  there  are 
many  foreigners  in  Japan,  missionaries  and  educators  and  some 
business  men,  who  are  connected  with  the  society,  it  is  distinctly 
a  Japanese  organization.  When  I  left  Japan  last  June,  nineteen 
of  the  twenty  directors  were  Japanese. 

Before  speaking  of  the  work  of  the  Japanese  Peace  Society, 
with  headquarters  in  Tokyo,  I  wish  to  remind  you  of  the  existence 
of  the  Oriental  Peace  Society  of  Kyoto,  which  has  among  its 
members  some  of  the  leading  educators  and  business  men  of  that 
great  southern  capital  of  Japan.  The  reason  why  I  venture  to 
stand  before  you  this  morning  and  tell  you  something  of  the 
Japan  Peace  Society  is  because  of  my  touch  with  Japanese  life. 
That  touch  has  included  face-to-face  interviews  with  the  Japan- 
ese; it  has  included  attention  to  the  press  and  platform,  inter- 
views with  students,  educators,  business  men,  members  of  parlia- 
ment, mayors  of  cities  and  members  of  the  cabinet,  and  I  tell 
you  this  morning  that  I  have  yet  to  meet  with  the  first  real  dis- 
couragement from  a  Japanese.  (Applause.)  I  have  met  with 
discouragement  since  I  landed  in  America  in  Seattle  last  July; 
I  have  met  with  things  which  would  lead  me  to  believe  that  there 


384 

was  a  great  work  for  the  peace  societies  yet  to  do  in  America. 
I  met  with  the  expression,  soon  after  landing  in  America,  that 
"the  Japanese  all  have  chips  on  their  shoulders,  don't  they?"  I 
have  not  discovered  that  in  my  contact  with  the  Japanese,  but  I 
shall  go  back  to  Japan  when  it  comes  time  to  return  feeling  that 
there  are  here  in  America,  just  as  there  are  in  Japan,  great 
forces  making  for  the  world's  peace ;  and  while  there  are  here  in 
America,  as  there  are  in  Japan,  forces  which  if  left  to  themselves 
would  make  for  war,  yet  there  are  these  counteracting  forces  and 
there  are  these  stronger  and  mightier  forces  which  will  make  for 
peace  and  that  coming  internationalism. 

I  take  it  you  are  more  interested  in  knowing  the  spirit  of 
the  Japanese  people,  the  soil  in  which  the  tree  of  peace  can 
grow,  rather  than  in  the  organization  into  different  lines  of  work. 
If  we  observe  the  spirit  of  the  Japanese  people  there  are  three 
striking  characteristics  which  ought  to  assure  any  thinking  man 
that  in  Japan  the  seeds  of  peace  will  find  soil  that  will  produce 
fruit  just  as  in  any  other  land.  One  of  these  characteristics 
known  to  the  world  is  the  spirit  of  inquiry,  that  spirit  of  inquiry 
which  stirred  the  hearts  of  the  young  Japanese  even  before  the 
coming  of  Commodore  Perry;  and  that  spirit  of  inquiry  which 
has  sent  students  into  all  parts  of  the  world  to  search  for  knowl- 
edge to  be  brought  back  and  incorporated  into  the  public  and 
private  life  of  the  nation.  That  spirit  of  inquiry  which  takes 
knowledge  of  what  you  are  doing  in  this  congress  and  in  the 
peace  congresses  of  Europe,  and  that  spirit  of  inquiry  is  open 
to  all  that  is  best  in  this  movement. 

The  spirit  of  progress  which  has  led  Japan  in  her  develop- 
ment during  the  last  half  century  at  least  as  she  looks  out  upon 
the  world,  and  that  same  spirit  of  progress  will  lead  her  and 
does  lead  her  to  stretch  out  her  hands  for  whatever  is  best,  what- 
ever you  have  that  is  best  for  development,  not  only  for  national 
but  international  life.  Japan  is  looking  for  world  development 
and  for  the  development  of  civilization  just  as  we  are  looking 
for  it. 

The  spirit  of  internationalism.  Not  long  ago  in  speaking 
upon  this  subject  some  one  said  at  the  close  of  the  address,  'T  do 
not  believe  that  the  internationalism  of  Japan  is  skin  deep."  I 
can  only  say  that  those  who  live  in  Japan,  with  but  very  few 


385 

exceptions,  those  who  have  come  to  know  the  spirit  of  the  Japa- 
nese, really  to  know  them,  to  be  in  their  homes  and  to  have  them 
as  friends  and  to  really  enter  into  the  life  of  the  people,  with  very 
few  exceptions,  those  foreigners,  whether  Europeans  or  Ameri- 
cans, do  believe  that  the  growing  spirit  of  internationalism  is 
genuine  and  hopeful. 

One  hundred  and  sixteen  representative  American  citizens 
two  years  ago  signed  their  names  to  a  declaration  to  this  effect, 
to  a  belief  in  the  sincerity  of  the  Japanese  government  and  people, 
and  to  a  belief  in  their  general  manifestation  of  freedom  from 
every  aggressive  design.  The  particular  occasion  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Japan  Peace  Society  came  three  years  ago  this 
spring.  Beyond  and  preceding  that  you  will  remember  was  the 
time  of  the  close  of  the  late  war  when  the  sound  of  cannons  and 
bursting  of  shells  and  the  shout  of  victory  had  ceased  and  the 
people  had  time  to  think,  and  they  were  open  to  a  consideration 
of  the  question  of  peace.  The  newspapers  began  to  consider  the 
question ;  one  of  the  leading  dailies  of  Tokyo  opened  the  editorial 
campaign,  and  to  me  it  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  era,  it 
marked  a  new  era  of  hopefulness  when  it  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  Japan  had  passed  the  era  when  she  should  receive  only 
from  nations,  and  she  had  come  to  the  time  when  she  should  go 
into  the  great  common  life  of  the  world.  A  reformer  about  that 
time  said  that  just  as  following  the  great  earthquake  the  Japanese 
began  to  ask  for  the  cause  of  earthquakes,  so  following  this  great 
Japanese  war  the  Japanese  people  were  beginning  to  ask  the 
cause  of  these  international  calamities.  Men  were  thinking,  and 
they  were  responsive  to  the  influence  of  the  peace  organizations, 
and  I  am  glad  here  to  acknowledge  our  debt  to  the  American 
Peace  Society  and  to  the  secretary  of  that  society,  who  has  even 
before  the  organization  started  taken  a  deep  and  personal  interest 
in  the  work,  has  sent  literature  to  us  and  has  given  suggestions, 
and  sometimes  helped  us  in  other  ways.  Therefore  I  wish  to 
bring  to  the  American  Peace  Society  and  to  the  peace  workers  of 
America  the  gratitude  of  the  workers  in  Japan. 

The  society  was  organized  May  i8,  1906.  The  work  that 
we  are  undertaking  does  not  differ  from  what  you  have  out- 
lined this  morning.  It  differs  in  the  amount  but  in  the  methods 
or  spirit  it  is  the  same.     We  have  had  lecture  meetings,  and  it 


386 

may  be  encouraging  to  you  to  know  that  in  the  four  greatest 
cities  of  Japan  we  have  had  within  the  last  three  years  sessions 
and  speakers  which  would  compare  favorably  with  the  meetings 
that  we  have  had  here,  saving  the  large  meeting  on  Sunday  even- 
ing. The  largest  halls  in  Tokyo,  Kobe,  Osaka  and  Kyoto  have 
been  filled  with  interested  listeners  and  the  platforms  with  influen- 
tial statesmen  and  business  men  and  leaders  of  the  national  life. 

As  I  have  thought  over  the  list  of  the  names  over  the  plat- 
form here,  I  have  thought  that  in  Japan  we  have  interests 
responsive  to  every  name  that  faces  you  from  this  platform.  I 
see  the  name  of  Burritt,  and  when  I  go  along  the  list  until  I 
come  to  William  Penn,  I  remember  that  one  of  the  most  popular 
educators  of  Japan,  Dr.  Terao,  the  president  of  one  of  the  govern- 
ment colleges,  has  already  translated  the  life  of  Penn  into  Japa- 
nese. When  I  think  of  Grotius,  I  remember  the  Japanese  branch 
of  the  International  Law  Association  with  five  hundred  members, 
and  I  remember  a  splendid  address  that  one  of  the  professors  of 
the  Imperial  University  delivered,  an  address  which  if  printed  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  put  alongside  of  some  of  the  best  addresses 
we  have  heard  upon  this  platform,  good  as  they  are.  I  think  of 
the  interest  of  that  expert  adviser  of  the  Japanese  government 
during  the  war,  on  questions  of  international  law,  who  while 
watching  the  progress  of  the  war  and  reading  continually  about 
the  war  as  related  to  international  law,  became  convinced  that  if 
during  war  nations  could  observe  international  regulations,  that 
international  regulations  might  and  could  be  extended  to  prevent 
war  and  to  bring  in  the  reign  of  peace,  and  so  ho-  resigned  his 
position  and  is  giving  his  thought  and  time  to  the  question  of 
international  peace.     (Applause.) 

I  feel  that  one  of  the  most  practical  things  which  I  can  say 
here  is  in  reference  to  the  American  side  of  the  Japanese  Peace 
Society.  What  can  American  peace  workers  do  for  the  peace 
movement  in  Japan? — and  while  I  speak  here  for  the  peace 
movement  in  Japan,  I  speak  for  the  peace  movement  of  the 
Orient.  Our  attention  during  this  Congress  has  been  called 
again  and  again,  as  it  ought  to  be,  to  Europe.  Our  attention  has 
been  turned  to  the  Orient  a  few  times,  but  when  we  remember 
the  millions  in  the  Orient  and  remember  the  large  and  important 
place  which  Oriental  questions  occupy  in  international  thought, 


38? 

and  when  we  remember  that  our  relations  with  the  Orient  hold 
in  them  some  of  the  most  important  problems,  the  part  which 
Japan  is  to  play  is  a  matter  of  greatest  importance.  I  wish  to  dis- 
cuss a  few  things  which  seem  to  me  practical.  I  believe  that  as 
peace  workers  you  perhaps  are  already  doing  them,  but  we  can 
at  least  extend  our  influence  to  those  who  are  not  present  in  the 
Congress,  exerting  our  influence  toward  the  development  of  the 
peace  movement  in  our  own  land  here  in  America,  and  Japan 
will  respond  to  that ;  in  proportion  as  the  business  men  of  Amer- 
ica are  interested  in  the  peace  question  that  will  influence  the 
business  men  of  Japan.  The  resolutions  of  the  Chambers  of 
Commerce  of  New  York  and  of  Chicago  will  have  much  weight 
in  Tokyo,  Osaka,  Kyoto  and  Kobe.  We  need  better  knowledge  of 
Japan  and  the  Orient,  better  knowledge  of  their  languages  and 
customs.  That  better  knowledge  will  bring  with  it,  I  am  sure,  a 
courtesy  which  will  forbid  us  using  such  an  expression  as  the 
abbreviated  word,  "the  Japs,"  as  if  they  were  abbreviated  men. 
They  are  short  of  stature,  but  not  abbreviated  men.  That  is  only 
a  little  thing,  but  it  is  a  matter  of  international  courtesy. 

An  increasing  sense  of  responsibility  in  the  discussion  of 
international  affairs.  Sometimes  American  citizens  resident  in 
the  Orient  blush  with  shame  to  read  the  records  of  platform 
utterances,  or  perhaps  utterances  not  going  directly  to  Japan,  and 
they  know  the  detrimental  influence  when  those  expressions  are 
reproduced  in  the  European  press,  and  perhaps  not  always  truth- 
fully, and  then  sent  back  to  the  Orient.  As  I  say,  some  of  us 
blush  at  some  of  those  utterances.  But  I  know  the  Peace  Con- 
gress stands  against  that  and  that  you  will  use  your  influence  in 
that  way. 

Discrimination  and  freedom  from  prejudice  in  considering 
the  Japanese  emigration  question  is  of  special  importance.  In 
this  I  include  the  separation  of  the  economical  from  the  moral 
issues.  I  tell  you  as  a  result  of  the  study  of  the  Japanese  situa- 
tion that  I  believe  the  whole  question  can  be  settled,  and  settled 
permanently  as  an  economic  question  if  we  can  separate  the 
economic  issue  from  the  moral  issue.  I  believe  it  is  an  economic 
question  and  if  met  in  that  way  the  Japanese  will  be  open  to  a 
consideration   of    the   question    and   to   a    right    solution.      The 


388 

American  motive  also  for  opposition  is  really  an  economic  motive, 
and  the  moral  issues  should  be  always  separated. 

The  fourth  point  to  urge  is  the  largest  use  of  Japanese  con- 
fidence in  the  people  of  the  United  States  and  the  United  States 
government.  I  believe  this  is  a  political  asset  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance. With  the  confidence  of  Japan  and  of  her  people  in 
America  and  the  American  government  these  questions  and  diffi- 
culties I  believe  can  be  solved.  Give  us  statesmen  such  as  the  one 
who  made  the  utterance  here  on  the  platform  yesterday  after- 
noon, a  man  willing  to  spend  twenty-seven  days  in  quiet  confer- 
ence, in  the  solution  of  a  problem  which  had  vexed  two  govern- 
ments for  years — give  us  that  kind  of  men,  give  us  that  kind  of 
spirit,  and  you  will  find  the  statesmen  in  Japan  willing  to  meet 
them,  and  you  will  find  the  leaders  of  thought  responsive  to  that 
spirit.  So,  if  we  can  have  statesmen  of  that  type  leading  our 
national  government  I  think  we  need  have  no  fear  of  serious 
international  complications  with  Japan. 

There  are  two  classes  of  people  who  have  had  no  hesitancy 
in  writing  and  speaking  of  Japan.  One  class  goes  into  raptures 
over  everything  Japanese,  saying  that  the  people  are  always  smil- 
ing, and  the  babies  never  cry.  The  other  class,  largely  an  after- 
war  product,  grows  eloquent  over  the  alleged  weaknesses  of  Japa- 
nese character,  their  military  ambitions,  and  the  menace  which 
they  present  to  the  American  homes  and  nation. 

My  experience  with  the  Japanese  forbids  my  entering  the 
ranks  of  either  class.  I  am  glad  to  take  my  place  with  those  who 
think  of  the  Japanese  men,  women  and  children  as  a  vital  and 
essential  part  of  our  common  humanity.  They  have  the  same 
flesh  and  blood  as  we  have,  and  in  their  breasts  beat  the  same 
hearts  as  beat  in  ours.  They  struggle  with  the  same  problems, 
the  problems  of  bread  and  of  a  better  standard  of  living  for  the 
masses ;  the  problems  of  personal  morality,  religion  and  of  social 
betterment ;  the  problems  of  internal  development  and  of  inter- 
national peace.  In  the  facing  of  these  problems  the  light  and 
shadow  of  joy  and  sorrow,  of  life  and  death  fall  upon  their  lives 
as  upon  ours.  Whether  talking  with  children  on  the  streets,  dis- 
cussing important  questions  with  university  students,  walking 
over  mountain  roads  with  groups  of  companions,  receiving 
strangers  and  friends  into  our  home,  eating  rice  with  the  farmers. 


389 

or  talking  with  business  men,  educators  and  statesmen,  I  have 
found  the  Japanese  to  be  men,  men  responsive  to  open-hearted- 
ness  and  brotherliness ;  men  who  although  not  perfect  have  warm 
love  for  their  own  land  crowned  with  the  snow-capped  Fuji. 
And  they  are  also  capable  of  the  most  loyal  friendship  toward 
western  nations  and  individuals,  and  appreciative  of  all  that  is 
best  and  hopeful  in  the  movement  toward  internationalism, 
toward  international  and  world-wide  peace.  Upon  this  founda- 
tion can  be  reared  the  Temple  of  Peace  in  the  Empire  of  Japan 
as  well  as  in  the  Republic  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
(Applause.) 

Chairman  Moore  then  introduced  Mrs.  Mary  J.  Pierson,  of 
New  York,  who  addressed  the  Congress  as  follows: 

The  Young  People's  International  Federation  League 
Mrs.  Mary  J.  Pierson. 

Like  the  call  of  the  wild  to  the  heart  of  the  lover  of  woods 
is  the  call  of  a  congress  to  the  one  who  desires  strength  and 
inspiration  to  pursue  his  chosen  work. 

Twelve  international  congresses  in  the  cause  of  peace  had 
been  convened  before  I  knew  the  fascination  of  the  call,  "Come, 
let  us  reason  together" — reason  together  on  the  greatest  question 
before  the  world  today,  the  question  that  touches  the  life  of  man- 
kind now  and  for  all  time  to  come — to  reason  together  on  this 
most  inclusive  subject ;  for  does  it  not  begin  in  the  home,  to  find 
its  culmination  in  The  Hague? 

This  is  a  question  for  the  statesman  of  the  keenest  intellect ; 
it  is  a  question  for  the  financier,  a  question  for  the  scholar,  a  ques- 
tion for  the  man  of  trade,  and  it  needs  no  argument  to  show  that 
it  is  a  question  for  the  home  to  consider,  for  the  teacher  to  pon- 
der and  in  terms  understandable  interpret  to  his  charges. 

The  Thirteenth  International  Peace  Congress,  that  met  in 
Boston  in  1904,  had  in  New  York  City  a  handmaid  of  high  degree 
in  the  late  Mrs.  Josephine  Shaw  Lowell.  All  plans  and  sugges- 
tions for  the  meetings  in  New  York  were  laid  before  her,  and  her 
well  trained  mind  was  quick  to  discern  and  decide;    and  so  it 


390 

came  about  that  when  the  suggestion  to  hold  a  young  people's 
meeting  was  presented  to  her,  the  idea  met  with  her  approval  and 
immediately  the  machinery  to  develop  the  plan  was  set  in  motion. 
Of  the  commiittee  of  five  appointed  by  her  only  one  knew  any- 
thing about  the  proposition  and  she  knew  there  was  no  precedent 
to  suggest  a  plan  of  action. 

The  Board  of  Education  from  the  city  superintendent  had  to 
be  persuaded  and  convinced  that  the  thing  was  feasible  and  pos- 
sible, and  as  we  well  know,  this  is  no  small  task.  Whatever  effort 
was  expended  was  amply  repaid  by  the  assembled  eighteen  hun- 
dred bright  faces  listening  to  speakers  representing  seven  nations 
of  the  earth. 

These  young  persons  felt  the  responsibility  that  devolved 
upon  them.  They  had  been  elected  by  their  classes  and  charged 
with  a  commission  which  compelled  attention  and  called  for  a 
faithful  execution  of  the  service.  Reports  must  be  made  to  those 
who  sent  them  as  delegates. 

Pupils  from  the  last  years  in  elementary  schools  and  high 
schools  took  part.  Each  boy  and  girl  there  represented  at  least 
thirty  in  his  school  and  on  an  average  five  in  his  home.  So  when 
we  say  that  fifty  thousand  persons  on  that  day  heard  the  message 
of  the  meeting,  we  are  conservative  in  our  estimate.  They  not 
only  heard  the  message — they  saw  a  tangible  evidence  of  the 
happy  day — a  blue  and  white  button,  the  dainty  program  with  its 
two  pages  of  material  from  Mrs.  Mead's  Peace  Primer,  the  words 
of  the  songs  that  had  been  sung. 

If  the  pedagogical  and  psychological  laws  are  true,  then  we 
that  day  drove  into  the  minds  of  our  audience  a  peg  upon  which 
much  may  be  hung.  As  a  direct  result  of  the  meeting,  the  follow- 
ing May,  in  each  school,  Hague  Day  was  celebrated  by  appropri- 
ate exercises.  A  band  of  young  girls  was  organized  to  sing, 
whenever  occasion  offered,  the  hymn  by  Addington  Symonds, 
"These  Things  Shall  Be,"  "Forward,  All  Ye  Faithful,"  and 
others.  Sixteen  times  in  one  year  the  little  band  was  given  oppor- 
tunity to  carry  the  message  of  peace  and  good-will,  and  when  we 
know  that  thousands  of  persons  followed  the  words  on  the  pro- 
gram as  these  sweet  voices  sang  convincingly  their  message,  we 
must  believe  that  it  was  worth  while.  Then  these  same  young 
people  take  the  best  poetry  and  prose  written  on  this  subject, 


391 

make  it  their  own  and  recite  it  when  requested.  May  it  not  be 
that  this  is  one  of  the  ways  that  a  Uttle  child  shall  lead  them  ? 

When  our  National  Congress  took  place  in  1907  in  New 
York  the  plan  evolved  in  1904  was  put  into  operation  on  a  larger 
scale.  The  attempt  was  made  to  make  it  truly  national.  Invita- 
tions were  sent  to  each  superintendent  of  state  and  city.  The 
response  was  national  in  spirit,  and  though  we  hardly  expected 
representation  from  afar,  we  had  representation  from  twenty 
centers  outside  of  Greater  New  York. 

There  are  some  present  here  today  who  will  bear  me  out  in 
my  statement  that  Carnegie  Hall  never  held  a  sight  more  beauti- 
ful, an  inspiration  more  uplifting,  than  on  the  day  of  the  Young 
People's  Meeting  in  1907.  A  chorus  of  five  hundred  on  the  plat- 
form, an  audience  of  nearly  four  thousand  in  the  body  of  the 
house,  galleries  and  boxes,  all  this  presided  over  by  our  super- 
intendent, William  H.  Maxwell.  Here  came  some  of  the  best 
speakers  we  had — that  genial  Baron  from  France,  the  firebrand 
from  England,  and  our  own  Mr.  Bailey,  Rabbi  Wise,  and  others. 
Here  again  the  concrete  expression  was  evident  in  button  and 
program.  In  response  to  Mr.  Stead's  thrilling  appeal,  Mr.  Max- 
well, in  closing  this  meeting  said : 

"Whenever  the  day  and  the  hour  come,  I  can  promise  for  the 
children  of  New  York  that  they  will  take  the  lead.  Let  me  in  a 
single  word,  on  behalf  of  the  children  of  the  New  York  schools, 
and  on  behalf  of  the  teachers  of  the  New  York  schools,  and  on 
behalf  of  the  Board  of  Education  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
thank  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  who  have  spoken  here  this  after- 
noon ;  who  have  spoken  words  that  have  sunk  deep  into  our 
hearts,  and  which  we  shall  carry  to  every  school  and  to  every 
other  teacher  and  every  other  pupil  in  this  great  city  of  ours." 

So  on  the  13th  of  October,  1904,  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  world  was  held  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the 
schools  in  the  cause  of  peace  and  arbritration,  and  out  of  the  first 
meeting  held  in  the  City  of  New  York,  in  the  Hall  of  the  Board  of 
Education,  has  grown  the  Young  People's  League  for  Interna- 
tional   Federation,    whose    application    for    membership    reads: 

'T  hereby  apply  for  membership  in  the  Chapter  of  the 

Y.  P.  I.  F.  L.,  because  I  am  interested  in  bringing  about  peace 
and  good-will  among  individuals  and  groups  of  individuals ;    I 


392 

therefore  pledge  myself  to  help,  in  so  far  as  I  am  able,  the  move- 
ment now  in  progress  for  the  Federation  of  the  Nations,  and 
v/hose  purpose  is  to  stimulate  among  young  people  the  sense  of 
the  common  humanity  of  all  people  and  races,  to  the  end  that  the 
day  may  be  hastened  when  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  shall  dwell 
together  in  peace  and  mutual  helpfulness." 

As  a  result  of  a  resolution  adopted  at  the  second  Young 
People's  Meeting — a  part  of  the  First  National  Congress — The 
School  Peace  League  has  been  organized.  Since  then  several 
congresses  conducted  by  the  young  people  have  been  held  and  a 
program  has  been  carefully  developed.  The  appeal  is  made 
through  the  eye  as  well  as  the  ear,  and  through  the  aid  of  decla- 
mation and  song.  The  young  workers  stand  ready  to  render  this 
program  whenever  invited.  It  is  to  be  given  on  May  i8th  at 
Cooper  Union  in  New  York  and  at  the  Friends'  Meeting  House 
on  May  26th.  At  our  last  conference,  on  February  226.,  we 
charged  ten  cents  admission.  The  capacity  of  the  hall  was  five 
hundred.  We  met  our  expenses  and  had  thirty-five  dollars  for 
the  work  of  the  Federation.  Stop  to  think  what  this  signifies. 
Think  of  the  topic  for  conversation  in  the  home  and  on  the 
street.    It  is  a  live  topic,  I  assure  you. 

Let  me  emphasize  the  fact  that  this  is  not  something  apart 
from  the  life  of  the  school.  The  subjects  of  the  schoolroom  and 
the  machinery  of  the  school  lend  themselves  admirably  to  the 
presentation  of  the  subject  of  peace  and  arbitration,  for  in  the 
light  of  this  vision  it  is  but  a  step  to  broaden  the  organization 
of  the  school  into  that  of  the  city,  state,  nation  and  world  feder- 
ation. 

Perhaps  the  best  word  that  can  be  spoken  is  to  tell  of  a 
simple  experiment  that  has  been  tried.  In  1905,  in  the  syllabus 
prepared  for  Ethics,  History  and  Civics  in  elementary  schools,  a 
sub-head  read,  "The  United  States  a  World  Power — Influence 
on  World  Diplomacy ;  The  Hague  Tribunal."  To  many  teachers, 
no  doubt,  this  was  "one  thing  more,"  but  there  were  some  to 
whom  this  was  the  link  that  made  the  chain  complete. 

A  group  of  clubs  was  started  as  an  experiment.  In  these 
clubs  was  demonstrated  the  principles  of  co-operation,  interde- 
pendence, federation,  arbitration.  These  girls  of  thirteen  to 
fifteen,  as  they  experienced  the  pleasure  of  working  in  close  rela- 


393 

tion,  and  in  tracing  similarities  to  their  own  organization  in  the 
larger  ones,  were  enthusiastic  when  told  that  a  movement  was 
even  now  in  progress  for  bringing  the  nations  of  the  earth  into 
governmental  relations  where  peaceful  methods  of  settling  dis- 
putes would  prevail  even  as  they  now  prevail  between  our  own 
forty-six  states,  that  there  would  be  at  The  Hague  a  Supreme 
Court  of  the  World  to  which  could  be  brought  the  disputes  that 
might  arise  between  any  two  of  them. 

Children  like  real  things;  they  like  to  know  that  men  and 
women  whom  they  may  see  and  hear  are  interested  in  things 
they  know  about.  When  they  meet  face  to  face  the  woman  who 
has  written  their  Peace  Primer  and  hear  her  give  strong,  telling 
facts  that  bear  out  their  own  discoveries  in  a  nearer  field,  and 
when  they  can  listen  to  a  great  leader  from  France  and  a  man  of 
power  from  England  who  tell  them  that  their  thought  and  their 
work  are  needed  for  this  great  cause,  is  there  not  an  enthusiasm 
born  in  them  which,  if  fostered,  will  feed  the  famished  spirit? 

What  we  need  is  Ideals — Ideals  that  gleam  and  glisten  as 
the  glow-worm  in  dark  places.  Ideals  that  may  be  "the  star"  to 
which  the  deeds  of  the  individual  daily  life  "may  be  hitched." 
It  is  no  difficult  task  to  show  that  the  comfort  of  the  home 
depends  upon  the  individuals  in  it.  It  is  no  difficult  task  to  show 
that  the  good  appearance  of  the  school  building  depends  upon 
the  care  of  each  member  of  the  school.  The  expansion  of  this 
idea  of  relatedness  so  that  the  individual  feels  his  attachment  to 
the  group  to  which  he  is  immediately  related  and  the  connection 
of  the  group  of  which  he  forms  a  part  to  other  groups,  is  only  a 
step  forward  and  needs  no  unusual  arguments. 

These  are  not  new  ideas.  They  need  only  to  be  emphasized 
to  become  a  vital  conscious  thought.     They  do  need  reiteration. 

Dr.  Huntington,  in  a  letter  I  received  today,  says,  "the  need 
in  which  the  friends  of  Arbitration  stand  is  boundless  patience. 
But  along  with  patience  we  also  want  enthusiasm."  The  enthu- 
siasm, it  seems  to  me,  is  the  easier  of  the  two  for  the  teacher  to 
possess,  because  no  plan  yet  evolved  by  the  mind  of  man  calls 
upon  the  whole  being  for  co-operation  as  does  this. 

All  roads  lead  to  Rome,  was  once  the  Slogan.  All  roads 
lead  to  The  Hague,  is  the  Slogan  of  the  twentieth  century.  And 
so  it  behooves  the  teacher  and  parents  to  approach  this  subject 


394 

from  which  ever  point  is  most  attractive  to  them,  be  it  economic, 
social,  religious,  historic,  to  fill  their  hearts  and  minds  with  a 
knowledge  and  love  of  this  great  theme  and  so  readjust  the  school 
tasks,  the  school  problems,  and  also  those  of  the  home,  that  the 
child  may  grow  in  power  to  see  and  feel  that  life  is  whole  and 
that  he  has  a  part  to  play,  that  may  help  or  hinder  the  develop- 
ment of  this  great  plan.  Whether  we  will  or  not,  this,  the  idea  of 
God,  must  prevail.  The  work  of  righteousness  is  marching  on. 
Shall  we  become  conscious  co-workers,  or  stand  aside  to  become 
obstructors  by  our  ignorance,  indifference  or  opposition? 

Let  us  rather  take  the  pledge  of  the  Young  People's  League 
for  International  Federation :  "Because  I  am  interested  in  bring- 
ing about  Peace  and  Good-will  among  individuals  and  groups  of 
individuals,  I  therefore  pledge  myself  to  help  in  so  far  as  I  am 
able  the  movement  now  in  progress  for  the  federation  of  the 
nations." 

"Man  does  not  live  by  bread  alone,"  should  be  uttered  by 
every  mother  as  she  rises  to  take  up  her  daily  tasks,  by  every 
teacher  as  he  plans  his  daily  work. 

Still  another  of  these  familiar  texts  that  are  coming  to  us 
freighted  with  new  vitality  should  be  in  daily  thought,  "As  a 
man  thinketh,  so  is  he."  What  shall  the  teacher  think?  Shall 
he  think  the  power  of  a  nation  lies  in  its  acres  and  armaments? 
Then  so  surely  will  his  pupils  be  of  his  mind.  Will  he  believe 
that  men  live  by  the  dollars  they  possess?  Then  may  we  expect 
the  tendency  of  the  age  strengthened  by  his  attitude.  Never 
were  surer  instructions  given  than  when  Emerson  told  us  to 
"Build  your  castles  in  the  air  and  then  put  foundations  under 
them." 

The  castle  of  International  Federation,  the  fortress  of  dis- 
armament for  its  protection,  should  be  builded  in  the  mind  and 
heart  of  all.  Especially  should  the  teacher  so  build,  and  the 
stones  for  the  foundation  will  be  found  in  the  daily  task  of  arith- 
metic, geography,  history  and  science.  What  choice  stones  may 
be  found  in  arithmetical  problems  based  on  war  facts !  Let  me 
illustrate:  At  $1.50  per  week  a  child  earns  $78  in  a  year.  One 
big  cannon  shot  costs  $1,700.  How  many  children  might  be 
kept  in  school  for  another  year? 


395 

If  a  Dreadnought  cost  $10,000,000,  how  many  locomotives 
at  $20,000  each  might  be  built? 

In  these  two  problems  are  to  be  found  ethics  and  economics, 
and  to  him  who  reads  with  a  seeing  eye  and  a  heart  that  throbs 
with  a  love  of  God  and  man,  a  code  of  morals  and  religion  are 
not  far  away  from  these  facts. 

In  these  days  when  the  schools  are  rapidly  tending  toward 
specializing  in  vocational  training  for  those  who  must  early  enter 
the  field  of  work  for  wage,  the  teachers  are  under  obligation  to 
put  into  the  mind  of  the  pupils  thoughts  that  make  life  worth  the 
living,  that  give  a  wider  outlook. 

This  theme  for  the  teacher  gives  life  a  new  zest ;  it  furnishes 
as  nothing  else  may  a  point  of  contact  that  will  relate  all  the 
pupils  of  a  school  to  it  long  after  the  parting  from  it.  I  would 
suggest  that  the  graduate  associations  of  all  schools  meet  at 
least  once  a  year  to  consider  this  theme,  to  listen  to  reports  of 
what  has  been  accomplished  and  what  new  plans  are  being  pro- 
mulgated. There  are  now  in  the  field  men  and  women  expert 
thinkers  in  this  connection,  who  are  willing  to  appear  before 
such  associations.  Such  meetings  attended  by  teachers  and 
form.er  pupils  would  be  a  strong  force  in  cementing  the  life  of 
the  school  to  the  life  of  the  community  and  a  great  step  toward 
a  comprehension  of  international  relations.  Mighty  facts  have 
been  collected.  Material  is  not  wanting.  It  may  be  had  for  the 
asking.  Two  great  associations  are  in  the  field — the  American 
Peace  Society,  putting  forth  material  that  every  classroom  should 
have.  The  International  Library,  edited  by  Edwin  D.  Mead, 
stands  ready  with  invaluable  material,  and  the  American  Branch 
of  the  International  Conciliation  League,  lately  come  into  the 
field,  and  founded  by  the  noble  Frenchman,  Baron  d'Estournelles, 
is  sending  out  by  thousands  the  very  latest  and  best  thought  upon 
the  subject,  published  in  pamphlet  form.  Material  is  not  wanting, 
but  there  is  a  dearth  of  men  and  women  of  ability  willing  to 
master  this  material  and  interpret  it  to  those  who  should  know. 

A  president  of  a  City  History  Club  in  New  York,  prominent 
in  social  circles,  met  at  lunch  a  lady  who  inquired  of  her  what 
she  meant  by  "the  Half  Moon."  In  that  same  circle  of  culture 
and  social  distinction  are  persons  who  do  not  know  the  poet's 


396 

dream  has  been  realized — "The  Parliament  of  Man"  has  met 
twice  and  is  to  meet  again  in  the  space  of  a  few  years. 

After  all,  it  is  the  business  of  the  school  and  the  teacher,  the 
social  worker.  Upon  them  devolve  the  tasks  to  start.  We  are 
told  that  not  until  human  nature  changes  can  we  achieve  these 
ideals.  We  are  achieving  them  and  human  nature  is  changing. 
The  Fatherhood  of  Gk)d  and  the  Brotherhood  of  Man  already 
exist;  we  do  not  have  to  create  them;  all  we  have  to  do  is  to 
know  the  truth  and  make  it  known  to  our  neighbor.  It  is  very 
simple. 

We  shall  need  machinery  to  carry  out  the  ideas,  but  see  to 
it  that  back  of  the  machines  are  thoughtful  men  and  women  to 
support  with  the  strength  of  their  lives  those  who  are  running  the 
machinery. 

America  has  been  the  pioneer ;  she  has  provided  an  example 
to  show  how  the  machine  may  be  constructed.  Let  her  give  an 
example  greater  than  even  this.  Let  her  show  that  the  "pen  is 
mightier  than  the  sword";  that  Right,  not  Might,  can  rule  the 
lands.  Let  her  eliminate  fear  and  fraud  from  the  national  mind; 
let  her  cut  loose  once  and  for  all  from  the  idea  of  brute  force 
and  the  multiplication  of  its  expression  in  battleships. 

The  Old  World  looks  to  America  to  lead  the  way  to  a  higher 
expression  of  life. 

Chairman  Moore: 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  Italians  in  New  York  is  Presi- 
dent of  the  Italian  Peace  Society.  We  will  be  pleased  to  hear  a 
few  words  from  Hon.  A.  Zucca. 


The  Italian  Peace  Society,  of  New  York 
Hon.  a.  Zucca. 

Only  a  few  words,  as  I  am  not  prepared  for  any  address. 
Really,  I  did  not  know  until  a  few  moments  ago  that  the  Chair- 
man would  call  upon  me.  Still,  when  a  man  expresses  the  senti- 
ments of  his  heart,  I  do  not  think  he  needs  any  preparation  what- 
soever.    (Applause.) 

Italy   has   suffered   probably   more   than   any   other   nation 


397 

through  the  hardships  of  war.  When  I  was  a  little  boy  I  remem- 
ber when  state  after  state  was  in  arms  to  accomplish  the  unity  of 
Italy,  and  I  know  all  the  hardships  which  the  people  suffered. 
Still  I  do  not  know  if  at  that  time  it  was  possible  to  accomplish 
the  unity  of  Italy  without  the  force  of  guns  and  of  cannon. 
When  the  unity  of  Italy  was  accomplished  the  government  real- 
ized that  the  maintenance  of  such  an  army  and  navy  would  ulti- 
mately bring  it  into  bankruptcy,  and  so  it  gave  its  attention  to  the 
development  of  industry  and  commerce,  and  today  Italy  is  in  the 
enjoyment  of  sound  financial  conditions. 

I  am  very  glad  indeed  that  this  Congress  has  met.  I  believe 
we  ought  to  have  even  more  delegates  than  we  have  had,  but 
great  good  is  being  done  by  the  way  the  addresses  are  printed 
in  the  press  and  sent  all  over  the  country,  and  I  did  my  best, 
by  translating  the  printed  speeches  into  Italian,  to  disseminate 
this  information  in  Europe  among  the  Italian  people  who  did  not 
understand  English,  so  that  they  might  know  what  is  really  for 
the  welfare  of  the  people. 

I  am  greatly  pleased  to  see  the  ladies  take  so  much  interest 
in  this  movement;  especially  as  I  am  a  married  man  myself,  and 
I  know  my  wife  gets  what  she  wants  when  she  wants  it.  (Laugh- 
ter.) Therefore  I  know  that  if  the  ladies  help  us  in  this  move- 
ment we  will  accomplish  in  the  end  the  objects  for  which  we  are 
working,  and  the  people  will  send  their  representatives  to  the 
government,  pledged  to  have  no  more  war,  but  to  have  every  dif- 
ference between  nations  settled  by  a  general  arbitration.  In  that 
way  we  will  have  the  sentiment  of  the  people  in  our  governments, 
even  though  the  Presidents  do  not  agree  with  the  sentiments 
of  the  people  and  do  not  care  what  their  sentiments  are. 

While  our  Italian  association  in  New  York  is  small,  still  I 
pledge  you  that  it  will  do  its  best  to  help  this  organization  to 
bring  about  the  end  for  which  it  is  working.  Progress  perfected 
the  machinery  of  destruction,  and  progress  must  stop  its  use. 
(Applause.) 

The  session  then  adjourned. 


ELEVENTH  SESSION 
INTERNATIONAL  GREETINGS 

Wednesday  Afternoon,  May  5,  at  2  o'clock 

Orchestra  Hall 

HONOEABLE  EICHAED  BAETHOLDT,  M.  C,  Presiding 

Mr.  Bartpioldt: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  Having  had  my  say  yesterday,  I 
shall  not  detain  you  with  a  speech  in  opening  this  session.  Goethe, 
the  German  poet  and  philosopher,  says  that  man  is  but  an  animal 
with  a  soul.  The  war  party  in  this  country  and  every  other  coun- 
try appeals  to  the  animal  in  man.  We,  the  peace  party,  appeal 
to  the  soul  of  man,  (Applause.)  This  has  been  borne  out,  I 
believe,  by  the  speeches  you  have  heard  before,  and  I  am  quite 
sure  it  will  be  corroborated  by  the  speeches  you  are  going  to  hear 
this  afternoon  from  the  representatives  of  foreign  countries.  We 
have  in  the  United  States  a  very  large  element  of  our  population 
whose  cradle  or  whose  parents'  cradle  stood  in  the  Old  Father- 
land. They  are  Americans  to  the  core.  The  American  internal 
policies  are  their  policies ;  the  American  foreign  policies  are  their 
policies.  Only  do  they  wish  to  lay  emphasis  upon  one  thing:  it 
is  their  hearts'  desire  that  the  traditional  friendship  between  the 
United  States  and  Germany  may  be  maintained  for  all  time  to 
come.  (Applause.)  There  is  no  man  in  the  wide  world  who  at 
the  present  time  is  contributing  so  much  to  strengthen  these 
bonds  of  friendship  as  the  present  German  Ambassador  in  the 
United  States,  and  I  esteem  it  a  privilege  to  present  to  you  as 
the  first  speaker  of  the  afternoon  Count  von  Bernstorff.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

398 


399 


Greetings  from  Germany 

Count  Johann  Heinrich  von  Bernstorff,  Ambassador  Ex- 
traordinary AND  Plenipotentiary  of  Germany 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  am  exceed- 
ingly gratified  that  your  kind  invitation  has  given  me  the  oppor- 
tunity of  visiting  this  great  city  and  meeting  so  many  prominent 
men  who  have  done  and  are  doing  so  much  for  the  purpose  you 
have  met  to  further.  Every  government  can  sympathize  with  the 
purposes  which  this  Congress  has  met  to  promote.  You  did  not 
come  to  Chicago,  some  of  you  from  far  away,  to  dream  the  dream 
of  eternal  peace,  but  to  seek  for  practical  methods  to  serve  the 
cause  of  international  peace  with  honor.  Men  who  like  myself 
have  the  duty  to  protect  and  advance  the  interests  of  their  own 
country  would  not  be  able  to  join  in  dreaming  a  dream  from 
which  we  would  soon  awake  to  the  stern  reality  of  the  fierce 
struggle  for  existence  that  according  to  the  law  of  nature  results 
in  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  This  Congress  is,  however,  as  I  said 
before,  not  striving  for  the  impossible.  If  I  am  not  mistaken  its 
chief  object  is  to  create  a  public  sentiment  for  organization  of 
international  justice  by  further  development  of  the  principle  of 
arbitration  and  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments. 

I  beg  leave  to  express  an  opinion  on  these  two  subjects  from 
the  German  point  of  view.  Our  government  and  people  heartily 
sympathize  with  the  idea  of  submitting  such  questions  to  arbitra- 
tion which  do  not  involve  national  honor  and  vital  national  inter- 
ests. If  my  government  were  unwilling  to  enter  into  a  general 
treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration,  they  on  the  other  hand  have 
always  declared  themselves  willing  to  conclude  treaties  of  arbi- 
tration with  other  governments  in  pairs.  The  German  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  only  a  few  weeks  ago  gave 
expression  to  this  view  before  the  German  Parliament.  Baron 
Schoen  said :  "The  Imperial  Government  is  by  no  means  opposed 
to  concluding  arbitration  treaties  with  other  governments  in  pairs. 
We  have  concluded  such  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  We  had 
also  concluded  one  with  the  United  States  of  America.  It  was 
not  our  fault  that  this  treaty  did  not  take  effect,  but  we  hope  that 


400 

the  difficulties  which  stood  in  the  way  may  be  overcomt.  In  our 
opinion,  however,  a  general  arbitration  treaty  is  by  no  means 
always  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  settling  controversies  which 
might  lead  to  conflicts.  The  German  Foreign  Office  has  for 
many  years  been  in  the  habit  of  proposing  arbitration  in  cases  of 
controversies  between  the  German  and  foreign  governments.  It 
has  thus  been  possible  to  settle  several  disagreeable  questions  at 
issue  before  they  developed  into  conflicts.  We  shall  in  future 
also  proceed  in  the  same  way." 

Moreover,  in  the  course  of  last  winter  my  government 
agreed  with  France  to  submit  the  Casablanca  question  to  arbi- 
tration, a  question  which  came  very  near  involving  national 
honor,  as  a  German  consular  official  has  been  attacked  by  foreign 
troops.  You  will  all  agree  with  me  that  no  government  could 
well  do  more  for  the  cause  of  arbitration. 

As  to  the  question  of  the  limitation  of  armaments,  you  all 
know  that  the  German  government  could  not  see  their  way  to 
take  any  steps  in  this  matter. 

The  Imperial  Chancellor  has  several  times  explained  in  his 
speeches  before  the  Imperial  Parliament  that  the  reduction  of 
armaments  was  no  doubt  desirable,  but  that  it  was  difficult  to 
find  a  practical  solution  of  the  question,  as  it  could  not  be  decided 
upon  abstract  principles  or  mathematical  calculations.  Our  arma- 
ments, the  Chancellor  went  on  to  say,  are  established  by  a  law 
which  everybody  can  study  if  he  cares  to  do  so,  and  measured 
solely  by  our  own  defense  requirements  for  the  purpose  of  the 
protection  of  our  commerce  and  coasts ;  and,  as  has  been  insisted 
on  at  many  previous  occasions,  present  no  menace  to  any  people. 

Incidentally  I  may  mention  that  we  will  in  1912  have  ten 
Dreadnoughts  and  three  Invincibles  and  not  seventeen  or  twenty- 
five  Dreadnoughts,  as  was  wrongly  stated. 

Many  of  you  will  have  blamed  us  for  taking  the  above 
views  of  the  case,  but  you  may  think  differently  on  the  subject 
if  you  will  kindly  follow  me  in  briefly  reviewing  the  history  of 
Germany  for  the  last  three  centuries. 

No  doubt  there  are  a  number  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  in 
this  great  assemblage  who  have  visited  Germany  and  traveled 
along  the  beautiful  banks  of  the  Neckar  and  Rhine,  where 
numerous  ruins  of  magnificent  castles  tell  the  sad  tale  of  devas- 


40I 

tation  by  foreign  invaders.  Battle  after  battle  was  fought  out  by 
foreign  armies  on  German  soil  because  the  people  of  the  thinkers 
and  dreamers  were  not  united  and  therefore  not  strong  enough 
to  repel  hostile  invasions.  This  state  of  affairs  might  have  gone 
on  forever,  if  the  cosmopolitan,  idealistic  and  unpractical  Ger- 
many of  the  eighteenth  century  had  not  been  aroused  to  indigna- 
tion by  the  humiliation  and  misery  it  suffered  a  hundred  years 
ago,  when  it  had  to  submit  to  the  First  Napoleon's  yoke.  In 
those  days  the  German  nation  learned  the  lesson  that  it  is  the 
right  and  duty  of  every  man  to  protect  his  home  and  his  country 
to  the  last  drop  of  blood  that  remains  in  his  body  and  that  he 
must  be  ready  to  give  his  life  for  something  greater  than  him- 
self, something  beyond  his  selfish  interests.  Every  one  of  you 
would  do  the  same  today,  you  would  all  draw  the  sword  for  the 
liberty  and  freedom  of  your  country. 

Such  was  the  birthday  of  the  present  German  army,  or,  to 
use  the  more  correct  expression,  of  the  German  nation  in  arms. 
And  now  what  has  been  the  results  of  this  institution?  Since 
that  day  no  foreign  army  ever  again  set  its  foot  on  German  soil 
and  a  prosperity  is  reigning  in  all  classes  of  the  German  people 
which  would  have  seemed  incredible  to  our  forefathers  because 
they  were  always  subject  to  encroachments  of  their  powerful 
neighbors. 

If  you  bear  these  historical  facts  in  mind  you  will  easily 
understand  why  we  believe  that  we  must  keep  our  army  and  navy 
at  full  strength  and  in  a  high  state  of  efficiency.  It  is  one  of 
the  most  difficult  problems  for  the  student  of  history  to  regard 
the  affairs  of  foreign  nations  with  that  fine  sympathetic  insight 
which  enables  him  to  understand  the  feelings  of  nations  and  men 
differing  in  educations,  habits  and  principles  from  himself. 

Every  nation  follows  more  or  less  distinctive  traditions  of 
thought.  They  all  declare  that  they  are  the  most  peaceful  nation 
of  the  world,  but  they  only  believe  this  of  themselves  and  not  of 
others,  because  they  are  often  ignorant  of  the  disposition,  pur- 
poses and  qualities  of  other  people.  Therefore  one  must  judge 
nations  like  individuals  by  their  acts  and  not  according  to  preju- 
dices. 

In  the  hundred  years  that  have  passed  since  we  became  a 
nation  in  arms  we  only  went  to  war  when  it  was  absolutely  neces- 


402 

sary  for  the  purpose  of  the  unification  of  Germany.  This  object 
was  worth  fighting  for  and  could  not  be  obtained  by  peaceful 
means.  If  our  neighbors  had  let  Germany  unite  without  inter- 
fering, we  would  have  had  no  war  at  all.  And  since  we  were  a 
united  nation,  we  never  went  to  war.  We  wish  to  mind  our 
own  business  and  not  to  be  disturbed  in  it.  We  are  happy  and 
contented  and  are  therefore  no  menace  to  neighboring  nations. 
But  our  geographical  situation  and  the  lessons  we  learnt  from 
an  eventful  history  have  taught  us  to  believe  that  George  Wash- 
ington's words  still  hold  good,  who,  as  you  all  know,  said:  "To 
be  prepared  for  war  is  one  of  the  most  effectual  means  of  pre- 
serving peace." 

Only  twice  during  the  last  forty  years  did  our  soldiers  have 
to  fight.  On  one  occasion  they  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  with 
the  troops  of  the  United  States  for  the  cause  of  civilization  in 
China.  This  expedition  cannot  be  called  a  war,  neither  can  one 
use  this  expression  when  we  speak  of  the  rebellion  in  Southwest 
Africa  which  had  to  be  subdued.  Moreover,  in  both  cases  which 
I  mentioned  the  national  army  was  not  sent  to  war.  Our  troops 
in  China  and  Africa  were  composed  of  volunteers.  It  was  not 
even  possible  to  enlist  the  great  number  of  officers  and  soldiers 
who  desired  to  join  the  flag. 

I  often  hear  our  Emperor  spoken  of  in  this  country  as  a 
war  lord.  You  must,  however,  not  forget  that  although  he  has 
reigned  for  twenty-one  years  at  the  head  of  the  strongest  army 
of  the  world  he  never  made  a  war.  Our  armaments  are  intended 
to  preserve  peace  for  our  own  people  and  so  far  as  possible  to 
prevent  war  from  breaking  out  in  other  parts  of  the  world  where 
we  have  interests  to  protect. 

Only  a  short  time  ago  the  Balkan  question  brought  Europe 
to  the  verge  of  war.  Peace  was  preserved  chiefly  on  account  of 
the  fact  that  the  whole  power  of  Germany  was  thrown  on  the 
scale  of  peace.  Consequently  all  warlike  tendencies  vanished 
which  had  sprung  up  here  and  there.  Such  good  work  Germany 
has  again  and  again  during  the  last  forty  years  done  for  the 
cause  of  peace.  The  success  of  this  work  would,  however,  be 
compromised  if  the  efficiency  of  the  German  armaments  could 
be  called  in  question. 


403 

Let  me  close  my  address,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  by  thanking 
you  for  your  kind  attention. 

Mr.  Bartholdt: 

Before  introducing  the  next  speaker  I  have  a  happy  an- 
nouncement to  make,  namely,  that  the  negotiations  which  have 
been  dropped  for  a  year  or  so  for  an  arbitration  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  Germany  have  been  resumed,  and  there  is 
every  reason  to  believe  will  be  carried  to  a  successful  conclusion 
in  the  very  near  future.    (Applause.) 

I  now  have  the  pleasure  and  the  honor  to  introduce  the  offi- 
cial representative  of  an  empire  in  which  militarism  is  spelled 
with  a  small  "m"  and  peace  with  a  very  large  "P"  (applause)  ; 
an  empire  which  has  remained  true  to  the  policies  which  our  own 
forefathers  once  adopted,  namely,  that  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining peace,  battleships  are  unnecessary  (applause)  ;  that  our 
security  rests  upon  our  stout  hearts,  our  patriotism,  our  vast 
resources  and  our  isolated  geographical  position.    (Applause.) 

I  have  the  honor  to  introduce  to  you  His  Excellency  Doctor 
Wu  Ting  Fang,  Minister  of  the  German  Empire  in  the  United 
States 

(This  slip  of  the  tongue  on  the  part  of  the  chairman  was 
received  with  great  laughter,  and  as  he  promptly  corrected  him- 
self he  said  "the  Chinese  Empire,"  and  he  added,  "I  was  a  little 
too  previous." 

Minister  Wu  Ting  Fang  was  greeted  with  great  applause, 
and  said : 

Greetings  from  China 

Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang. 

I  am  very  happy  to  bring  to  you  today  the  greetings  of  the 
oldest  empire  in  the  world,  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  the 
official  representative.  Especially  proud  I  am  to  stand  before 
you  this  afternoon  because  the  nation  I  represent  is  famed  for 
its  love  of  peace.  When  it  is  remembered  that  China  has  a  popu- 
lation of  four  hundred  millions,  you  will  agree  with  me  that  its 
attitude  on  the  subject  of  war  and  peace  is  of  some  importance 
to  the  world  at  large,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  whatever  other 


404 

changes,  political,  educational  and  social,  may  take  place  in  my 
country,  her  traditional  policy  of  settling  disputes  by  discussion 
and  amicable  means  will  not  be  departed  from.  China  has  no 
schemes  of  self-aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  others — so 
often  the  cause  and  pretext  of  bellicose  action.  Even  in  her  days 
of  past  conservatism  and  seclusion  from  the  nations  of  the  west, 
her  only  desire  was  to  be  left  alone  and  be  permitted  to  enjoy 
peace.    Her  motto  has  been  and  is  "Live  and  let  live." 

It  is  not,  however,  that  the  Chinese  are  afraid  to  fight.  When 
compelled  by  necessity,  they  make  a  good  record  for  themselves. 
It  is  their  disposition,  their  education,  which  has  made  them 
peace-loving  people. 

In  recent  years  the  reorganization  of  the  army  occupies  a 
prominent  place  on  our  program  of  reform,  and  the  excellent 
showing  made  by  our  troops  of  the  northern  and  southern  armies 
at  the  maneuvers  of  the  past  two  years,  witnessed  and  favorably 
reported  by  correspondents  and  military  experts  of  different 
nations,  proves  that  there  is  good  material  in  our  people  for  the 
making  of  soldiers.  The  reorganization  of  our  army  need  not, 
however,  create  the  least  alarm,  nor  is  it  in  conflict  with  the 
objects  of  this  society.  The  Chinese  government  has  been  actu- 
ated by  one  aim,  and  that  is  to  place  the  troops  in  a  state  of 
efficiency  for  police  and  defensive  purposes  only.  This  is  in 
accordance  with  the  principle  laid  down  by  many  eminent  states- 
men, that  in  order  to  maintain  and  preserve  peace  it  is  necessary 
to  be  prepared  for  war.  China  never  has  been  and  never  will  be 
aggressive  in  a  military  way ;  she  is  too  fond  of  peace  and  real- 
izes too  fully  the  horrors  of  war. 

If  general  disarmament  should  be  proposed  you  will  not  find 
China  indisposed  to  accept  it.  I  am  aware  that  upon  this  subject 
there  is  a  difference  of  views.  We  all  have  yet  to  learn  and  to 
educate  public  opinion  for  the  cause  of  peace.  Many  inventions 
and  discoveries  have  been  made  in  the  last  several  centuries  which 
have  contributed  to  the  welfare  of  mankind.  But  what  greater 
good  work  can  there  be,  I  venture  to  ask,  than  that  of  interesting 
people  in  the  cause  of  universal  peace  and  leading  them  to  see 
the  folly  and  brutality  of  slaughtering  one  another  by  fearful 
machinery  which  is  the  object  of  this  peace  society? 

I  congratulate  the  president  and  those  gentlemen  who  are 


405 

associated  with  him  in  doing  this  good  work,  and  it  affords  me 
great  gratification  to  take  a  humble  part  in  the  meeting  of  this 
Congress. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  in  no  period  of  human  history- 
has  commerce  reached  such  gigantic  proportions  as  at  present. 
The  marked  advance  in  transportation  faciUties  by  the  inventions 
of  the  last  century  has  caused  international  trade  to  become  a 
feature  of  current  history.  The  application  of  steam  and  elec- 
tricity, both  on  land  and  on  the  sea,  has  revolutionized  methods 
of  trade  and  travel.  Not  long  ago  fifteen  hundred  tons  of  pig 
iron  from  the  Hanyang  Steel  and  Iron  Works,  which  are  in  the 
central  part  of  China,  traveled  six  hundred  miles  down  the 
Yangtse  River  and  fourteen  thousand  miles  by  sea  and  were  laid 
down  in  Brooklyn,  New  York,  at  $17.50  per  ton.  The  terminus 
of  the  longest  railway  in  the  world  is  Peking,  and  it  is  possible  to 
travel  today  on  an  unbroken  road  from  the  interior  of  my  country 
to  Paris,  France.  These  facts  alone  are  enough  to  show  that 
nations  are  interdependent,  and  should  have  friendly  relations 
with  each  other.  No  nation  nowadays  should  wantonly  declare 
war,  because  the  commercial  interests  of  the  world's  nations  are 
too  valuable  to  be  jeopardized  by  such  action. 

In  conclusion  I  would  add  that  our  attitude  on  this  question 
cannot  be  better  expressed,  I  think,  than  by  a  quotation  from  Sir 
Robert  Hart,  who  has  been  half  a  century  in  China.  He  says, 
"the  Chinese  believe  in  right  so  firmly  that  they  scorn  to  think 
it  requires  to  be  supported  or  enforced  by  might."  In  short,  we 
believe  that  right  makes  might  and  not  might  makes  right,  and  I 
am  sanguine  enough  to  believe  that  the  whole  world  is  coming 
around  to  adopt  that  view,  which  is  eminently  the  right  one. 

Representing  as  I  do,  therefore,  a  nation  peaceable  by  nature 
and  choice,  taught  from  our  infancy  to  abhor  violence  and  rever- 
ence for  right  and  reason,  to  worship  literary  and  industrial  pur- 
suits and  to  neglect  and  despise  martial  vainglory,  I  am  very 
happy,  I  repeat,  to  bring  to  you  this  afternoon  the  greetings  of 
my  countrymen. 

Mr.  Bartholdt: 

The  first  great  battleship  of  the  modern  type  v/as  built 
by  Great   Britain,  but   I   regret  to   say  that  it  was   left  to  the 


406 

United  States  to  enlarge  upon  that  model.  The  latest  naval  pro- 
gram adopted  by  Congress  authorized  the  construction  of  two 
battleships  with  26,000  tons'  displacement,  which  is  6,000  tons 
more  than  the  Dreadnought  type  has.  If  they  keep  on  at  that 
ratio  they  will  build  them  so  large  that  when  one  of  these  mon- 
sters of  the  sea  is  to  be  turned  around  in  the  water  there  will 
be  an  inundation  on  three  continents.  (Laughter.)  And  after 
they  have  built  all  these  battleships  and  do  not  know  for  what 
other  purpose  to  spend  the  people's  money,  they  will  begin  to 
advocate  a  policy  of  erecting  forts  and  fortifications  along  the 
British  possessions.  I  am  happy  to  say,  however,  that  up  to  the 
present  hour  not  one  dollar  has  been  spent  to  fortify  ourselves 
against  our  northern  neighbors.  (Applause.)  And  probably  that 
is  the  best  evidence  of  the  relations  which  exist  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain. 

I  shall  briefly  mention  two  facts  when  we  consider  British- 
American  relations.  One  is  that  Great  Britain  at  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  insisted  upon  a  consideration  of  the  question 
of  gradual  disarmament.  (Applause.)  Unfortunately  the  only 
friends  they  found  at  The  Hague  were  the  American  delegates. 

Another  incident:  King  Edward  two  years  ago  conferred 
knighthood  upon  a  plain  laboring  man,  and  that  man  was  Randal 
Cremer,  the  founder  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union.  And  it  is 
the  only  evidence  on  record  of  any  crowned  monarch  having  thus 
honored  an  humble  man  because  he  had  distinguished  himself  in 
the  noble  cause  of  peace. 

I  now  have  the  honor  to  present  to  you  the  Counselor  of  the 
British  Embassy,  Mr.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes.    (Applause.) 


Greetings  from  Great  Britain 

Mr.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  In  the  first 
instance  I  must  express  to  you  the  deep  regret  of  my  Ambassa- 
dor that  he  is  unable  to  be  present  among  you  here  today.  If 
he  were  to  accept  one-half  of  the  invitations  which  he  receives 
in  this  hospitable  country,  he  would  have  to  subdivide  himself 
into  many  sections. 


407 

I  must  also  express  my  own  regret  that  no  one  more  fit  has 
been  chosen  to  represent  him  here.  I  can  make  no  claim  even  to 
a  fraction  of  Mr.  Bryce's  knowledge  and  ability,  and  I  am  a 
novice  in  the  art  of  oratory,  and  therefore  you  may  find  the  few 
words  I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  saying  trite  and  tame,  and  I  must 
ask  your  indulgence. 

We  cannot  calculate  the  efifect  upon  the  history  of  the  world 
of  meetings  like  this.  None  of  us,  I  suppose,  expects  that  these 
meetings  will  have  any  immediate  outward  and  visible  efifect 
upon  the  foreign  policies  of  the  different  countries.  We  shall 
all  be  satisfied,  I  take  it,  if  we  can  here  influence  the  feeling  of  a 
large  bbdy  of  individuals  from  whom  as  a  center  the  great  senti- 
ment of  peace  and  good  fellowship  may  radiate;  and  this  I  do 
firmly  believe  we  can  accomplish. 

If  it  is  true  to  say  that  the  sentiment  of  a  people  influences 
the  policy  of  their  government,  it  is  equally  true  to  say  that  the 
policy  of  government  influences  the  sentiment  of  the  people.  I 
have  myself  known  a  case  where  an  act  of  true  policy  and  politi- 
cal wisdom  seemed  to  create  a  sudden  revolution  in  the  feelings 
of  two  great  nations,  but  the  suddenness  of  the  revolution  was,  I 
believe,  more  apparent  than  real.  The  real  friendship  already 
existed  and  was  growing  in  intensity  until  all  that  was  required 
for  it  to  burst  from  that  into  a  flame  was  the  vigorous  blast  of 
the  bellows  of  statesmen  wise  enough  to  understand  the  exigencies 
of  the  situation.  When  we  see  such  spontaneous  combustion,  as 
it  were,  we  may  be  sure  that  it  is  not  really  spontaneous.  The 
underlying  heat  of  mutual  good-will,  I  believe,  exists  in  practi- 
cally every  country,  among  every  people,  and  all  that  is  required  is 
that  the  air  should  be  cleared,  that  something  should  be  done  which 
will  sweep  away  the  superimposed  rubbish,  the  dust,  often  of  cen- 
turies ;  and  I  believe  that  meetings  like  this  can  do  much  to  sweep 
away  such  rubbish. 

It  is  believed  and  it  is  generally  said  that  one  of  the  most 
powerful  causes  of  friendship  is  intercommunication  between  dif- 
ferent races,  and  no  doubt  this  is  the  case,  but  the  idea  must  be 
taken  with  some  qualification.  It  does  not  always  follow  because 
we  know  each  other  better  that  we  love  each  other  better.  No 
people  know  each  other  so  well  as  husband  and  wife,  but  they 
do  not  always  love  each  other  more  after  they  are  married  than 


4o8 

they  did  before,  although  I  hope  that  they  usually  do.    But  inter- 
communication is  not  sufficient ;   it  is  not  all  that  is  required. 

Much  is  said  about  the  difficulty  that  different  races  have  in 
understanding  one  another.  Rudyard  Kipling  says  "The  East  is 
East  and  West  is  West,  and  never  the  twain  shall  meet."  My 
experience  is  not  that.  I  have  lived  in  many  countries  amongst 
people  differing  as  much  as  people  can,  and  the  longer  I  have 
lived  in  such  countries  the  more  I  have  doubted  the  truth  of  that 
proposition.  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  any  gulf  fixed  between 
any  one  race  and  any  other  race  which  prevents  them  from 
understanding  each  other.  The  difficulties,  no  doubt,  exist.  Dif- 
ferent people  have  difficulty  in  understanding  each  other;  we 
even  have  difficulty  in  understanding  ourselves  very  often,  and 
in  analyzing  our  motives. 

But  this  is  not  the  paramount  difficulty  between  different 
countries.  The  United  States  is  a  living  example  of  the  fact 
that  different  states,  different  races,  not  only  ought  to  live  together 
in  peace,  but  can  and  do  do  so.  We  get  people  from  many  differ- 
ent races  and  many  different  parts  of  the  world  here  and  they 
blend  and  mingle  in  one  harmonious  whole.  No  doubt  common 
language  and  common  institutions  have  something  to  do  with 
this,  but  after  all  the  difference  of  institutions  is  no  cause  of  quar- 
rel, a  variety  of  languages  is  no  reason  for  hostility.  The  real 
difficulty  is  in  putting  one's  self  in  the  place  of  another,  of  seeing 
the  same  circumstances  from  two  sides  at  once,  one's  own  side 
and  from  somebody  else's  side. 

Most  people  in  similar  circumstances  are  alike.  If  A's  con- 
duct appears  to  B  to  be  outrageous  and  inexplicable,  and  if  B's 
conduct  appears  the  same  to  A,  they  do  not  realize  that  both 
A  and  B,  if  they  had  changed  places,  would  have  acted  exactly 
as  the  other  did. 

We  cultivate,  as  it  were,  a  habit  of  suspicion,  and  to  the  sus- 
picious all  things  are  suspicious.  If  a  man  is  reticent,  he  is 
accused  of  being  secretive ;  if  he  is  frank,  his  frankness  is  said 
to  conceal  some  Machiavellian  policy.  Nothing  he  can  do  is 
right.  If  we  could  only  get  rid  of  the  habit  of  suspicion  and  put 
in  its  place  the  habit  of  friendship,  we  should  reach  our  goal  of 
peace  (applause),  but  the  greatest  cause  of  enmity  is  another — 
it  is  mutual  fear. 


409 

Few  of  us  recognize  the  vast  role  which  mutual  fear  plays 
in  every  sphere  of  policy  and  all  through  history.  History  is 
nothing  but  a  story  of  mutual  fear,  fear  of  man  for  man,  of 
country  for  country,  class  for  class — for  when  we  see  serfs 
rising  against  their  masters,  people  rising  against  their  govern- 
ment, or  subject  races  rising  against  their  conquerors,  it  is  rarely 
due  to  any  ill-treatment,  but  simply  due  to  one  act  or  to  some 
small  number  of  acts  applied  to  quite  a  small  number  of  people 
which  arouses  in  the  whole  country  a  fear,  not  of  what  has  passed 
but  of  something  that  might  come.  If  a  revolution  has  been 
suppressed  with  merciless  severity,  it  is  not  that  those  in  power 
are  inhuman  and  cruel.  It  is  merely  that  they  fear  what  the 
effect  would  be  if  the  people  rose  again.  Brutality  is  a  means 
of  defense  against  a  danger  to  be  feared. 

It  is  a  curious  thing  that  in  every  realm  of  the  animal  king- 
dom the  emotion  of  fear  and  the  expression  of  defiance  are 
practically  identical.  Dogs  crouch  and  raise  their  hackles  when 
they  are  afraid,  also  when  they  aim  to  fight.  A  lion  crouches  to 
spring,  and  he  crouches  from  fear.  Monkeys  gibber  from  fear 
and  gibber  at  each  other  as  a  challenge.  All  do  the  same,  and  we, 
I  am  afraid,  act  very  much  as  they  do.  We  gibber  at  each  other 
when  we  are  afraid  of  each  other,  and  we  brandish  our  arms  in 
their  faces,  our  navies  and  our  armies,  not  nearly  so  much  because 
we  want  to  fight,  but  simply  because  we  are  afraid  but  don't 
want  to  show  it. 

Our  British  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Sir 
Edward  Gray,  recently  said  that  our  modern  armaments  were 
a  satire  upon  civilization.  It  is  a  much  greater  satire  upon  civ- 
ilization to  think  that  we  in  the  expression  of  our  emotions  have 
risen  very  little  above  the  brute  creation  as  yet. 

You  here  in  America  are  in  a  privileged  position.  You  share 
a  whole  continent  with  one  other  nation  of  the  same  family  who 
have  no  hostility  and  no  jealousy  to  fear.  It  may  be  that  one 
day  in  your  isolation,  in  your  splendid  isolation,  to  follow  the 
phrase  of  the  late  Lord  Salisbury,  "you  may  be  called  upon  to 
exorcise  this  terrible  specter  of  war,"  and  if  so,  no  nobler  mission 
could  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  country.  If  that  day  ever  comes  it 
will  be  true  to  say  that  the  New  World  was  called  forth,  not,  as 


4IO 

has  been  said,  to  redress  the  challenge  of  the  Old  World,  but  to 
heal  its  wounds.    (Prolonged  applause.) 

The  Chairman: 

Whenever  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  to  vote  for 
appropriations  for  war  purposes,  there  appear  over  night  war 
clouds  in  the  horizon.  They  usually  appear  the  day  before  the 
vote  is  to  be  taken.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  No  one  knows 
where  they  come  from,  but  everybody  knows  that  they  will 
disappear  after  the  vote  has  been  taken.    (Renewed  laughter.) 

So  it  was  recently  in  the  case  of  a  little  trouble  in  California ; 
but  in  spite  of  the  scare  which  the  newspaper,  with  all  due  defer- 
ence to  the  press,  tried  to  raise,  there  were  enough  members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  of  the  Senate  to  vote  down  the 
program  of  four  battleships  and  only  grant  two.  (Applause.)  I 
was  one  of  them.  (Renewed  applause.)  In  a  few  remarks  I  had 
the  honor  to  make  on  that  occasion,  I  said  that  Japan  begs  to  be 
our  friend  and  we  should  be  hers.  But  all  this  will  be  more  elo- 
quently told  you  by  the  representative  of  that  great  Oriental 
Empire,  Mr.  Matsubara,  Japanese  Consul  in  Chicago.  (Applause.) 


Greetings  from  Japan 

Mr.  K.  Matsubara. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

In  this  glorious  and  memorable  meeting  of  the  Second 
National  Peace  Congress  I  take  it  as  a  great  privilege  to  assure 
you  that  our  people  are  among  the  foremost  who  have  heartfelt 
sympathy  and  respect  toward  the  noble  movement  of  promoting 
universal  peace. 

Some  time  ago  a  Japanese  naval  officer  was  in  Chicago  on 
his  way  back  to  Japan  from  some  European  city  where  he  was 
stationed  as  a  naval  attache  to  the  Japanese  Embassy.  While 
taking  luncheon  with  him,  I  asked  him  whether  he  would  like  to 
visit  the  world-famous  Union  Stock  Yards.  His  immediate  and 
sincere  response  was :  "I  do  not  like  to  see  blood  flow  any  more. 
If  I  visit  the  Union  Stock  Yards  I  have  to  see  blood,  haven't  I? 
Ah,  it  is  disgusting  to  me.    It  reminds  me  of  the  horrible  scenes 


411 

of  the  recent  war."  By  the  way,  he  was  a  commander  of  a  bat- 
tleship which  belonged  to  Admiral  Togo's  fleet  and  fought  bra^^ely 
on  the  Sea  of  Japan  during  the  Japan-Russia  War.  "I  do  not 
like  to  see  blood  shed."    This  is  the  sentiment  of  all  Japan. 

We  enjoyed  an  undisturbed  peace  for  three  hundred  years, 
without  having  a  single  fight  with  the  outside  world.  History 
shows  we  are  a  peace-loving  nation.  It  is  true  that  circum- 
stances forced  us  to  reluctant  fights  with  our  neighbors  in  recent 
years.  Indeed,  we  fought  for  nothing  but  self-defense  and 
justice. 

Through  these  experiences  we  realize  what  war  means — its 
dreadful  and  horrible  effects  on  all  sides,  wrecking  homes,  bring- 
ing widows  and  orphans,  losing  the  lives  of  millions,  dissipating 
billions  of  money  and  paralyzing  all  sorts  of  industry.  A  jingo 
who  indulges  in  war  talk  is  one  who  is  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
real  efifect  of  war. 

We  crave  peace.  We  are  not  behind  any  nation  in  aspiring 
that  a  universal  peace  will  some  day  displace  the  onerous  burden 
of  armament  and  the  lamentable  tortures  of  war. 

I  am  here  with  a  message  from  our  Ambassador,  Baron 
Takahira,  who  was  prevented  from  attending  this  meeting  on 
account  of  a  previous  engagement.  His  message  reads  as 
follows : 

Mr.  President  and  Members  of  the  National  Peace 
Congress:  To  my  great  regret  I  find  it  impossible  for  me  to 
attend  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  to  which  you  have 
cordially  invited  me.  Pray  express  to  your  friends  assembled  to 
promote  the  sacred  cause  of  universal  peace  how  sorry  I  am  that 
I  cannot  be  with  you  and  them. 

Thanks  to  the  labors  of  your  Congress  and  other  sister 
organizations  in  America,  the  cause  of  arbitration  and  peace  has 
made  substantial  progress  within  the  recent  few  years.  The  con- 
clusion of  more  than  a  score  of  arbitration  treaties  during  that 
period  between  the  United  States  and  other  powers — and  I  am 
happy  to  say  Japan  is  one  of  those  who  entered  first  into  the 
compact  with  your  country — is  m.ost  gratifying  as  well  as  signifi- 
cant ;  for  not  only  does  it  add  to  the  glory  of  the  American  sense 
of  justice  and  peace  but  it  also  encourages  us  in  the  hope  which 


412 

v;  J 

you  and  all  of  us  cherish  so  much  at  heart — the  ultimate  realiza- 
tion of  the  world's  lasting  peace. 

While  thus  you  ought  to  be  congratulated  on  the  success  you 
are  making  step  by  step,  it  may  well  be  remembered  that  the  con- 
clusion of  an  arbitration  treaty  is  by  no  means  in  itself  a  guar- 
antee of  peace  among  nations  or  a  substitution  of  reason  for 
unreason  in  international  dealings.  There  is  a  prerequisite  to  be 
considered,  as  it  appears  to  me,  before  we  can  expect  to  reap  the 
full  benefit  of  the  arbitration  treaty;  that  is  to  say,  there  must  be 
developed  a  high  sense  of  national  as  well  as  international  justice 
on  the  part  of  the  peoples  and  governments  of  those  nations  who 
enter  into  the  compact,  lest  the  conclusion  of  the  arbitration 
treaty  might  tempt  even  more  easily  than  otherwise  a  nation, 
whose  national  conscience  and  practice  are  not  altogether  on  the 
plane  of  recognized  principles  of  modern  civilization,  to  be  not 
only  irresponsibly  litigious  but  even  preposterously  defiant  in  its 
attitude  towards  its  conciliatory  neighbors — thus  stirring  up  ill- 
feelings  between  nations  instead  of  placating  them. 

Let  us  hope,  therefore,  that  the  people  and  the  press  of  the 
countries  that  entered  into  those  treaties  may  unite  with  you  in 
their  endeavors  in  elevating  and  strengthening  the  public  senti- 
ment of  the  world  against  unjust  and  unreasonable  practices  of 
arousing  international  difficulties,  or  of  removing  them  so  that 
full  effect  be  given  to  the  treaties  they  made. 

May  your  continued  noble  labors  carry  still  further  the  excel- 
lent work  already  achieved  by  them.  K.  Takahira. 

Mr.  Bartholdt: 

When  in  the  summer  of  1903  I  returned  from  Vienna  from  a 
meeting  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  to  report  to  President 
Roosevelt  that  I  had  taken  it  upon  myself  to  invite  the  fifteen 
hundred  or  two  thousand  members  of  foreign  parliaments  com- 
prising that  organization  to  come  to  America  and  hold  their  next 
meeting  on  American  soil,  at  that  time  there  was  probably  not 
one  man  in  a  hundred  who  knew  what  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  was.  At  the  present  date  I  am  sure  that  all  those  who 
have  taken  an  interest  in  the  cause  of  arbitration  and  peace 
are  familiar  with  the  work  and  the  purposes  of  that  great  organ- 
ization. 


413 

In  1899  that  union  met  at  Christiania,  Norway,  and  I  found 
there  that  every  man,  woman  and  child  was  familiar  with  the 
Interparliamentary  Union ;  I  also  discovered  that  in  that  country 
they  have  a  peace  budget.  It  is  one  of  the  few  countries  where 
regular  appropriations  are  made  for  peace  propaganda  (ap- 
plause), out  of  which  funds,  for  instance,  the  traveling  expenses 
of  the  members  of  their  parliament  who  wish  to  attend  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  are  defrayed.  Next  winter, 
with  your  aid,  we  shall  try  in  Congress  to  establish  a  peace  budget 
for  the  same  purpose. 

I  now  have  the  honor  to  introduce  to  you  a  representative 
of  that  country  where  peace  and  arbitration  are  household  words, 
Dr.  Halvdan  Koht,  of  Norway.     (Applause.) 

Greetings  from  Norway 
Dr.  Halvdan  Koht. 

I  am  very  proud  to  be  given  this  opportunity  of  addressing 
such  a  worthy  assembly  of  representatives  of  America's  noblest 
aspirations  and  of  expressing  to  you  the  hearty  sympathy  of  my 
far-off  country  for  your  great  task. 

Sent  by  the  Norwegian  government  and  our  State  Univer- 
sity, I  have  for  more  than  half  a  year  been  traveling  about  in 
your  immense  country,  or  I  should  say  this  world  of  yours,  to 
study  the  progress  and  drift  of  the  powerful  forces  that  are 
working  themselves  out  here. 

Notwithstanding  the  obvious  difference  of  conditions  between 
a  small  nation  like  Norway,  numbering  but  little  more  than  two 
million  people,  and  this  mighty  union  of  prosperous  states,  I  have 
felt  myself  much  at  home  among  your  people.  Why?  Because 
I  have  found  in  this  nation  a  deeply  rooted  trait  that  I  am  flat- 
tering myself  is  also  one  of  the  chief  characteristics  of  my  own 
people.  That  is  that  insuppressible  love  of  fairness,  that  manly 
straightforwardness,  that  insistence  upon  right,  that  makes  for 
justice — justice  between  individuals,  justice  between  classes,  jus- 
tice between  nations — justice,  the  everlasting  foundation  of  uni- 
versal peace. 

I  think  it  would  be  more  than  a  mere  chance  that  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  and  the  Storthing  of  Norway  were 


414 

the  first  parliaments  of  the  world  to  declare  for  an  organization 
of  justice  throughout  the  world,  to  provide  honorable  arbitration 
in  international  conflicts  in  place  of  shameful  war.  And  I  hope 
you  will  forgive  my  boasting  of  the  fact  that  it  was  my  father 
who  initiated  this  parliamentary  peace  work  in  Norway.  For 
that  purpose  he  joined  forces  with  the  great  Swedish  pacifist, 
that  same  idealist  Arnoldson  who  last  year  received  the  glorious 
Nobel  peace  prize  from  the  committee  appointed  by  the  Nor- 
wegian Storthing. 

Thus  was  realized  in  the  finest  way  the  noble  thought  of  that 
great  Swede  with  the  most  appropriate  name  of  Nobel,  who  a 
dozen  years  ago  left  to  Norway  the  honor  of  awarding  every 
year  a  part  of  his  fortune  to  the  best  worker  for  peace  between 
the  nations. 

I  desire  to  point  to  you  these  cases  of  co-operation  for  peace 
of  the  two  Scandinavian  countries,  Norway  and  Sweden,  because 
I  suppose  you  have  heard  more  about  their  struggles  and  con- 
flicts than  about  their  united  efforts  in  behalf  of  common  ideals. 

For  my  own  country  I  dare  cheerfully  say  that  in  her  whole 
struggle  for  complete  sovereignty,  that  sovereignty  that  was  her 
heritage  of  olden  times  and  still  was  guaranteed  by  the  very 
words  of  her  free  and  democratic  constitution,  the  will  of  the 
nation  was  strongly  set  for  nothing  but  justice. 

Norway  wanted  justice  and  peace — peace  through  justice, 
justice  through  peace.  And  I  think  both  Norway  and  Sweden 
may  rightly  be  proud  of  the  fact  that  in  the  clash  of  the  national 
demands  a  peaceful  solution  was  found. 

The  secession  of  Norway  is  perhaps  the  only  secession  that 
has  been  accomplished  without  arms  by  the  wish  of  both  parties. 
Sweden  set  a  fine  example  to  the  world  in  not  trying  to  overthrow 
by  force  the  re-erection  of  Norwegian  independence.  And  when 
she  thought  it  safe  to  put  up  certain  conditions  for  her  compliance 
with  the  new  order  of  things,  Norway,  although  not  acknowledg- 
ing the  right  of  Sweden  to  do  so,  offered  her  certain  compensa- 
tions for  what  she  felt  as  a  loss,  solely  for  the  sake  of  peace. 
So  both  nations  have  proved  by  deeds  the  sincerity  of  their  words 
and  will. 

Whatever  work  is  accomplished  in  any  part  of  the  world  for 
international  justice  and  peace  is  followed  by  the  good  wishes  of 


415 

the  government,  the  Storthing  and  the  whole  nation  of  Norway. 
We  have  been  glad  to  join  in  the  great  world  movement  of 
peace  and  to  give  what  contribution  it  was  within  our  power  to 
yield.  But  all  the  small  nations  of  the  world  are  largely  handi- 
capped in  the  run  for  peace.  The  small  nations  are  the  very 
ones  that  most  of  all  need  organization  of  peace,  because  they  are 
too  weak  to  maintain  themselves  by  sheer  force  of  arms.  Peace 
is  the  very  condition  of  life  to  the  small  nation,  the  constant  cry 
of  rescue  arising  from  their  hearts.  Only  the  great  nations  are 
able  to  establish  the  peace  of  the  world.  It  is  therefore  to  you 
that  we  must  look.  I  am  speaking  today  to  the  greatest  nation 
of  the  world,  greatest  not  only  for  what  it  is  in  this  movement, 
but  still  more  for  what  the  future  promises.  And  I  say  to  you, 
remember  that  also  your  nation  once  was  small  and  weak  and 
needed  justice.  Remember  that  your  nation  is  built  up  by  forces 
brought  together  from  every  part  of  the  world,  from  small 
nations  as  well  as  from  great  ones.  Yours  has  become  the  great- 
est power  of  the  world.  Yours  is  the  greatest  responsibility  for 
the  future.  Justice  has  been  the  most  glorious  pride  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  your  task  to  carry  that  ideal  of  justice  for- 
ward until  it  becomes  the  law  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Bartholdt: 

The  Qiair  is  requested  to  ask  the  audience  to  keep  their  seats 
after  the  next  speech,  because  various  important  announcements 
will  be  made. 

We  have  always  felt  that  we  are  right.  Now  we  know  it 
(laughter  and  applause),  having  had  our  sentiments  and  our 
hopes  and  aspirations  confirmed  by  the  representatives  of  half 
the  world  assembled  here.  We  look  forward  to  the  administra- 
tion of  President  Taft  (applause)  with  great  hopes,  because  we 
know  that  a  judicial  mind  is  one  of  the  main  characteristics  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  a  cause  which  simply  pur- 
poses to  substitute  law  and  justice  for  force  and  war  should  in 
our  judgment  strongly  appeal  to  a  judicial  President  like  Mr. 
Taft.    (Applause.) 

We  are  fortunate  and  feel  honored  in  having  with  us  this 
afternoon  a  representative  of  the  official  family  of  our  President, 
and  I  know  of  no  one  who  could  more  fittingly  and  more  prop- 


4i6 

erly  respond  to  the  sentiments  we  have  heard  from  the  lips  of  our 
foreign  friends  than  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Hon.  Richard 
A.  Ballinger.    (Applause.) 


America's  Response 

Hon  Richard  A.  Ballinger. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  am  commis- 
sioned by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  bear  to  you 
tidings  of  good-will  and  encouragement  in  your  praiseworthy 
efforts  for  universal  peace. 

The  first  President  of  the  United  States  wrote  this  message 
of  peace: 

"Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations;  culti- 
vate peace  and  harmony  with  all.  Religion  and  morality  enjoin 
this  counsel.  It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened  and,  at  no 
distant  period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the  magnani- 
mous and  too  often  novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided  by 
exalted  justice  and  benevolence, 

"Nothing  is  more  essential  than  that  inveterate  antipathies 
against  particular  nations  and  passionate  attachments  to  others 
should  be  excluded,  and  that,  in  place  of  them,  just  and  amicable 
feelings  towards  all  should  be  cultivated." 

This  doctrine  by  its  continual  reiteration  during  the  history 
of  this  Republic  has  acquired  almost  the  force  and  sanctity 
of  law. 

"Let  us  ever  remember,"  said  President  McKinley,  "that  our 
interest  is  in  concord,  not  conflict ;  that  our  true  glory  rests  in 
the  triumphs  of  peace,  not  those  of  war." 

The  hope  for  universal  peace  is  hardly  Utopian ;  under  pos- 
sible conditions  it  is  eminently  practicable ;  hence  to  learn  these 
possible  conditions  and  how  to  establish  them  is  the  purpose  for 
which  your  conference  is  held,  and  your  efforts  so  earnestly  put 
forth. 

Again,  if  your  work  is  to  have  its  just  reward,  the  ancient 
ideals  and  estimates  of  men  must  be  changed;  they  must  not 
be  martial ;  they  must  arise  out  of  the  victories  of  peace.  The 
resources  of  men  must  be  conserved  not  for  war,  but  for  the  moral 


417 

and  religious  uplift  of  humanity  and  for  the  security  of  property 
and  happiness  in  all  lands. 

The  optimist  finds  no  insurmountable  hindrances  in  abolish- 
ing the  arbitrament  of  international  quarrels  by  the  sword;  the 
pessimist  sees  a  sword  in  every  hand,  but  between  the  two 
extremics  are  the  great  forces  which  make  for  common  progress, 
like  the  glacial  rivers  that  have  carved  and  molded  the  surface  of 
the  earth  with  irresistible  power. 

Every  nation  and  every  useful  interest  in  every  nation  trem- 
bles at  the  rumblings  of  war,  as  the  people  beneath  the  smoke  and 
ashes  of  ^tna  tremble  at  the  rumblings  of  the  forces  of  nature 
which  handle  with  such  violence  the  foundations  of  the  earth. 
But  when  the  power  of  selfishness  and  combativeness  of  man  is 
chained  by  a  universal  conscience  of  love  and  tolerance  for  the 
rights  of  his  neighbor,  then  we  can  sing  as  Pippa  sang  in  the 
streets  of  Asola : 

"God's  in  his  Heaven, 
All's  right  with  the  world." 

Now  and  then  there  breaks  forth  a  great  conflagration 
which  the  agencies  of  men  seem  powerless  to  arrest  and  which 
only  dies  out  after  consuming  everything  combustible  in  its 
pathway ;  so  it  seems  to  have  been  with  the  passions  of  men,  that 
they  at  times  become  so  inflamed  that  they  are  quenched  only  by 
exhaustion  through  war.  As  long  as  man  has  passions,  as  long 
as  life  has  woes,  will  it  ever  be  otherwise?  Will  the  hosannas  of 
peace  be  sung  without  battleships  upon  the  seas  and  men  stand- 
ing in  arms?  Will  hatreds  and  prejudices  of  race,  the  jealousy 
and  fear  of  power,  ever  give  way  throughout  the  world  to  neigh- 
borly love  and  insoluble  fraternity  ?  Aye !  Will  wars  be  no  more 
while  humanity  exists  with  its  selfishness  and  its  wickedness,  its 
depths  of  passion  and  of  pride? 

Recurring  to  the  analogy,  we  know  that  in  conflagrations 
great  progress  has  been  made  in  arresting  the  power  of  this 
demon  of  destruction ;  so  with  the  cruel  and  wicked  passions  of 
men,  we  have  our  governments  to  regulate  the  conduct  of  the 
citizen  so  that  the  rights  of  life,  of  liberty  and  of  property  may 
be  made  reasonably  secure.  Thus  we  have  liberty  regulated  by 
law;   but  with  all  this,  no  large  community  is  immune  from  riot 


4i8 

and  violence,  from  murder  and  rapine,  but  the  law  gives  to  life, 
liberty  and  property  protection  just  in  proportion  to  the  extent 
of  good  citizenship  which  each  community  or  country  possesses 
for  its  enforcement. 

We  take  courage  then  in  the  fact  that  throughout  the  major 
portion  of  the  world  the  law  rules,  and  wherever  enforced  by 
intelligent  citizenship  peace  rules. 

The  peace  of  the  world  would  therefore  seem  to  be  depend- 
ent ( I )  upon  the  citizenship  of  the  nations  being  of  that  charac- 
ter which  would  insure  the  creation  of  just  laws  and  their  enforce- 
ment, (2)  upon  a  type  of  international  citizenship  which  would 
insure  the  creation  of  just  international  laws,  and  a  substantial 
tribunal  for  their  enforcement. 

It  seems  to  me  that  any  formula  which  neglects  these  ele- 
ments must  fall  short  of  preventing  the  evils  aimed  at. 

The  problem  may  appear  simple  of  solution  in  theory,  but 
its  practical  operation  requires  the  patient  endurance  of  ages  of 
training  and  civic  discipline. 

What  measure  of  progress  have  we  made  in  the  last  century? 
Very  great.  Wars  even  have  been  in  a  sense  civilized.  Many 
are  the  restraints  and  bulwarks  against  armed  conflict  which  the 
civilized  powers  have  erected.  A  strong  factor  for  peace  is  the 
Hague  Court,  where  the  disputes  of  honest  differences  will 
inevitably  go  when  diplomacy  fails.  But  the  most  potent  agency 
of  modern  times  is  the  increased  sense  of  national  justice,  in 
which  our  own  country  has  been  a  marked  example.  It  is  the 
international  citizenship  we  possess  which  stamps  our  nation  as 
a  leader  in  the  perfection  of  international  law  and  in  the  effort  to 
erect  a  great  peace  tribunal  at  The  Hague. 

Education  lies  at  the  root  of  the  progress  of  a  healthful 
sentiment  for  peace.  Honesty  in  trade  and  commerce  is  the  next 
element,  and  prosperity  at  home  is  not  only  a  source  of  domestic 
tranquillity,  but  breeds  the  spirit  of  benevolence  towards  our 
neighbors  abroad. 

What  a  glorious  spirit  of  humanity  has  been  shown  by  all 
the  great  nations  in  times  of  disaster,  like  that  at  Messina,  in 
Italy,  at  Martinique,  and  San  Francisco. 

So  as  the  nations  prosper  the  world  becomes  better.  A  busy 
nation,  like  a  busy  man,  has  little  time  for  mischief.     For  this 


419 

reason  the  prosperity  of  the  toiling  masses  in  any  country  is 
one  of  the  greatest  safeguards  against  disturbance,  and  with  the 
growth  and  dissemination  of  intelligence  among  the  masses, 
which  was  never  so  marked  as  today,  Httle  is  to  be  feared  in  the 
way  of  internal  troubles,  so  long  as  the  people  rule. 

The  interdependence  of  nations  for  the  necessaries  of  life  is 
increasing  day  by  day,  and  we  are  beginning  to  read  into  national 
conduct,  as  we  do  in  the  conduct  of  the  citizen,  that  it  has  no 
right  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world ;  that  the  interests  of  the 
nations  at  large  are  greater  than  those  of  the  single  nation. 

It  is  a  source  of  mutual  congratulation  that  so  many  citizens 
of  the  enlightened  nations  of  the  world  are  laboring  together  for 
universal  peace.  Why,  let  me  ask,  can  they  not  take  on  a  still 
higher  type  of  citizenship?  While  my  liege  lord  is  the  great 
Republic,  I  am  also  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Washington.  I 
know  of  no  reason  why  I  could  not  take  out  naturalization  papers 
in  the  Peace  League  of  Nations,  provided  such  an  entity  were 
created.  There  could  be  citizenship  in  no  higher  kingdom,  except 
that  above. 

Let  us  hope  while  we  pray,  and  pray  while  we  hope  that 
the  standards  of  citizenship  among  all  peoples  may  continually 
advance;  that  the  controversies  of  the  future  between  nations 
shall  be  settled  by  men  big  enough  to  fill  any  function  or  office  in 
this  higher  grade  of  citizenship ;  that  they  may  be  constrained  in 
the  spirit  of  brotherly  love  and  that  the  poetry  of  war  with  the 
heroes  and  the  heroines  of  war  shall  all  take  their  place  with  the 
rich  sentiment  of  primitive  days. 

Nevertheless  we  will  doubtless  retain  the  emotions  so  truly 
expressed  by  Richard  Le  Gallienne : 

"War 
I  abhor, 

And  yet  how  sweet 
The  sound  along  the  marching  street 
Of  drum  and  fife !    And  I  forget 
Wet  eyes  of  widows,  and  forget 
Broken  old  mothers,  and  the  whole 
Dark  butchery  without  a  soul." 


420 

I 

If  it  be  desirable  to  abandon  the  martial  spirit  and  substitute 
in  its  place  the  advanced  ideas  of  humanity  upon  a  higher  intel- 
lectual and  moral  plane,  as  a  safeguard  for  universal  peace,  we 
must  place  the  ban  upon  the  "Marseillaise"  in  every  land,  and 
instead  of  our  children  being  taught  to  sing  "I'm  a  Soldier  of 
the  Cross,"  they  should  substitute  "On  earth  peace,  good-will 
toward  men." 

If  we  are  to  make  progress  intellectually  and  morally  in  the 
advancement  of  peace,  we  should  cultivate  in  song,  story,  thought 
and  action  the  ways  of  peace. 

Dr.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  : 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  am  asked  to 
present  a  last  word  of  thanks  to  those  who  have  helped  us  make 
a  success  of  this  great  meeting.  Last  Sunday  with  some  trepida- 
tion I  offered  you  this  program  of  some  sixteen  different  sections 
representing  some  fifty  or  more  speakers.  The  program  has 
been  carried  out  almost  literally,  with  only  one  or  two  or  three 
departures, 

I  would  remind  you  again  that  here  in  this  body  of  this 
auditorium  at  the  present  time  we  have  appointed  delegates  from 
thirty-two  different  states,  appointed  by  the  governors  of  the 
states,  representatives  of  perhaps  sixty  different  cities,  and  I 
shall  speak  only  as  a  Chicagoan,  leaving  our  neighbor  from  St. 
Louis  and  representative  in  Congress  to  say  the  last  word  on 
behalf  of  the  Congress.  But  on  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  Chicago 
and  the  committee  who  have  worked  to  bring  this  great  meeting 
to  such  a  high  issue,  I  am  asked  to  move  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
press  of  Chicago,  who  for  once  played  fair  anyhow  (applause), 
eliminated  the  yellow  and  elevated  the  white  and  noble ;  and  also 
to  include  in  this  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Chicago  Association  of 
Commerce.  For  once  the  business  man  forgot  his  business,  or 
rather  remembered  his  higher  business  and  through  his  business 
sagacity  and  energy  this  Congress  has  been  made  possible.  So  I 
move  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  on  behalf  of  this  Congress,  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  the  press  of  Chicago  and  to  the  Association  of  Com- 
merce of  Chicago. 

(The  motion  was  seconded  and  unanimously  carried  by  a 
rising  vote.) 


421 

Chairman  Bartholdt  : 

This  concludes  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress.  (Ap- 
plause.) The  noblest  use  to  which  a  battleship  can  be  put  and  has 
ever  been  put  is  to  carry  food  supplies  to  the  stricken  of  other 
countries.  (Applause.)  This  has  been  done  by  the  American 
fleet  in  the  case  of  Italy.  Let  us  go  home  in  the  hope  that  our 
battleships  in  the  future  may  never  be  put  to  any  other  use. 
(Applause.) 

Dr.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  then  offered  the  following  closing 
prayer : 

"O  Thou  Infinite  Spirit  of  life  and  love,  who  hast  created  of 
one  blood  all  nations  of  men,  our  hearts  go  out  in  gratitude  to 
Thee,  the  Father  of  us  all,  as  we  go  forth  from  this  place 
touched  with  a  new  purpose,  to  live  as  becomes  brothers  and 
sisters  in  the  great  Household  of  Man.  O  Father,  use  us  in 
such  a  way  that  Thy  kingdom  may  come  more  speedily,  and  the 
nations  of  earth  may  dwell  together  more  peacefully  and  the  war 
drums  be  heard  no  longer  and  the  battle  flags  be  furled  in  the 
Federation  Parliament  of  Man  and  of  the  World." 


THE  BANQUET 
Wednesday  Evening,  May  5 

Given  by  the  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce  to  the  Guests  of 
Honor  and  Delegates  to  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress 

THE  AUDITORIUM  HOTEL 

President  E.  M.  SKINNER,  Toastmaster 

Invocation  was  offered  by  Rev.  Charles  E.  Deals,  of  Boston. 

Mr.  Skinner: 

In  order  not  to  inconvenience  our  guests  we  decided  not  to 
use  the  north  and  south  wings,  but  to  hold  a  second  meeting  in 
the  Gold  Room  of  the  Congress  Hotel,  presided  over  by  Vice- 
President  Wheeler.  Through  the  courtesy  of  our  speakers  the 
programs  will  be  practically  the  same,  as  our  speakers  will 
exchange  with  theirs. 

It  is  with  great  regret  that  I  have  to  announce  the  illness 
of  the  Swedish  Ambassador,  Mr.  Lagercrantz,  who  expected  to 
be  with  us  and  anticipated  the  pleasure  of  being  here  as  we 
anticipated  the  pleasure  of  having  him  here.  We  received  a  tele- 
gram last  evening  announcing  his  illness. 

I  desire  to  read  a  letter  from  Baron  Rosen,  Ambassador  of 
Russia : 

"I  have  just  received  your  kind  and  courteous  invitation  to 
attend  the  banquet  to  be  given  by  your  Association  on  Wednes- 
day, May  5,  in  connection  with  the  National  Peace  Congress. 

"Appreciating  highly  the  honor  done  me  by  this  invitation, 
I  am  compelled  to  say  that  to  my  great  regret  my  engagements 
here  will  not  permit  me  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Chicago  for 
the  purpose  of  attending  the  banquet  on  the  5th  of  May. 

"With  assurances  of  my  distinguished  regard,  I  remain, 

"Yours  very  truly, 

"ROSEN, 
"Ambassador  of  Russia." 
422 


423 

I  also  desire  to  read  a  letter  from  the  French  Ambassador, 
M.  Jusserand. 

"Dear  Mr.  President:     As,  for  the  reason  you  know,  it 

will  be  impossible  for  me,  greatly  to  my  regret,  to  be  present  at 
the  5th  of  May  banquet,  I  beg  permission  to  be  represented  by 
the  French  Consul  in  Chicago,  Baron  Houssin  de  Saint-Laurent, 

"His  presence  will  be  a  token  of  the  sympathy  with  which 
my  country  follows  your  efforts  in  favor  of  international  peace, 
efforts  which  are  in  every  way  similar  to  those  made  by  her,  as 
it  may  be  recalled  that  the  first  of  these  arbitration  treaties,  uni- 
form in  their  wording,  which  have  happily  become  so  numerous 
of  late,  was  signed  with  England  by  France. 

"I  hope  you  will  excuse  Baron  de  Saint-Laurent  if  with  my 
authorization  he  desires  only  to  be  present  and  not  to  be  called 
upon  to  address  the  assembly. 

"With  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  all  the  defenders  of  the 
good  cause  you  have  at  heart,  and  fully  aware  that  what  Chicago 
wants  she  usually  gets,  I  beg  you  to  believe  me,  dear  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, Very  sincerely  yours, 

"JUSSERAND, 
"French  Ambassador." 

Also  letter  from  the  Ambassador  of  Mexico,  F.  L,  De  la 
Barra,  which  is  as  follows : 

"On  account  of  unsatisfactory  news  that  have  just  reached  me 
concerning  Mrs.  De  la  Barra's  health,  I  am  obliged  to  sail  for 
Europe  tomorrow,  thus  being  prevented  from  accepting  your  kind 
invitation  for  the  evening  of  Wednesday,  May  the  5th,  which 
was  to  afford  me  such  a  great  honor  and  pleasure. 

"With  the  hope  that  my  return  will  soon  take  place  and  that 
I  will  then  have  the  opportunity  of  meeting  you,  I  beg  to  remain, 
my  dear  Mr.  President,  with  sentiments  of  gratitude, 

"Most  sincerely  yours, 

"F.  L.  DE  LA  BARRA." 
Mr.  Skinner: 

Friends  of  Peace  :  The  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce 
wishes  to  add  its  welcome  to  this  great  city  that  has  been  so  appro- 
priately designated  "the  melting  pot  of  the  universe."  It  is 
peculiarly  fitting  that  this  Second  National  Peace  Congress  of  the 


424 

United  States  should  be  held  in  this  city  that  is  in  itself  a  minia- 
ture "Parliament  of  Man,  the  Federation  of  the  World." 

Is  there  in  the  whole  world  a  better  example  that  the  nations 
can  work  harmoniously  together  than  this  great  city,  of  whose 
population  of  over  two  million  people  there  are  as  many  Ger- 
mans as  in  Cologne  or  Frankfort-on-the-Main ;  more  Irish  than 
there  are  people  in  the  three  cities  of  Cork,  Limerick  and  London- 
derry ;  as  many  Bohemians  as  there  are  in  the  city  of  Pilsen ; 
nearly  three  times  as  many  Poles  as  there  are  in  Lubin,  the  third 
largest  city  in  Russia-Poland ;  and  one-third  as  many  Swedes  as 
there  are  in  the  city  of  Stockholm  ? 

In  one  Chicago  public  school  are  children  of  twenty-six  dif- 
ferent nationalities.  It  is  Chicago,  host  of  the  country's  coun- 
selors of  peace,  that  sustains  the  plea  of  the  Peace  Congress  that 
the  peoples  of  the  world,  that  nations  can  yet  make  the  most  diffi- 
cult adjustments  of  race  and  material  interests,  and  find  in  the 
quest  of  common  good  the  line  of  least  resistance  to  be  the  line 
of  peace. 

But  peace,  the  universal  peace  which  we  believe  the  more 
advanced  peoples  desire,  begins  not  in  international  conferences 
but  in  the  numberless  obscure  communities  of  a  commonwealth ; 
and  before  peace  cometh  the  love  of  peace. 

With  the  love  of  peace,  in  the  right-mindedness  of  which 
charity  finds  the  atmosphere  of  justice,  there  finally  forms  a  col- 
lective sentiment  slow  to  anger  and  plenteous  in  forbearance. 
Men,  cities,  states,  huge  organizations  arrayed  in  conflict  think 
twice  and  invite  arbitration.  The  world's  hymns  to  concord  are 
its  congresses  of  peace,  to  one  of  which  its  handmaid  Commerce 
offers  the  tribute  of  this  evening's  fellowship. 

Truthfully  has  Theodore  Roosevelt  said: 

"The  people  of  the  earth  have  advanced  unequally  along  the 
road  that  leads  to  justice  and  fair  dealing.  The  road  stretches 
out  far  ahead  even  of  those  most  advanced." 

But  it  is  also  gratifying  to  know  that  great  advances  have 
been  made  toward  universal  peace ;  that  the  sentiment  and  prog- 
ress of  the  times  lead  to  peace ;  that  all  tendencies,  even  the 
enormous  outlay  of  the  governments  of  the  world  themselves, 
are  hastening  the  time  when  war  will  be  impossible.  In  the  mod- 
ern complex  civilization  war  does  not  alone  involve  the  people  in 


425 

conflict  but  the  whole  world,  and  makes  it  the  more  necessary  that 
no  war  be  permitted  without  reference  of  the  issues  to  the  arbitra- 
ment of  others.  War  may  demonstrate  that  might  can  conquer, 
but  in  the  final  analyses  of  history  the  sword  has  proven  more 
destroyer  than  builder,  and  the  march  of  progress  has  been  along 
the  highways  of  peace.  The  need  for  international  relationship 
in  commerce  and  industry;  the  need  for  world's  markets  and  the 
interchange  of  products,  has  led  to  the  holding  of  world's  fairs, 
and  these  industrial  international  expositions  have,  drawn  the 
nations  into  peaceful  rivalry,  and  have  shown  by  object  lessons 
how  the  work  of  the  world  demands  peace,  fraternity  and  reci- 
procity. The  much  decried  commercial  spirit  is  the  surest  guar- 
antee of  peace.  International  commerce  is  the  greatest  promoter 
of  international  peace.  Meetings  such  as  this  Peace  Congress 
are  only  second  to  The  Hague  Conferences,  to  establish  the 
dominion  of  which  in  a  permanent  court  of  supreme  jurisdiction 
they  surely  seem  to  lead.  In  that  day  shall  the  poet's  dream  be 
law,  when — 

"All  men's  good  is  each  man's  rule, 
And  universal  peace  lies  like  a  shaft  of  light  across  the  land 
And  like  a  lane  of  beams  athwart  the  sea 
Through  all  the  circle  of  the  golden  year." 

The  Toastmaster: 

We  are  honored  by  the  presence  of  the  Ambassador  of  Ger- 
many, Count  von  Bernstorfif,  who  will  speak  to  us  on  the  subject 
of  "Commerce  and  Peace." 

Commerce  and  Peace 

Count  Johann  Heinrich  von  Bernstorff 

I  desire  to  express  my  pleasure  at  being  in  this  presence 
tonight.  I  have  spoken  three  times  today,  and  I  have  been  very 
much  impressed  by  all  that  I  have  seen  in  this  marvelous  city. 
I  have  spent  such  a  very  pleasant  day  and  have  partaken  of  food 
enough  so  that  I  am  this  evening  at  peace  with  all  the  world. 
(Laughter.)  I  believe  that  even  my  distinguished  Chinese  col- 
league, who  is  dining  downstairs,  would  be  perfectly  satisfied  if 


426 

he  were  up  here,  because  this  morning  at  luncheon  he  complained 
of  there  being  no  ladies  present.  I  do  not  know  exactly  what 
the  room  downstairs  looks  like,  but  if  it  looks  like  this,  I  am 
sure  that  he  would  be  perfectly  satisfied,  in  seeing  so  many  charm- 
ing ladies  present. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  :  I  have  the  honor  and 
pleasure  of  addressing  you  for  the  third  time  today  and  I  there- 
fore believe  it  in  your  interest  that  I  should  only  engage  your 
attention  for  a  few  minutes.  But  I  must  tell  you  how  deeply  I 
feel  the  great  kindness  with  which  I  have  been  received  in  Chi- 
cago. I  am  very  much  impressed  by  all  I  have  seen  in  this  mar- 
velous city.  We  have  been  spending  such  a  pleasant  day  and 
have  had  such  a  good  dinner,  that  we  are  this  evening  sure  to 
be  at  peace  with  all  the  world. 

We  are  the  guests  of  the  most  prominent  merchants  of  this 
great  city,  where  the  extraordinary  spirit  of  enterprise  which  is 
characteristic  of  the  American  people  has  achieved  the  most  won- 
derful results.  It  is  therefore  only  natural  that  one  should  think 
of  the  vital  relation  that  exists  between  international  commerce 
and  peace.  Commerce  depends  on  the  friendly  relations  between 
nations  for  the  uninterrupted  and  profitable  exchange  of  com- 
modities to  the  fullest  extent.  Commerce  draws  nations  together 
in  friendly  rivalry,  because  it  is  reciprocal  and  based  on  fair 
exchange  and  mutuality.  International  commerce  is  one  of  the 
greatest  forces  making  for  international  peace  that  any  of  us  can 
name.  The  more  buying  and  selling  is  transacted  between  two 
nations,  the  better  friends  they  become.  The  steamers  which 
carry  passengers  and  goods  regularly  between  Hamburg,  Bremen, 
New  York  and  back  are  doing  more  to  foster  the  friendly  feelings 
happily  existing  between  Germany  and  the  United  States  than 
any  ambassador  can  do,  even  if  he  makes  three  speeches  in  one 
day  at  a  Peace  Conference,  as  I  have  been  doing.  In  my  country 
the  reciprocal  effect  of  peace  and  commerce  on  one  another  was 
already  manifest  in  medieval  times,  when  the  Hanse  cities  formed 
a  league  of  peace  and  dominated  the  commerce  of  northern 
Europe  and  the  Baltic.  The  union  began  in  a  small  way  in 
Luebeck  and  soon  had  a  membership  of  eighty  cities.  The  object 
of  the  league  was  to  enable  its  members  to  carry  on  their  inter- 
national trade  peacefully.     Like  the  German  Empire  of  today, 


427 

the  Hanseatic  League  kept  up  an  army  and  navy  not  for  aggres- 
sive purposes,  but  as  guardians  of  peace  and  commerce.  The 
ships  of  their  well-equipped  navy  were  called  peace  ships  and 
their  forts  around  the  northern  seas  peace  burgs.  As  long  as 
the  league  was  strong  enough  to  preserve  peace  and  protect  com- 
merce its  members  were  busy,  prosperous,  happy  and  contented. 

With  regard  to  the  question  of  the  protection  of  commerce 
in  times  of  war ;  very  good  progress  has  been  made  in  the  course 
of  the  last  winter.  Shortly  the  text  was  published  of  the  declara- 
tion concerning  the  laws  of  naval  warfare  drawn  up  by  the  Inter- 
national Conference  which  sat  in  London  from  December  4  to 
February  6.  This  agreement  will  lead  to  the  creation  for  the 
first  time  in  history  of  a  really  international  court  administering 
a  really  international  code  of  law.  The  advantages  of  this  for 
the  cause  of  peace  are  obvious,  as  much  friction  between  bellig- 
erent and  neutral  states  can  in  future  be  avoided.  All  govern- 
ments displayed  a  spirit  of  compromise  in  order  to  arrive  at  this 
agreement  and  gave  a  striking  proof  of  their  desire  to  live  in 
harmony  with  their  neighbors. 

Permit  me,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen,  to  close  my  speech 
in  thanking  you  once  more  most  sincerely  for  the  splendid  hos- 
pitality you  extended  to  us. 

At  the  close  of  Count  Bernstorff's  address.  Miss  Harriet 
Monroe,  author  of  the  "Columbian  Ode,"  recited  a  poem  entitled 
"For  Peace,*'  composed  by  her  for  the  Peace  Congress. 

President  Skinner: 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  represented  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  the  Hon,  Richard  A.  Ballinger,  whom 
I  now  have  the  honor  of  introducing: 

Trade  as  a  Bond  of  Peace 

Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  I  presume  there  is  no  one  in 
America  more  thoroughly  interested  in  the  subject  that  has  been 
under  discussion,  and  interested  in  a  development  which  shall 
make  that  subject  one  to  be  realized  as  years  progress,  than  the 
President  of  the  United  States.     (Applause.)     He  has  sent  you 


428 

his  message  and  he  has  requested  me  to  be  here  upon  this  occa- 
sion to  express  to  you  his  interest  in  this  great  work  which  is  a 
work  that  America  and  American  citizens,  either  in  America  or 
throughout  the  world,  should  carry  forward  with  all  the  zeal  of 
American  spirit.  I  am  here  tonight  to  greet  you  upon  this  ques- 
tion, and  to  urge  forward  with  all  possible  spirit  the  dawn  of  a 
better  day. 

We  perhaps  will  not  live  to  see  the  selfishness  of  spirit 
abandoned,  the  pride  or  the  warlike  sentiment  which  sometimes 
we  find  as  we  hear  the  fife  and  drum  upon  the  street.  It  is  diffi- 
cult for  the  American  not  to  show  in  a  way  the  martial  spirit. 
This  country  has  gone  through  great  sacrifices  for  the  future  of 
the  country,  for  the  building  up  of  this  nation,  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  this  nation,  and  those  sacrifices  cannot  be  easily  forgotten, 
nor  should  they  be  forgotten.  The  history,  the  trials  and  the 
sacrifices  of  the  nation  are  dear  to  us ;  they  are  part  of  the  history 
of  the  American  people.  The  heroes  of  America  we  revere  and 
we  hope  we  may  never  forget  their  deeds  of  valor  and  their 
bravery  either  upon  the  battle  fields  or  in  lines  of  business. 

But  America  has  a  different  calling  than  that  for  war.  It 
seems  to  me  that  the  great  energies  of  this  nation  should  be  put 
forth  and  the  powers  and  influences  of  this  country  should  be  put 
forth  for  peace  and  not  for  war.  That  all  of  the  wealth  and  all 
of  the  energy  and  capacity  of  our  people  should  be  put  forth 
throughout  the  world  for  the  development  of  and  the  uplift  of 
humanity. 

In  the  matter  of  commercial  development,  here  in  the  city 
of  Chicago  is  perhaps  exhibited  the  most  intensified  spirit  of 
commercial  activity ;  and  to  those  who  are  interested  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  highest  interest  of  this  nation  along  lines  of  com- 
merce, you  are  necessarily  interested  in  the  peace  of  the  world 
and  in  the  business  of  the  world.  In  years  gone  by,  the  small 
community,  or  often  the  large  community,  had  little  concern  as 
to  what  was  going  on  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  Today  the 
activities  of  commerce  in  one  portion  of  the  world  more  or  less 
affects  all  other  portions.  What  is  going  on  in  Germany  in 
trade,  in  manufacture,  in  the  life  of  the  people  there,  in  a  measure 
touches  the  life  and  the  interests  of  the  American  people,  and  so 
it  is  true  of  all  the  other  countries  of  the  globe. 


429 

As  you  develop  your  deep  water  channel  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  as  the  Panama  Canal  is  completed,  your  interests 
will  be  much  greater  in  the  commerce  and  the  development  of 
the  trade  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  than  it  is  today.  Your  interests 
will  be  much  greater  in  the  development  and  commerce  of  the 
Orient  than  it  is  today.  In  other  words,  you  here  in  Chicago, 
with  your  great  commercial  spirit  and  your  great  commercial 
activities  and  power,  will  become  interested  in  the  trade  of  the 
Orient  and  the  Pacific  Coast  with  that  water  connection  greater 
than  you  are  today. 

And  yet,  as  a  Pacific  Coast  man,  I  wish  to  say  to  you  that 
you  are  having  a  great  share  of  the  trade  of  the  Pacific  Coast 
sent  out  from  Chicago  even  into  Alaska,  which  is  a  great  empire 
of  wealth,  and  in  the  development  of  this  trade  the  Pacific  Ocean 
will  be  carrying  in  the  near  future  fleets  laden  with  the  commerce 
of  America  interchangeably  with  the  commerce  of  other  nations 
in  the  Orient.  As  the  commerce  of  the  Pacific  interchanges  from 
this  country  to  other  nations,  all  these  are  bonds  of  peace.  All 
go  to  protect  our  people  and  all  other  people  against  the  war 
clouds  and  difficulties  from  war. 

I  wish  to  say  to  you  my  friends,  that  there  never  existed  in 
the  history  of  the  world  so  much  interdependence  for  necessaries 
of  life  as  exists  today  between  all  of  the  nations  of  the  world, 
all  the  civilized  powers  of  the  world ;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
nation  to  so  conduct  itself  that  it  will  not  produce  a  breach  of 
international  peace.  There  is  a  duty  existing  among  all  the 
powers  to  protect  one  another  against  trespass  upon  the  rights  of 
others,  as  it  is  the  duty  of  the  citizen  within  the  community  in 
which  he  lives  to  so  conduct  himself  that  he  will  not  produce  a 
breach  of  the  peace.  As  we  develop  a  citizenship  in  all  the 
countries  of  the  world  that  is  law  abiding,  that  respects  the  law,  a 
citizenship  that  is  controlled  by  just  and  fair  laws,  and  laws  are 
justly  and  fairly  administered,  there  is  little  possibility  for  war. 
Any  community  that  has  a  high  type  of  citizenship  is  a  peaceful 
community  and  usually  a  prosperous  community.  Throughout 
the  United  States,  if  we  can  have  prosperity,  good  citizenship  and 
fidelity  to  the  obligations  which  the  individual  holds  to  his  country, 
there  is  little  opportunity  for  internal  strife  or  internal  difficulty; 
but  there  is  every  opportunity  for  peace  and  for  development. 


430 

I  wish  to  say  to  you,  my  friends,  that  beyond  the  Mississippi 
River  through  the  beneficent  poHcy  of  our  government  there  has 
been  estabhshed  more  than  twenty  million  people  upon  the  public 
domain.  The  opportunities  beyond  in  the  Far  West  and  upon  the 
public  domain  to  increase  that  population  exists  many  fold.  It 
could  be  doubled  and  it  will  be  doubled.  There  will  be  a  great 
population  in  the  western  part  of  this  nation,  a  population  pro- 
ducing great  wealth  to  this  country,  and  a  wealth  in  which  you 
are  interested,  for  the  development  of  any  portion  of  this  country 
is  a  matter  of  interest  to  you.  It  is  a  matter  of  interest  to  your 
business  future,  to  your  business  connection. 

Do  you  know,  my  friends,  that  the  federal  government  has 
spent  in  the  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the  West  fifty 
million  dollars  in  placing  water  upon  the  arid  districts  of  the 
West,  so  that  more  than  a  million  acres  of  arid  lands  have  been 
brought  under  cultivation,  which  is  adding  wealth  to  the  nation? 
Many  millions  more  will  be  added  to  the  wealth  of  the  country, 
and  it  is  this  conservation  and  development  of  the  great  resources 
of  this  nation  that  to  my  mind  makes  for  happiness,  makes  for 
prosperity,  makes  for  good  citizenship,  and  in  the  end  makes  for 
peace.     (Applause.) 

A  Peace  Endowment 

The  Toastmaster: 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  making  an  announcement  that  I  know 
will  be  a  distinct  surprise  and  a  great  pleasure  to  all  of  you  who 
are  interested  in  peace,  and  I  am  specially  pleased  to  look  at  Mr 
Beals  when  I  make  this  announcement.  This  is  a  copy  of  a  let- 
ter that  I  received  under  date  of  April  30  addressed  to  Mr.  Ed- 
ward M.  Skinner,  president  Commercial  Association  of  Chicago: 

"The  following  information  will,  I  feel  sure,  be  of  interest 
to  the  members  of  the  International  Peace  Congress,  who  are  the 
guests  of  your  enterprising  and  valuable  Association. 

"A  citizen  of  Chicago  well  known  in  commercial  and  phil- 
anthropic circles  has  just  given  to  Northwestern  University 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  the  income  of  which  is  to  be  used 
under  the  direction  of  a  carefully  constituted  committee  for  the 
promotion  of  International  Peace  and  Christian  Unity. 

"The  plan  contemplated  by  the  donor  (Mr.  John  R.  Lind- 
gren)  is  the  holding  of  conferences  annually  to  be  opened  with 


431 

an  address  by  some  distinguished  advocate  of  peace  and  unity, 
the  offering  of  prizes  for  essays  upon  chosen  aspects  of  these 
great  topics,  and  also  correspondence  and  co-operation  with  uni- 
versities and  colleges  and  associations  like  your  own,  in  further- 
ance of  the  objects  named.  It  is  hoped  to  foster,  especially  among 
the  young  people  of  our  country,  ideals  of  international  friend- 
ship which  shall  tend  to  exterminate  the  baleful  antipathies  that 
menace  our  modern  civilization,  also  to  explore  and  to  expose 
the  causes  and  conditions  that  produce  and  provoke  war  and  con- 
flict, and  above  all  to  develop  an  extensive,  intelligent  and  effi- 
cient enthusiasm  for  a  harmonious  co-operation  in  promoting  the 
ideals,  increasing  the  forces  and  perfecting  the  methods  that 
make  for  the  peace  and  the  progress  of  the  world, 

"Yours  very  respectfully, 

"CHARLES  J.  LITTLE, 
"Chairman  Northwestern  University  Committee  for  Promotion 
of  International  Peace  and  Christian  Unity." 

The  Toastmaster: 

We  are  fortunate  in  having  as  our  guest  one  who  has  done 
much  for  the  advancement  of  the  cause  of  peace,  the  Hon.  James 
A.  Tawney,  Congressman  from  Minnesota.     (Applause.) 

The  Cost  of  Armed  Peace 

Hon.  James  A.  Tawney,  M.  C. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  The  Chair- 
man neglected  to  announce  the  subject  on  which  I  have  been 
requested  to  speak  here  this  evening.  That  subject  is  "The  Cost 
of  Armed  Peace,"  and  I  want  to  say  to  the  ladies  here  present 
that  I  shall  discuss  the  question  of  the  cost  of  political  armed 
peace  and  not  domestic  armed  peace.     (Laughter.) 

The  modern  national  state  is  a  vastly  different  political 
organization  from  the  ancient  and  medieval  empire.  Part  of  this 
difference  is  of  great  significance  in  the  discussion  of  interna- 
tional peace.  As  late  as  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries, 
when  the  modern  national  state  arose  from  the  ruins  of  the  old 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  it  was  commonly  believed  by  the  world's 
political  leaders  that  there  could  be  but  one  great  nation  at  a 
given  time  and  that  any  nation  to  become  great  must  conquer 


432 

the  wealth  and  enslave  the  people  of  other  nations.  From  this 
conception  of  the  relations  of  nations  to  each  other  it  followed 
that  no  nation  could  hope  to  remain  long  dom.inant  in  world 
politics,  and  that  every  full  bloom  of  national  splendor  and  power 
must  be  followed  by  a  period  of  decline  and  decay.  Coalitions 
of  foreign  foes,  want  of  patriotism  and  the  loss  of  individual 
manhood  which  luxury  and  overcivilization  always  bring  to  a 
people  supported  by  slaves  were  ever  present  to  threaten  and 
destroy  the  dominant  nation. 

Even  the  Bourbon  kings  of  France  as  late  as  the  reign  of 
Louis  the  XIV  believed  themselves,  each  in  his  time,  to  be  the 
vice-regents  of  God  on  earth.  Not  only  did  they  believe  them- 
selves to  be  rulers  by  divine  right,  but  they  likewise  believed  it 
to  be  their  duty  as  the  vice-regents  of  God  to  overcome  all  other 
kings  by  the  splendor  of  their  courts,  to  intimidate  and  subjugate 
abroad  and  to  imitate  at  home  the  glory  of  God  in  the  splendor 
of  their  palaces,  in  the  sumptuousness  of  their  tables  and  in  the 
costliness  of  their  costumes  and  retinues.  To  this  end  they  car- 
ried on  perpetual  warfare  with  other  kings,  and  to  this  end  they 
taxed  their  own  people  until  revolution  became  a  necessity  and 
the  only  means  of  escape  from  the  war  burdens  that  were  crush- 
ing the  people  to  earth. 

In  the  world-march  of  civilization  all  this  has  changed,  until 
today  we  hold  that  the  greatness  of  a  nation  rests  not  upon 
conquered  wealth  and  the  bent  backs  of  slaves,  but  upon  its 
natural  resources  and  upon  the  industry,  the  intelligence  and  the 
patriotism  of  the  individual  citizen.  Today  we  realize  that  there 
must  be  as  many  nations  co-existent  as  geographical,  racial  and 
historic  conditions  make  necessary.  We  regard  wars  carried  on 
merely  for  territorial  acquisition  or  national  aggrandizement  as 
national  robberies.  The  character  of  a  nation  is  judged  today  by 
the  same  standards  as  the  character  of  the  individual  man.  It  is 
clear  to  all  intelligent  people  at  the  opening  of  the  twentieth 
century  that  there  is  no  law  growing  out  of  the  necessary  rela- 
tions of  nations  to  each  other  which  makes  it  inevitable  that 
every  great  nation  must,  sooner  or  later,  decline  and  ultimately 
fall.  There  is  no  inherent  reason  why  nations  should  not  exist 
and  grow  great  side  by  side  as  long  as  geographical  and  climatic 
conditions  remain  approximately  unchanged.     Indeed,  there  are 


433 

abundant  reasons  today  why  no  nation  can  attain  the  full  meas- 
ures of  its  greatness  except  through  relations  of  mutual  helpful- 
ness with  every  other  nation. 

We  have  entered  upon  an  era  of  national  specialization  where 
all  nations  are  more  or  less  interdependent,  where  each  nation 
relies  upon  other  nations  for  some  of  the  necessities  of  its  life, 
where  no  nation  lives  to  itself  alone,  and  where  none  can  perish 
without  loss  to  the  world.  International  commerce,  international 
trade,  international  language,  art  and  literature,  international 
political  influence  and  example  all  demand  that  permanent  peace 
be  maintained  among  all  nations. 

The  question  for  the  world  to  determine  is :  "Shall  this  be 
an  armed  peace,  or  will  the  nations  of  the  world  recognize  the 
authority  and  acquiesce  in  the  decisions  of  the  world-wide  federa- 
tion, thereby  insuring  international  peace  without  the  cost  inci- 
dent to  the  preparation  for  war?"  Such  a  federation,  or  interna- 
tional state,  would  be  but  a  slight  step  forward  in  comparison 
with  the  substitution  of  the  authority  of  the  national  states  in  the 
settlement  of  conflicts  between  warring  clans  and  tribes,  or  with 
the  substitution  of  publicly  administered  justice  for  the  regime  of 
private  warfare  and  individual  retaliation. 

But  because  of  the  inherent  selfishness  and  mutual  distrust 
of  nations,  it  is  said  by  the  advocates  of  an  armed  peace  that  the 
creation  of  an  international  state  through  the  federation  of  the 
civilized  nations  of  the  world  is  impossible  and  that  this  splendid 
achievement  can  be  attained  only  through  the  instrumentality  of 
powerful  armies  and  navies  which  will  make  reasonably  certain 
the  defeat  of  any  nation  that  might  initiate  and  carry  on  war 
against  another  nation.  If  this  be  so,  then  international  peace 
means  an  armed  peace,  and  that  kind  of  peace  cannot  endure 
between  nations  relatively  longer  than  between  individuals.  It 
will  inevitably  hasten  the  event  for  which  the  nations  are  now 
preparing. 

The  possession  of  irresponsible  power  is  always  a  direct 
temptation  to  its  irresponsible  use.  Individual  citizens  are  not 
allowed,  in  times  of  peace,  to  go  armed  among  their  fellow- 
citizens  because  of  the  temptation  to  use  arms  for  slight  cause  in 
such  moments  of  excitement  as  every  man  is  liable  to  in  the 
course  of  daily  experience.    Just  so  there  is  a  danger  that  nations 


434 

upon  slight  provocation  will  declare  war  when  each  knows  itself 
to  be  dangerously  armed  and  fully  prepared  for  war.  Great 
armaments,  therefore,  instead  of  being  a  guarantee  of  peace,  are 
a  continued  m.enace  to  peace. 

Whether  or  not  the  advocates  of  an  armed  peace  are  sincere 
in  contending  that  peace  can  be  insured  only  by  the  aid  of  great 
armaments  permanently  maintained,  in  the  light  of  all  the  facts 
I  believe  it  to  be  indisputably  true  that  they  are  more  concerned 
over  the  question  of  whether  or  not  their  respective  nations  can 
successfully  compete  in  the  international  race  now  on  between 
the  principal  nations  of  the  world  for  supremacy  in  the  size  of 
battleships  and  in  the  number  of  the  largest  sized  battleships  the 
world  has  ever  seen  than  they  are  concerned  over  the  question 
of  how  best  to  insure  permanent  international  peace.  This  mad 
international  race  for  supremacy  in  war  preparation  is  all  the 
more  astounding  because  it  is  taking  place  at  a  time  when  there 
is  no  cloud  on  the  international  horizon  to  threaten  the  existing 
peaceful  relations  between  all  of  the  nations  of  the  world,  unless 
It  is  occasioned  by  the  senseless  rivalry  among  the  nations  to  excel 
in  martial  preparation.  To  my  mind  this  extensive  preparation 
constitutes  a  most  serious  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  world,  for 
it  tends  naturally  in  the  direction  of  war  though  its  alleged  pur- 
pose is  the  prevention  of  war. 

I  am  not  alone  in  contending  that  national  ambition,  not  the 
fear  of  war  or  the  desire  for  peace,  is  the  prime  motive  prompting 
the  principal  nations  of  the  world  to  the  expenditure  of  larger 
sums  for  war  purposes,  including  battleships,  than  the  world  has 
ever  before  witnessed.  Mr.  Asquith,  the  Premier  of  England, 
when  discussing  the  English  naval  budget  a  year  ago,  pronounced 
a  solemn  condemnation  of  the  English  policy  of  constructing 
battleships  of  the  Dreadnought  type,  a  policy  initiated  three  years 
before  when  the  keel  of  the  first  great  Dreadnought  was  laid. 
He  said : 

"We  do  not  wish  to  lead,  but  we  want  to  do  everything  in 
our  power  to  prevent  a  new  spurt  in  competitive  ship-building 
between  the  great  naval  powers." 

"Competitive  ship-building,"  not  competitive  peace  building, 
is  the  prime  cause  for  the  enormous  war  tax  burdens  placed  upon 
the  people. 


435 

The  annual  expenditures  of  the  United  States,  England, 
Germany  and  France  on  account  of  preparation  for  war,  or,  as 
it  is  said,  that  war  may  be  prevented,  are  today  greater  than  the 
annual  expenditures  of  any  one  of  these  nations  during  any 
foreign  war  in  which  it  has  ever  engaged.  In  fact,  these  expendi- 
tures have  become  so  great  as  to  excite  alarm  in  each  of  these 
principal  nations  of  the  world,  causing  enormous  deficits  in  their 
current  revenues  and  necessitating  new  sources  of  taxation  to 
meet  the  demands  of  a  national  ambition  to  excel  in  the  construc- 
tion of  great  armaments. 

The  total  expenditures  of  the  United  States,  England,  Ger- 
many and  France  during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1908, 
on  account  of  their  armies  and  navies,  approximated,  in  round 
numbers,  a  billion,  or  ten  hundred  million  dollars.  Add  to  this 
the  sums  expended  for  the  same  purpose  by  other  nations  of  the 
world  and  you  will  have  a  grand  total  cost  of  armed  peace  so 
large  that  the  human  mind  can  scarcely  comprehend  it. 

While  this  cost  is  so  enormous  as  to  be  almost  beyond  the 
comprehension  of  man,  yet  an  approximate  idea  of  such  cost  may 
be  gathered  from  the  annual  expenditures  which  we  as  a  nation 
are  making  for  this  purpose  and  the  rapidity  with  which  these 
expenditures  have  increased  in  recent  years.  Our  total  expendi- 
tures for  the  army,  navy  and  fortifications  in  the  fiscal  year  1908 
aggregated  $204,122,855.57,  or  36.5  per  cent  of  our  total  rev- 
enues, exclusive  of  postal  receipts  which  are  not  included  for  the 
purpose  of  comparison  as  the  postal  revenues  and  expenditures 
are  a  balanced  account.  Our  expenditures  during  the  same  year 
on  account  of  wars  past,  including  all  objects  for  which  appro- 
priations are  made  on  that  account,  were  $180,678,204,  or  31  per 
cent  of  our  total  revenue. 

According  to  the  daily  statement  of  the  Treasury  Department 
at  Washington  on  April  30,  1909,  we  have  thus  far  this  fiscal 
year  collected  from  all  sources,  except  postal  receipts,  $493,027,- 
989.69.  Up  to  date  we  have  expended  on  account  of  the  army 
$110,107,924.96;  on  account  of  the  navy,  $96,376,012.41,  a  total 
of  $206,483,937.37.  Therefore  we  have  expended  this  fiscal  year 
on  account  of  preparation  for  war  41  per  cent  of  all  our  revenues, 
and  on  account  of  wars  past  31  per  cent  of  all  our  revenues,  or  a 
total  expenditure  of  ^2  per  cent  of  all  the  revenues  thus  far 


436 

collected  during  the  current  fiscal  year  on  account  of  wars  it  is 
said  we  are  preparing  to  avoid  and  wars  which  we  have  had  in 
the  past. 

But  this  startling  statement  does  not  indicate  that  we  have 
yet  reached  the  maximum  cost  of  armed  peace.  The  expendi- 
tures for  this  purpose  the  coming  fiscal  year  will  be  greater  than 
they  are  this  year.  They  have  been  increasing  rapidly  and 
enormously  year  by  year,  not  only  with  us,  but  with  all  the  prin- 
cipal nations  of  the  world.  None  of  the  advocates  of  armed  peace 
are  willing  to  suggest  a  limit  beyond  which  this  increase  shall 
not  go. 

The  average  annual  appropriations  for  our  army  have  leaped 
from  less  than  $24,000,-000  for  each  of  the  eight  years  immedi- 
ately preceding  the  Spanish  War  to  more  than  $83,000,000  for 
each  of  the  eight  years  ending  with  the  appropriations  made  at 
the  last  session  of  Congress  for  the  fiscal  year  1910.  During  the 
same  period  the  average  annual  appropriations  for  our  navy  have 
increased  from  a  little  more  than  $27,500,000  to  more  than  $102,- 
400,000.  In  other  words,  the  increase  in  appropriations  for  the 
army  for  the  periods  named  exceeded  $472,000,000,  a  sum  suffi- 
cient to  cover  tlie  whole  cost  of  constructing  the  Panama  Canal 
with  nearly  $150,000,000  to  spare.  The  increase  in  the  sums 
appropriated  for  the  navy  for  these  same  periods  is  approximately 
$600,000,000,  a  sum  largely  in  excess  of  the  total  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  our  entire  government  for  any  fiscal  year  prior 
to  that  of  1898. 

The  combined  increase  in  the  appropriations  for  the  army 
and  the  navy  for  the  eight-year  periods  named  amounts  to  $1,- 
072,000,000,  a  sum  exceeding  by  more  than  $158,000,000  the  total 
interest  bearing  debt  of  the  United  States.  So  great  has  been 
the  increase  in  this  cost  of  armed  peace  these  last  eight  years 
over  the  eight  years  ending  scarcely  ten  years  ago  that  the  sum 
total  of  the  increase  is  even  larger  than  the  stupendous  sum 
appropriated  for  all  governmental  purposes  for  the  fiscal 
year  19 10. 

The  fact  that  we  are  expending  during  this  fiscal  year  72 
per  cent  of  our  aggregate  revenue  in  preparing  for  war  and  on 
account  of  past  wars,  leaving  only  28  per  cent  of  our  revenue 
available  to  meet  all  our  other  governmental  expenditures,  includ- 


437 

ing  internal  improvements,  the  erection  of  public  buildings,  the 
improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  and  the  conservation  of  our 
national  resources,  is  to  my  mind  appalling.  It  should  arrest  the 
attention  of  the  American  people  and  not  only  cause  them  to 
demand  a  decrease  in  these  unnecessary  war  expenditures,  but 
also  prompt  them  to  aid  in  every  way  possible  in  the  creation  of 
a  public  sentiment  that  would  favor  the  organization  of  an  inter- 
national federation  whose  decisions  and  action  in  the  peaceful 
settlement  of  controversies  between  nations  would  be  recognized 
and  accepted  as  the  final  determination  thereof.  If  this  were  done 
it  would  not  necessarily  mean  the  entire  abandonment  of  armies 
and  navies,  but  it  would  so  far  remove  the  possibility  of  inter- 
national wars  as  to  make  unnecessary  the  expenditure  of  the 
stupendous  sums  which  are  now  being  collected  from  the  people 
in  the  form  of  taxes  and  expended  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
an  armed  peace. 

The  money  expended  for  this  purpose  is  not  the  only  meas- 
ure of  the  cost  of  armed  peace.  Think  for  a  moment  of  what  the 
American  people  have  lost  during  the  past  eight  years  in  con- 
sequence of  the  increased  expenditure  of  more  than  a  billion 
dollars  during  that  time  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  for  war  in 
order  that  war  may  be  prevented.  The  most  enthusiastic  advo- 
cates of  river  and  harbor  improvements  do  not  estimate  that  the 
cost  of  these  improvements  would  exceed  $5oo,ocx),ooo,  only  half 
the  amount  which  we  have  collected  in  taxes  from  the  people  and 
expended  in  war  preparations  during  the  last  eight  years  in  excess 
of  the  amount  expended  for  the  same  purpose  during  the  eight 
years  preceding  1898.  The  other  half  of  this  enormous  increase 
might  well  have  been  expended  in  other  directions  which  would 
have  contributed  to  the  permanent  advancement  of  the  vast  and 
varied  interests  of  ninety  millions  of  people. 

In  conclusion  permit  me  to  say  that  while  I  thoroughly 
believe  in  the  wisdom  and  practicability  of  an  international  feder- 
ated state  for  the  exercise  of  delegated  power  in  the  authoritative 
determination  of  international  disputes,  I  am  not  one  of  those 
peace  enthusiasts  who  think  the  time  is  near  at  hand  when  the 
world  will  witness  the  disarmament  of  nations.  But  I  do  main- 
tain that  the  time  is  now  here  when  the  people  of  the  principal 
naval  powers  of  the  world,  and  especially  the  people  of  the  United 


438 

States,  must  come  to  the  support  of  those  who  are  contending 
against  the  advocates  of  armed  peace  and  who  are  striving  to 
check  extravagant  and  wasteful  expenditure  of  public  money  in 
competitive  construction  of  needless  and  useless  armaments.  If 
they  do  not,  the  burdens  of  unnecessary  taxation  will  continue  to 
increase  until  they  ultimately  impoverish  the  people  and  the 
resources  of  their  nations. 

Mr.  Higinbotham  : 

I  would  like  to  ask  the  gentleman  if  he  can  give  us  the 
approximate  cost  of  maintaining  the  United  States  government 
fifty  years  ago.  I  think  we  will  better  understand  the  immensity 
of  the  figures  he  has  just  given  us  if  he  can  tell  us  approximately 
the  cost  of  maintaining  the  United  States  government  fifty 
years  ago. 
Mr.  Tawney: 

I  am  not  able  to  give  the  gentleman  the  approximate  cost. 
I  can  only  say  that  the  increase  in  the  appropriations  for  the  navy 
during  the  past  eight  years  has  been  greater  than  the  total  cost 
of  maintaining  the  government  any  year  prior  to  1898. 

Mr.  Higinbotham  :  Then  may  I  give  you  my  recollection 
of  the  time  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  when  it  was  stated,  if  I 
remember  correctly,  that  the  entire  cost  of  maintaining  the  gov- 
ernment was  thirteen  millions  of  dollars,  and  it  was  thought  large 
at  that  time.  I  think  by  that  statement  the  audience  can  better 
understand  the  immensity  of  the  increase  far  beyond  the  increase 
in  population. 

The  Toastmaster: 

The  Ambassador  of  Japan  is  represented  tonight  by  the 
Japanese  Consul  in  Chicago,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Matsubara,  whom  I 
now  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  to  you. 

Japan's  Desire  for  Peace 

Mr.  K.  Matsubara. 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  In  the  beginning  I  wish  to  convey 
to  you  all  who  are  here  from  our  Ambassador,  Baron  Takahira, 
his  best  wishes  and  sincere  congratulations  on  this  splendid 
occasion.  He  desires  to  thank  you  for  the  kind  and  courteous 
invitation  extended  to  him  by  the  Chicago  Association  of  Com- 


439 

merce  to  the  banquet  tonight.  To  his  great  regret,  he  has  been 
prevented  from  attending  this  splendid  meeting  on  account  of  a 
previous  engagement. 

Some  time  ago,  when  there  was  universal  war  talk,  I  was 
in  a  town  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  I  met  an  American  on  the 
car.  He  was  not  known  to  me,  but  suddenly  accosted  me  in  this 
way:  "I  am  just  back  from  traveling  in  Japan,"  he  said.  "There 
is  no  war  talk  over  there."  "What  do  you  think  about  the  war 
talk?"  I  asked.  "Nonsense,"  was  his  response.  I  believe  this  is 
the  voice  of  every  sane  American  citizen.  Peace  is  the  cry  of  all 
Japan.  Our  people,  old  and  young,  men  and  women,  all  denounce 
the  silly  and  mischievous  war  talk.  We  are  a  peace-loving  nation. 
Let  us  forget  the  recent  wars  with  our  neighbors.  These  wars 
made  us  neither  haughty  nor  warlike,  but  more  peace-loving. 
The  peace  policy  is  advocated  throughout  Japan  by  statesmen, 
business  men,  farmers,  and  in  short,  the  general  public.  I  state 
these  facts  simply  to  show  you  that  our  people  have  a  sincere 
desire  for  peace — world  peace  as  well  as  peace  between  respective 
countries.  I  am  sure  that  the  noble  movement  of  the  Peace  Con- 
gress will  have  world-wide  echo  and  effect.  We  ought  to  help 
with  all  our  power  every  movement  in  favor  of  the  bloodless 
settlement  of  international  difficulties. 

It  is  our  pleasant  recollection  that  we  were  among  the  first 
nations  which  had  recourse  to  the  international  arbitration  of 
the  Hague  tribunal.  I  refer  to  the  arbitration  of  the  aliens 
house  tax  question.  It  is  our  pride  that  during  the  recent  wars 
we  have  strictly  observed  the  rules  and  regulations  agreed  to  by 
nations  at  the  Hague  Conference.  Moreover,  our  people  are 
pursuing  the  policy  of  reducing  our  army  and  navy  appro- 
priations. 

Let  us  hope  that  all  nations  will  co-operate  with  each  other 
in  the  next  Hague  Conference  in  the  movement  of  making 
further  strides  toward  universal  peace,  which  has  been  so  mag- 
nificently advocated  in  this  Second  National  Peace  Congress. 

TOASTMASTER  : 

We  are  honored  by  the  presence  here  tonight  of  the  Chinese 
Minister,  who  will  now  address  us : 


440 


A  Plea  for  International  Hospitality 

Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  This  is  the  final 
act  of  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  and  I  hope  there  will 
be  many  more  sessions  to  come  and  that  they  will  be  held  in 
different  countries ;  and  I  hope  in  the  course  of  time  one  session 
may  be  held  in  China.  Of  course,  we  are  speaking  ahead  of  the 
time,  but  you  know  it  is  always  the  unexpected  which  happens, 
and  should  my  prophecy  come  true  and  an  international  peace 
conference  be  held  in  China,  I  would  make  it  a  sine  qua  non, 
a  condition  precedent,  that  the  ladies  should  accompany  their 
husbands.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  enjoy  the  society  of 
ladies  very  much,  for  we  in  China,  you  know,  like  the  society  of 
ladies  as  well  as  you  gentlemen  here,  but  it  seems  a  strange  thing 
to  us  for  ladies  to  be  traveling  about  with  their  husbands,  espe- 
cially in  the  cause  of  peace,  you  know.  (Laughter.)  You  make 
them  happy  during  the  journey,  you  widen  their  knowledge,  and 
when  they  see  the  family  lives  of  the  Orient  and  the  family  life 
of  China,  they  will  see  how  happy  they  are. 

There  is  another  thing.  The  ladies  in  this  country  as  well 
as  in  Europe,  and  especially  in  England,  are  agitating  now  with 
great  vehemence  for  equal  rights,  for  woman  suffrage.  Of 
course,  you  American  ladies,  I  find,  are  not  so  enthusiastic  on 
this  point.  I  suppose  one  reason  is  that  you  have  equal  rights 
already  in  some  ways  (laughter).  Ladies  can  exercise  great 
influence  for  the  cause  of  peace ;  men  are  generally  prone  to  fight, 
and  they  cry  for  battleships,  they  want  to  build  more  Dread- 
noughts. Why?  To  give  them  more  opportunity  to  fight.  But 
the  ladies,  you  know,  they  are  the  gentler  sex,  they  are  kinder, 
more  humane,  and  they  are  very  reluctant  to  shed  blood.  There- 
fore I  say  if  the  ladies  take  equal  part  in  politics  as  well  as  in 
other  affairs  they  will  exercise  great  influence. 

This  morning  on  the  train  I  read  in  one  of  the  newspapers 
a  summary  of  the  proceedings  that  took  place  in  the  Congress 
here  yesterday,  and  I  learned  that  one  of  the  speakers,  President 
Jordan,  of  the  Leland  Stanford  University — and  he  must  be  a 
learned  man  and  a  very  deep  thinking  man — proposed  that  instead 
of  building  so  many  great  battleships  the  cost  of  a  Dreadnought 


441 

be  used  in  insuring  against  war  with  some  great  powers.  That 
is  a  very  ingenious  proposition,  and  if  it  is  carried  out  it  is  one 
of  the  safeguards  against  war.  It  occurs  to  me  that  so  far  as 
it  goes  that  is  a  good  thing,  but  I  would  propose  that  one-third, 
if  not  one-half,  of  the  cost  spent  by  every  nation  in  buying  bullets 
and  powder  should  be  devoted  to  the  cause  of  peace  by  giving  it 
to  peace  societies  like  this  and  to  get  up  expeditions — peaceful 
expeditions,  you  know,  not  warlike  expeditions — to  go  about  the 
different  countries,  composed  half  of  men  and  half  of  women,  so 
as  to  have  peace. 

Before  closing  I  must  say  that  I  am  very  much  pleased  that 
I  came  here  today  to  see  how  this  Peace  Conference  was  held. 
It  is  eminently  fitting  that  at  the  close  of  an  important  congress 
like  this  it  should  be  celebrated  by  a  banquet  and  I  hope  that  this 
National  Peace  Society  will  long  exist  and  the  members  will 
increase  year  after  year,  and  I  hope  that  banquets  will  be  held 
more  frequently,  and  if  I  am  invited  I  shall  take  great  pleasure 
in  being  present.  I  wish  this  society  success  in  every  way,  and 
I  hope  that  the  objects  of  the  society  will  be  fulfilled  and  that  war 
will  be  no  longer  tolerated.     (Applause.) 

The  Toastmaster: 

Great  Britain  has  sent  a  representative  to  the  National  Peace 
Congress  in  the  person  of  the  Counselor  of  the  Embassy  at 
Washington,  and  I  take  great  pleasure  in  introducing  to  you  Mr. 
A.  Mitchell  Innes. 

Great  Britain  and  America 

Mr.  Alfred  Mitchell  Innes 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  It  has  been  said 
not  less  than  twenty  times,  perhaps,  that  it  is  fitting  that  this 
banquet  should  terminate  the  proceedings  of  the  Peace  Congress. 
It  is  true — perhaps  it  is  not  original,  because  it  is  obvious — that 
commerce  is  more  interested  in  peace  than  in  any  other  period 
of  the  history  of  the  world.  Indeed,  the  whole  population  of  the 
world  is  practically  engaged  in  commerce.  It  was  said,  originally 
as  a  slight  upon  England,  that  we  were  a  nation  of  shop  keepers, 
but  in  fact  that  is  true  of  all  nations.  All  of  us  keep  shops  of 
different  kinds.     We  are  all  trying  to  purvey  something  that  is 


442 

required  in  the  world.  Even  the  painter,  the  poet  or  the  sculptor 
is  as  much  a  shop  keeper  as  the  humblest  grocer.  Even  we 
diplomatists  also  are  shop  keepers.  We  try  to  purvey  peace,  and 
we  sincerely  hope  that  sainted  lady  derives  more  advantage  from 
our  work  than  the  pecuniary  advantage  that  we  derive  from  our 
shops.  If  she  does  not  it  will  not  be  long  before  that  lady  is 
bankrupt.  But  if  the  whole  world  is  commercial,  it  follows  that 
the  whole  world  desires  peace.  It  is  very  glibly  stated,  very 
often,  that  credit  is  a  source  of  evil.  Those  who  say  so  do  not 
know  what  they  are  talking  about.  Credit  is  the  basis  of  all 
commerce,  and  there  is  no  such  thing,  in  fact,  as  pure  cash  trans- 
actions. All  commercial  establishments,  as  all  business  men 
know,  are  all  both  creditors  and  debtors ;  we  are  all  creditors  and 
debtors  of  one  another,  and  credits  and  debts  have  no  value 
except  the  value  that  peace  gives  to  them.  The  debtor  is  alarmed 
at  the  prospect  of  war  because  he  knows  that  his  creditor  will  try 
to  call  in  his  credits.  The  creditor  is  equally  alarmed  at  the 
prospect  of  war  because  he  knows,  if  he  tries  to  get  in  his  debts, 
he  cannot  get  them  in,  and  therefore  both  are  equally  interested 
in  the  maintenance  of  peace.  And  that  is  why  such  great  associa- 
tions as  this  of  yours,  such  great  cities  as  this  of  yours,  that  are 
growing  so  greatly  in  wealth,  are  such  an  enormous  power  for 
good  in  connection  with  this  question  of  peace.  It  is  they  who 
thoroughly  understand  the  absolute  necessity  for  peace,  apart 
from  all  questions  of  sentiment.  But  if  it  is  the  fact  that  all 
people  wish  for  peace,  why  is  it  that  we  often  have  cause  to  be  so 
afraid  of  the  coming  of  war?  It  is  generally  said  that  now  noth- 
ing but  the  will  of  the  people  could  bring  about  a  struggle  by 
force  of  arms ;  that  governments  could  not  do  so.  I  do  not 
believe  this  to  be  true.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  bulk  of  any 
people  desire  war  any  more  than  I  believe  that  the  bulk  of  people 
desire  to  lay  their  heads  on  the  railroad  track  for  the  train  to  cut 
them  off;  but  the  most  stolid  races  are  subject  to  strange  influ- 
ences, which  often  we  can  hardly  understand — that  these  influ- 
ences are  in  the  command  of  the  chosen  leaders  of  the  statesmen 
who  guide  the  destinies  of  their  empires,  and  they,  just  as  much 
as  in  the  olden  days,  are  responsible  for  peace  and  war.  Not 
long  ago  the  United  States  and  Canada  were  not  on  the  best  of 
terms.     Now,  I  am  glad  to  say,  that  those  times  are  past  and 


443 

that  under  the  guidance  of  enlightened  statesmen  they  are  firm 
friends.  (Applause.)  This  is  not  due  to  any  change  in  the 
sentiment  of  the  people,  but  is  due  to  the  change  in  the  sentiment 
of  their  statesmen  and  no  one  has  done  so  much  for  the  cause  of 
peace  between  these  two  countries  as  your  late  Secretary  of  State, 
Mr.  Elihu  Root  (applause),  whose  great  personality,  whose  high 
sense  of  the  duty  which  a  great  nation  owes  to  humanity,  whose 
power  of  divining  the  feeling  of  others  and  of  putting  himself 
in  their  place,  has  caused  the  feeling  of  friendship,  which  never 
really  died,  to  blossom  forth  again,  and  that  touches  us  English 
very  nearly,  for  any  change  of  feeling  between  the  two  countries, 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  is  felt  at  once  by  us.  Any  irrita- 
tion between  you  two  produces  an  identical  irritation  in  London, 
and  every  increase  in  your  friendship  draws  closer  the  bonds  of 
friendship  between  our  two  countries.  When  first  I  came  here, 
not  many  months  ago,  I  expected  to  find  a  certain  feeling  of 
aloofness,  of  separation,  a  sense  of  being  a  stranger  in  a  strange 
land,  but  I  found  a  w'armth  of  welcome  and  a  depth  of  sentiment 
for  the  Old  Country  which  has  been  a  splendid  revelation  to  me, 
and  I  believe  that  the  bonds  which  were  broken  are  drawing 
together  again,  that  the  old  bond  which  was  once  so  roughly 
severed  is  joining  again  in  a  purer  and  a  nobler  form,  this  time 
to  endure  forever.     (Applause.) 

The  Toastmaster: 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  be  able  to  introduce  to  you  the  Professor 
of  Modern  History  in  the  University  of  Norway,  Dr.  Koht: 

The  People's  Peace  in  Scandinavia 

Dr.  Halvdan  Koht. 

Nine  hundred  years  ago — excuse  me  for  speaking  of  so 
olden  times  in  this  young  company — nine  hundred  years  ago  it 
happened  that  the  two  kings  of  Norway  and  Sweden  declared 
war  against  each  other  and  ordered  their  soldiers  to  gather. 

These  soldiers  were  plain  farmers,  and  when  they  came 
together  they  did  not  find  there  was  any  reason  for  war  that 
concerned  them.  They  therefore  asked  their  kings  to  abstain 
from  war,  and  they  added  quietly  that  if  the  kings  should  not 
comply  with  this  wish,  they  would  have  to  put  them  down  into 


444 

some  swamps  fitted  for  that  purpose.  That  would  not  have  done 
any  harm  to  the  swamps.  But  it  proved  very  wholesome  to  the 
martial  kings.  They  yielded  to  the  strong  argument  and  kept 
their  peace. 

Five  hundred  years  later  when  the  kings  of  the  two  countries 
were  again  at  war  wath  each  other  the  farmer  people  on  both  sides 
of  the  frontier  made  up  a  reciprocal  treaty  that  they  should  not 
attack  each  other's  country.  And  they  stood  by  that  treaty  for 
all  the  wars  of  two  centuries.  The  kings  were  in  war;  but  the 
peoples  kept  peace. 

We  have  in  the  Scandinavian  countries  a  special  name  for 
these  peculiar  treaties,  concluded  by  the  peoples  themselves  out- 
side the  state  authorities.    We  call  them  "Farmers'  Peace." 

But  it  was  not  only  the  farmers  who  in  that  way  established 
peace  in  spite  of  the  kings.  The  merchants,  too,  did  the  same 
thing,  only  by  different  means. 

It  is  a  fact  too  often  forgotten  by  the  historians  and  jurists 
that  it  was  the  merchants  of  the  middle  ages  who  instituted 
arbitration  in  international  conflicts.  So  did  the  merchants  of 
Italy ;  so  did  the  merchants  of  Germany. 

In  the  year  1285  a  regular  arbitration  court  met  to  settle 
the  disputes  between  Norway  and  the  Hanse  towns,  in  the  interest 
of  the  commerce.  And  the  decision  given  by  that  court  was 
complied  with. 

I  don't  know  whether  this  was  the  first  arbitration  settlement 
in  the  modern  sense  of  words.  But  I  think  that  the  treaty  of 
1343  between  the  three  Scandinavian  kingdoms,  Norway,  Den- 
mark and  Sweden,  is  the  oldest  existing  treaty  providing  for 
obligatory  arbitration  in  all  future  conflicts  between  the  states 
concerned. 

Treaties  of  the  same  kind  were  made  up  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  too,  between  the  same  three  countries,  and  it  must  be 
noticed  that  these  were  not  voluntary  acts  of  the  kings;  but  the 
nations  compelled  their  kings  to  establish  by  such  means  a  per- 
manent peace.  The  kings  did  not  keep  their  treaties  very  long. 
But  what  the  nations  wanted  is  altogether  clear. 

In  view  of  such  facts  some  people  come  and  tell  us  that  the 
people  don't  love  peace — that  it  is  their  governments  that  must 


445 

restrain  the  nations  from  war.    Indeed,  misled  popular  sentiment 
has  too  often  caused  wars. 

But  I  ask  you;  if  the  democracy  can't  give  us  peace,  who 
can  ?  Here  is  the  best  of  the  true  democracy :  That  nation  that 
wilfully  desires  war,  if  not  in  self-defense,  that  nation  is  not 
enlivened  by  the  true  democratic  spirit.  This  spirit  endeavors 
to  give  justice  to  all  people,  because  justice  is  in  the  interest  of 
everybody.  Justice  is  the  very  soul  of  democracy.  When  true 
democracy  reigns  the  world,  the  realm  of  peace  has  come. 

President  Skinner: 

I  wish  the  hour  were  not  so  late  and  I  would  take  the  liberty 
of  calling  on  General  Grant  to  say  a  word. 

A  Soldier's  Plea  for  his  Profession 

General  Frederick  Dent  Grant 

President  Skinner,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Peace  Congress:  I  just  came  in  and  had 
no  thought  of  anything  to  say.  The  fact  is,  I  thought  I  would 
come  here  a  little  too  late  to  speak  and  I  have  come  too  late  to 
hear  what  has  been  said  except  in  the  last  speech.  I  might  not 
make  statements  to  correspond  to  the  statements  that  you  have 
received.     (Laughter.) 

I  feel  somewhat  like  the  horrible  example  that  old  temper- 
ance lecturers  would  take  around  with  them  in  the  olden  days 
when  I  was  young ;  always  taking  a  hobo  around  to  show  the 
terrible  effects  of  drink.  I  am,  I  believe,  the  only  soldier  here, 
and  I  suppose  I  am  the  horrible  example.      (Laughter.) 

I  am  very  much  interested  in  peace  because  my  profession, 
1  believe,  is  the  peacemaker.  The  soldier's  whole  profession  and 
study  and  art  is  that  of  producing  peace.  It  is  your  statesmen 
and  your  people  that  create  wars.  First  the  people  become 
irritated,  generally  through  some  commercial  transaction ;  the 
statesmen  then  take  hold  of  the  matter  and  they  compromise  or 
try  to  compromise  if  the  nations  are  nearly  equal.  If  they  are 
not  nearly  equal,  the  stronger  one  simply  slaps  the  weaker  one  in 
the  face  and  the  soldier  is  called  in  to  settle  the  difficulty.  When 
they  are  nearly  equal  they  compromise  and  talk,  and  generally 
the  people  get  stirred  up  to  the  point  where  they  are  no  longer 


446 

able  to  hold  them,  and  then  there  are  two  sides  put  in  on  nearly 
equal  terms  and  they  fight  it  out  and  bring  about  peace.  The 
soldier  always  settles  peace,  and  in  the  last  three  hundred  years  I 
know  of  no  case  of  war  that  was  brought  on  by  the  soldier.  In 
fact,  two  great  nations,  England  and  the  United  States  had  diffi- 
culties growing  out  of  our  Civil  War,  in  what  was  known  as  the 
Alabama  claim.  At  that  time  if  war  had  come  we  stood  on  a 
very  fair  basis  and  England  dreaded  war  much  more  than  the 
United  States  did;  but  according  to  my  recollection  a  soldier  at 
the  head  of  your  government  proposed  and  brought  about  the 
Geneva  Arbitration  and  you  had  the  first  great  arbitration  between 
great  nations  in  recent  times.  That  was  so  successful  that  other 
people  have  joined  in  and  now  we  have  through  the  Hague  Con- 
ferences a  step  towards  arbitrating  nearly  all  serious  questions 
between  nations,  and  I  as  a  soldier  together  with  all  soldiers  am 
very  much  in  favor  of  that,  because  the  soldier  is  the  one  that 
suffers  most  from  war. 

Again,  take  the  last  great  war  between  Russia  and  Japan. 
That  was  not  a  soldiers'  war;  it  was  brought  on  because  of  a 
desire  of  commerce  on  the  part  of  those  two  nations  in  Korea 
and  the  holding  of  a  balance  of  trade,  and  what  they  called  the 
sphere  of  influence  in  China.  The  soldiers  fought  it  out.  As 
soon  as  that  came  about,  the  English  had  desires  in  Thibet  and 
they  put  the  troops  there.  They  did  not  have  much  resistance 
and  the  troops  brought  about  peace.  Just  before  that  we  had  the 
South  African  War.  Soldiers  did  not  bring  that  about.  The 
real  foundation  of  that  was  the  big  gold  mines  that  they  found 
there.  That  cube  of  gold  in  those  hills  was  too  much  for  a  small 
people  like  the  Boers  to  have,  and  the  great  nation  takes  it. 
(Laughter.)  The  Boers  gave  them  some  trouble  for  a  while  and 
the  soldiers  settled  it. 

Just  before  that  we  had  a  war  ourselves  with  Spain.  The 
people  here,  of  course,  think  that  it  was  caused  by  the  blowing 
up  of  the  Maine ;  that  is  not  true.  The  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain  commenced  some  years  before.  It  was  previous 
to  that  that  we  had  a  rebellion  in  Cuba.  In  that  rebellion  they 
issued  bonds.  Those  bonds  were  distributed  and  the  rebellion 
ceased.  Those  bonds  got  into  the  hands  of  a  few  commercial 
men,  peace  lovers  (laughter),  and  they  agitated  a  rebellion  there 


447 

again  in  Cuba,  and  then  our  peace-loving  papers,  our  yellow 
press,  stirred  up  our  people  in  order  that  we  would  take  Cuba 
and  pay  these  bonds  to  them.  I  was  only  a  soldier  there  on  the 
field,  but  I  did  not  bring  about  that  war ;  I  helped  to  settle  it.  So 
you  will  find  that  the  soldier  is  the  peace  lover  whose  profession 
it  is  to  make  peace.  We  love  peace  so  much  that  when  you  are 
in  trouble  we  fight  to  bring  about  peace. 

I  have  read  in  the  papers  in  the  last  three  days  much  against 
the  army.  I  have  always  felt  that  the  profession  of  my  father, 
of  myself  and  my  son  was  almost  a  discreditable  one,  and  yet  I 
looked  back  for  over  three  hundread  years  and  found  that  my 
ancestors  were  engaged  in  that  same  profession,  and  I  cannot 
help  thinking  that  even  though  now  it  may  be  in  disrepute,  it  has 
been  an  honorable  and  a  noble  one.  It  has  benefited  the  people 
of  this  country.  When  I  look  back  and  think  that  the  Prince  of 
Peace  came  on  earth  nineteen  hundred  and  eight  years  ago,  and 
that  there  has  ever  since  been  a  large  and  respectable  element  that 
have  argued  for  peace  and  are  still  arguing  for  peace,  I  have  my 
doubts  whether  my  profession  will  go  out  of  existence  before  my 
time.  I  doubt  if  my  son  will  live  long  enough  to  see  the  gun  turned 
into  a  plowshare,  to  see  the  sword  beaten  into  the  pruning  hook. 
I  hope  that  before  that  time  there  wall  not  be  needed  armies  for 
the  protection  of  the  people,  but  up  to  the  time  that  you  do  not 
need  armies  for  the  protection  of  the  people  I  believe  it  behooves 
the  people  of  this  country  to  maintain  their  army  and  their  navy 
in  an  efficient  condition,  and  I  believe  that  the  twelve-inch  guns 
along  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  with  a  well-drilled 
body  of  men  in  this  country,  will  do  far  more  toward  maintaining 
peace  than  all  the  talk  that  all  the  good  people  of  all  the  countries 
of  the  world  could  do  in  times  that  are  not  strenuous,  and  when 
everybody  is  sitting  down  to  a  good  table,  and  has  plenty  to  eat 
and  is  feeling  happy,  contented  and  well  disposed  towards  all 
mankind. 

Today  I  went  driving  through  the  park  with  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  the  park,  looking  for  a  good  camp  where  I 
can  bring  down  some  men  from  Fort  Sheridan  on  the  thirty-first 
of  this  month  to  give  the  populace  of  this  city  a  chance  to  see  a 
good  parade.  We  passed  up  near  the  animal  houses  and  some 
one  told  at  that  time  about  a  happy  family  that  it  was  said  they 


448 

once  had  in  Lincoln  Park.  The  happy  family,  consisting  of  wild 
animals  that  were  naturally  antagonistic  to  each  other,  including 
a  wolf,  a  fox,  a  lamb,  a  chicken  and  a  duck,  seemed  to  live  very 
happily  together,  and  the  man  in  charge  of  the  Zoo  was  asked 
how  he  kept  that  family  so  happy  together.  "Why,"  he  said, 
"that  is  easy ;  we  keep  them  fed  and  give  them  all  they  want  to 
eat,  and  they  get  along  They  have  no  reason  for  attacking  each 
other;  except  now  and  then,"  he  said,  "we  have  to  renew  the 
chicken  and  the  lamb  (laughter),  but  otherwise  they  get  along 
very  well."  Now,  I  think  that  is  the  way  it  is  among  nations.  If 
nations  are  prepared  to  defend  themselves  and  stand  firmly,  and 
a  war  is  going  to  cost  more  than  it  is  going  to  return,  I  think  the 
patriotism  of  the  people  and  the  good  judgment  of  the  statesmen 
will  prevent  war.  If  one  side  has  a  great  advantage  over  the 
other,  I  think  your  commercial  men  will  insist  on  a  war  and 
bring  it  about,  and  the  weaker  one  will  pay  for  it. 

I  have  talked  quite  enough,  but  I  see  many  ladies  here,  and 
I  heard  a  very  wise  suggestion  from  my  friend  Mr.  Wu,  from 
China,  today,  and  it  is  a  delight  to  me  to  find  that  the  commis- 
sioners have  accepted  the  situation.  This  was  a  gentleman's 
luncheon — he  said  he  was  sorry  not  to  find  any  ladies,  because 
if  the  Peace  Commissions  could  only  have  ladies  to  talk  to  them 
he  believed  their  influence  would  be  to  convince  all  classes  of 
people  of  the  value  of  peace,  so  that  we  would  have  real  peace 
in  this  world.     (Applause.) 

SECOND  SECTION  OF  BANQUET 
The  Gold  Room.  Auditorium  Annex 

Mr.  HAEEY  A.  WHEELER,  Vice-President  of  the  Chicago  Association 

of  Commerce,  Presiding. 

Invocation  was  offered  by  Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones. 
Mr.  Wheeler: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  Since  this  room  was  opened  to 
the  public  it  has  been  the  scene  of  many  a  brilliant  function,  but 
I  doubt  if  there  was  ever  gathered  in  the  room  a  more  brilliant 
assemblage  than  that  which  graces  the  last  hours  of  the  Peace 
Congress  at  this  time.  In  this  room  have  been  discussed  many 
matters  of  vital  import  to  the  life  of  our  city  and  of  our  state 
and  of  the  nation  itself;  yet  I  doubt  if  any  cause  that  has  been 
represented  has  been  greater  than  the  cause  which  you  represent 


449 

tonight,  because  it  has  in  it  a  significance  that  is  world-wide  and 
its  beneficence  touches  all  mankind.  My  task  as  toastmaster  is  a 
very  easy  task  tonight,  because  by  prearrangement  it  has  been 
decreed  that  in  both  of  the  banquet  halls  precisely  the  same  pro- 
gram shall  be  carried  out.  Therefore  some  of  our  speakers  will 
during  the  course  of  the  evening  exchange  places  with  those  on 
the  ninth  floor  of  the  Auditorium,  and  I  can  only  ask  you,  if  the 
schedule  should  run  amiss  in  any  way,  to  be  a  little  patient  and 
considerate  of  your  Chairman.  It  is  rather  difficult  to  engineer  a 
proposition  of  this  kind  on  schedule  time,  not  knowing  exactly 
where  the  other  fellows  are,  but  we  start  just  a  little  ahead  of 
them  and  I  think  perhaps  we  will  keep  neck  and  neck  throughout 
the  entire  dinner  and  program.  I  have  also  asked  President 
Skinner  if  he  would  permit  me  the  privilege  of  reading  to  you 
his  address  of  welcome,  in  place  of  any  remarks  that  I  might 
make  at  the  opening  of  this  speaking,  and  he  has  very  kindly 
consented.  The  only  regret  that  I  have  is  that  you  shall  be 
deprived  of  hearing  his  words  of  welcome  from  his  own  lips. 

(Mr.  Wheeler  then  read  the  opening  remarks  of  President 
Skinner.) 

Chairman  Wheeler  then  announced  that  the  Swedish  Min- 
ister had  telegraphed  that  he  would  be  unable  to  be  present,  and 
sent  his  regrets,  and  read  letters  from  the  Russian,  French  and 
Mexican  Ambassadors. 

He  then  introduced  Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang,  Mr.  Alfred  Mitchell 
Innes  and  Dr.  Halvdan  Koht,  who  spoke  as  at  the  banquet  in  the 
Auditorium  Hotel. 

(Following  Mr.  Koht's  address.  Miss  Harriet  Monroe  was 
introduced,  who  read  an  original  ode,  "For  Peace.") 

Toastmaster  Wheeler  then  read  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr. 
Skinner,  dated  the  30th  of  April,  from  Charles  J.  Little,  chair- 
man of  the  Northwestern  University  Committee  for  the  promo- 
tion of  international  peace  and  Christian  unity. 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  Member  of  Congress,  was  next 
introduced. 

Campaigning  for  Peace 
Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  Bob  Ingersoll 
used  to  tell  a  story  of  a  New  York  janitor  who  was  too  orthodox 


450 

to  make  a  success  of  his  job.  He  had  been  instructed  by  his 
employer,  the  landlord,  to  sublet  the  house,  but  not  to  a  family 
with  children.  One  day  a  gentleman  looked  at  the  house  and 
said  he  was  willing  to  take  it.  "Have  you  any  children?"  asked 
the  janitor.  "Yes,  I  have."  "Then,"  replied  the  janitor  sternly, 
"you  cannot  get  the  house."  "But,  my  dear  man,"  protested  the 
gentleman,  "my  children  are  all  grown  up  and  live  in  California." 
"That  makes  no  difference ;  you  cannot  get  the  house."  Ten  to 
one,  if  that  janitor  were  living  today,  he  would  say :  "If  you  want 
peace  prepare  for  war,"  simply  because  somebody  told  him  so. 
Every  man  who  does  a  little  independent  thinking  would  natu- 
rally say,  as  we  do:    "If  you  want  peace,  prepare  for  peace." 

And  this  raises  the  main  question :  How  can  we  prepare 
for  peace?  A  great  representative  congress  like  the  one  just 
closed,  and  which  will  redound  to  the  lasting  honor  of  Chicago, 
will  help  some  provided  the  newspapers  here  and  elsewhere  will 
print  our  speeches.  Perhaps  it  will  also  aid  us  to  know  how 
not  to  do  it.  As  a  deterring  example,  I  refer  to  an  organization 
which  proposes  to  step  into  the  limelight  at  Washington  tomor- 
row night.  Its  members  are  for  international  arbitration  and  a 
bigger  navy ;  that  is,  for  peace  and  war  at  the  same  time.  They 
have  discovered  a  new  seesaw.  As  we  know  it,  one  end  goes 
up  and  the  other  goes  down.  That  is,  when  War  goes  up  Peace 
goes  down,  and  vice  versa.  But  they  want  both  ends  to  go  up 
at  the  same  time.  Joking  aside,  they  believe  it  possible  to  enforce 
the  peace  of  the  world  with  the  big  stick  and  by  the  Middle  Age 
rule  of  the  mailed  hand,  forgetting  entirely  that  in  increasing 
armaments  all  the  great  powers  would  be  determined  to  keep  step 
with  us  so  that  at  the  end  of  a  period  of  mad  rivalry,  exhausting 
the  resources  of  the  world,  the  relative  strength  of  the  greater 
nations  would  be  exactly  the  same  as  when  they  started  this 
suicidal  policy.  And  it  seems  that  these  good  gentlemen  who 
wish  us  to  regard  a  battleship  as  a  white-winged  dove  of  peace 
also  ignore  the  fact  that  excessive  armaments  are  a  constant 
temptation  to  put  them  to  use  and  that  thus  the  danger  of  war  is 
vastly  increased.  So  by  their  agitation  for  more  battleships  our 
friends  will  easily  get  all  they  want,  and  more  too,  in  the  war  line, 
but  the  peace  they  will  secure  would  most  likely  be  of  the  sort 
Pat  pictured  to  his  wife  Bridget.     They  saw  a  dog  and  a  cat 


451 

lying  peaceably  together  and  Bridget  pointed  to  them  as  an 
example  for  Pat  to  emulate.  "Why,"  said  Pat,  "you  don't  under- 
stand that.  You  and  I  are  tied  together  by  the  bonds  of  holy 
matrimony.  Just  tie  them  together  and  see  what  will  happen." 
I  venture  to  say  that  battleships  and  peace,  if  linked  together  as 
is  proposed  by  our  misguided  friends,  would  not  harmonize  much 
better,  and  the  same  thing  will  happen. 

No,  when  in  time  of  profound  peace  we  are  spending  60  per 
cent  of  the  nation's  resources  for  war  and  only  40  per  cent  for 
the  legitimate  civil  functions  of  government,  I  for  one  am  ready 
to  take  a  stand  in  favor  of  calling  a  halt  to  ascertain  whether  our 
permanent  peace  cannot  be  secured  by  a  better  and  more  eco- 
nomical means  and  by  means  more  in  harmony  with  the  culture 
and  enlightenment  of  the  twentieth  century.  Let  us  remember 
that  in  the  last  one  hundred  years  two  hundred  and  sixty  interna- 
tional controversies  have  been  settled  by  arbitration  without  a 
protest  and  without  even  an  international  police  force.  If  that 
many,  why  not  all?  All  we  have  to  do  is  to  rally  around  the 
banner  of  law  and  order  and  make  governments  agree  to  settle 
their  differences  in  the  same  manner  as  differences  between  indi- 
viduals are  settled,  in  order  that  justice  and  civic  order  may  take 
the  place  of  arbitrary  power,  force  and  anarchy  such  as  now 
prevail  in  international  relations.  I  regard  it  as  the  sublimest 
mission  of  the  American  government  to  take  the  lead  in  this 
great  movement  and  to  insist  first  on  the  immediate  appointment 
of  the  permanent  judges  of  the  Plague  Tribunal,  and  secondly, 
on  a  general  arbitration  treaty  between  the  nations  providing 
that  the  sword  shall  never  be  drawn  until  the  question  at  issue 
shall  first  have  been  submitted  to  a  third  power,  or  a  commission 
of  inquiry,  or  to  the  international  court  for  investigation  and 
report.  This  accomplished,  and  permanent  peace  will  be  assured 
at  an  ovitlay  not  exceeding  the  annual  cost  of  maintenance  of  a 
single  battleship. 

But  to  achieve  it  we  must  organize.  There  should  be  a  peace 
organization  in  every  Congressional  district  to  make  its  influence 
felt  with  the  candidates  for  the  national  legislature.  These  dis- 
trict organizations  should  then  merge  into  state  organi.zations 
and  into  a  great  national  body  whose  power  and  influence  will 
shape  legislation  along  peace  lines  and   make  Representatives, 


452 

Senators  and  even  Presidents  sit  up  and  take  notice.  Business 
is  with  us,  as  this  dinner  shows.  Now  let  us  hope  that  business 
interests  will  control  politics  and  politicians  to  the  end  that  law 
may  be  substituted  for  brute  force  in  international  relations  for 
the  lasting  benefit  of  all  mankind. 

Count  Johann  Heinrich  von  Bernstorff,  Ambassador  Extraor- 
dinary and  Plenipotentiary  of  Germany,  was  next  introduced  and 
spoke  substantially  as  at  the  Auditorium  Hotel  banquet, 

TOASTMASTER  WhEELER: 

The  President's  representative  at  the  Peace  Congress  is  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  it  is  my  pleasure  to  introduce  to 
you  tonight  Hon.  R.  A.  Ballinger,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
(Applause.) 

America  a  Peace-loving  Nation 
Hon.  Richard  A.  Ballinger. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  I  can  say  to  you  tonight,  is  heartily 
in  accord  with  the  sentiments  of  universal  peace.  (Applause.) 
The  first  President  of  the  United  States  was  in  accord  with  the 
sentiments  of  universal  peace.  William  McKinley  was  in  accord 
with  the  sentiments  of  universal  peace.  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
who  has  done  as  much  for  civic  righteousness  as  any  man  this 
country  has  ever  seen,  is  in  accord  with  the  sentiments  of  uni- 
versal peace.  (Prolonged  applause.)  The  world  is  better  for 
these  men  having  expressed  themselves  and  having  given  forth 
their  sentiments,  not  alone  through  words,  but  through  the 
activities  of  their  lives.  All  of  the  American  presidents  have 
more  or  less  followed  these  lines,  which  have  been  marked  out 
for  American  advancement.  It  is  true  we  have  had  our  struggles. 
We  reverence  our  heroes  and  if  we  did  not  we  would  not  be 
good  American  citizens.  Those  forefathers  of  the  Americans 
who  helped  to  make  this  country  what  it  is,  preserved  and  handed 
down  to  posterity,  we  reverence  their  names.  God  bless  their 
activity  and  their  courage  in  preserving  and  helping  to  make 
America  what  it  is.  (Applause.)  But  we  are  passing  out  of 
those  periods  of  human  activities  when  wars  were  necessary  and 
we  are  passing  into  that  period  of  civilization  when  the  law  regu- 
lates human  activities ;  when  good  citizenship  in  the  various 
nations  in  the  world  controls  the  activities  of  the  nations,  and 


453 

whenever  we  have  throughout  the  various  nations  of  the  world 
true  and  faithful  citizenship,  law-abiding,  controlled  by  justice 
and  fair  dealing,  then  we  will  have  universal  peace  without  the 
necessity  of  any  legislative  orders  or  any  resolutions  of  any  kind 
whatever.  It  will  come  naturally  by  universal  accord,  and  it  is 
coming  by  universal  accord  because  it  is  necessary  in  the  lives  of 
the  peoples  of  the  earth  as  well  as  of  the  great  nations  of  the 
earth. 

I  wish  to  say  to  you  that  there  is  something  of  the  Chicago 
spirit  out  in  Puget  Sound,  in  the  city  of  Seattle,  where  I  live. 
That  is  the  spirit  which  makes  cities  and  makes  trade,  makes 
commerce  and  prosperity;  and  this  spirit  of  activity,  this 
keen  and  concentrated  effort  which  you  exhibit  in  your  business 
affairs  and  in  your  lives  will  help  to  bring  this  country  forward 
into  the  lines  of  peaceful  avocations  for  the  prosperity  of  this 
nation.  The  increasing  wealth  and  the  employment  of  the  masses 
of  the  people  of  the  countr}-  help  to  bring  prosperity  and  happiness 
and  that  is  the  greatest  safeguard  against  international  disturbance 
and  against  foreign  complications.  Any  people  that  are  happy 
and  prosperous  are  not  looking  for  war  or  for  trouble.  We  find 
sometimes  in  domestic  affairs  that  the  slightest  thing  will  tip 
things  up.  I  heard  the  other  day  of  a  southern  gentleman  who 
had  come  home  about  3  o'clock  in  the  morning.  His  wife  said 
to  him,  "Why  do  you  come  home  at  this  hour  of  the  morning?" 
"Why,"  he  said,  "it  is  only  8  o'clock."  She  said,  "Look  at  that 
clock.  It  says  3  o'clock."  He  says,  "My  dear,  would  you  take 
a  durned  Yankee  invention  against  the  word  of  a  Southern  gentle- 
man?" (Laughter.)  So  you  see,  sometimes  the  very  slightest 
incident  will  tip  things  up  and  make  trouble  in  the  feelings  of 
people  as  well  as  of  nations,  and  I  know  of  no  one  thing  in  the 
history  of  the  world  or  in  the  condition  of  the  world  at  the  pres- 
ent that  will  do  more  to  preserve  universal  peace  than  the  great 
American  spirit  of  fair  dealing  with  all  the  peoples  of  the  world. 
There  is  imbued  in  the  American  people,  I  believe,  a  spirit  of  tol- 
erance, a  spirit  of  "the  square  deal."  'And  that  same  spirit  exists 
to  a  more  or  less  degree  in  many  of  the  foreign  countries  of  the 
world,  and  as  it  grows  and  as  they  knit  together  in  this  bond  of 
international  commerce,  of  international  friendship,  international 
brotherhood,  the  world  is  going  to  see  the  flags  and  the  banners 
of  the  nations  intertwined  in  universal  peace.     (Applause.) 


COMMITTEES 

EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE. 

Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  Chairman.  Sherman  C.  Kingsley. 

KoYAL  L.  Melendy,  Secretary.  Alexander  A.  McCormick. 

Miss  Jane  Addams.  John  S.  Nollen. 

A.  Eugene  Bartlett.  George  E.  Eoberts. 

Elmer  E.  Beach.  John  Balcom  Shaw. 

Charles  E.  Beals.  George  C.  Sikes. 

Edward  Osgood  Brown.  A.  M.  Simons. 

Joseph  B.  Burtt.  Sydney  Eichmond  Taber. 

Mrs.  Chakles  Henrotin.  Ezra  J.  Warner,  Jr. 

Emil  G.  Hirsch.  Charles  W.  Young. 

Samuel  T.  Button,  New  York  City. 
Mahlon  N.  Kline,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 
'  J.  Leonard  Levy,  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania. 

Edwin  D.  Mead,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 
H.  C.  Phillips,  Mohonk  Lake,  New  York. 
James  B.  Reynolds,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Daniel  Smiley,  Mohonk  Lake,  New  York. 
~'^'  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 
Stanley  R.  Yarnall,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 

f  ;  Honorary  Members  of  the  Executive  Committee. 

^,  Pres't  S.  p.  Brooks,  President,  Waco,  Texas. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Hartford,  Connecticut. 

Alfred  H.  Love,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 

George  Fulk,  Cerro  Gordo,  111. 

Prof.  Ernst  Richard,  New  York  City. 
'  Robert  C.  Root,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Prof.  Elbert  Russell,  Richmond,  Indiana. 
J  ■  Hon.  Antonio  Zucca,  New  York  City. 


FINANCE  COMMITTEE. 

Alexander  A.  McCormick,  Chairman,  Chicago. 

Ezra  J.  Warner,  Jr.,  Vice-Chairman,  Chicago. 

Alfred  L.  Baker,  Chicago. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 

Clyde  M.  Carr,  Chicago. 

Mrs.  J.  Malcolm  Forbes,  Milton,  Massachusetts. 

David  R.  Forgan,  Chicago. 

Mahlon  N.  Kline,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania. 

H.  I.  Miller,  Chicago. 

John  T.  Pirie,  Jr.,  Chicago. 

454 


\ 


455 

Hon.  C.  a.  Pugsley,  Peeksville,  New  York. 

George  E.  Egberts,  Chicago. 

Joseph  Schaffner,  Chicago. 

Fred  W.  Upham,  Chicago. 

Towner  K.  Webster,  Chicago. 

C.  F.  Whaley,  Seattle,  Washington. 

Walter  H.  Wilson,  Chicago. 


COMMITTEE  ON  EDUCATIONAL  INSTITUTIONS. 

President  John  S.  Nollen,  Lake  Forest  College,  Chairman. 

President  E.  A.  Alderman,  University  of  Virginia. 

Mrs.  Fannie  Fern  Andrews,  Secretary  American  School  Peace  League. 

Prof.  Joseph  A.  Bache,  Chicago. 

Prop.  Robert  F.  B.^tes,  Chicago. 

Dr.  Frank  A.  Billings,  Dean  Rush  Medical  College,  Chicago. 

Dr.  Martin  G.  Brumbaugh,  Superintendent  of  Schools,  Philadelphia. 

President  Charles  A.  Blanchard,  Wheaton  College. 

President  Samuel  P.  Brooks,  Baylor  University. 

Prof.  G.  N.  Carman,  Chicago. 

President  George  C.  Chase,  Bates  College. 

President  Augustus  B.  Church,  Buchtel  College. 

President  John  H.  Finley,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Everett  O.  Fisk,  Boston. 

Prop.  John  C.  Grant,  Chicago. 

Rev.  F.  W.  Gunsaulus,  President  Armour  Institute. 

President  Abram  W.  Harris,  Northwestern  University. 

Lorenzo  Dow  Harvey,  President  National  Educational  Association. 

President  Lawrence  C.  Hull,  Michigan  Military  Academy. 

President  T.  M.  Hodgman,  Macalester  College. 

President  Albert  Ross  Hill,  University  of  Missouri. 

President  Caroline  Hazard,  Wellesley  College. 

President  Charles  S.  Howe,  Chase  School  of  Applied  Science. 

President  William  E.  Huntington,  Boston  University. 

President  Harry  Pratt  Judson,  University  of  Chicago. 

President  Frederick  D.  Kershner,  Milligan  College. 

Mrs.  Lucia  Ames  Mead,  a  Director  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 

Charles  P.  Megan,  Assistant  Superintendent  Public  Schools,  Chicago. 

President  James  K.  Patterson,  State  University  of  Kentucky. 

Miss  Mary  J.  Pierson,  Secretary  Committee  on  Schools,  New  York  Peace 

Congress. 
President  Edwin  M.  Poteat,  Fumam  University. 
President  George  E.  Reed,  Dickinson  College. 
Otto  C.  Schneider,  Ex-President  Board  of  Education,  Chicago. 
President  W.  F.  Slocum,  Colorado  College. 
President  L.  Clark  Seelye,  Smith  College. 
Dr.  Graham  Taylor,  Chicago  Commons. 


456 

President  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 
President  Charles  F.  Thwing,  Western  Reserve  University. 
Professor  James  Van  Sickle,  President  School  Peace  League. 
President  Herbert  Welch,  Ohio  Wesleyan  University. 
Chancellor  Henry  C.  White,  University  of  Georgia. 
President  Mary  E.  Woolley,  Mount  Holyoke  College. 
President  Edmund  J.  James,  University  of  Illinois. 


PRESS  COMMITTEE. 
George  C.  Sikes,  Chairman. 

Edward  H.  Clement,  Boston  Transcript,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 
Forrest  Crissey,  Chicago. 
S.  M.  Harper,  Chicago. 

Hamilton  Holt,  Managing  Editor  The  Independent,  New  York  City. 
S.  E.  Kiser,  Chicago. 
Wilbur  D.  Nesbit,  Chicago. 
Frank  B.  Noyes,  President  of  the  Associated  Press  and  Publisher  of  the 

Chicago  Becord-Herald. 
RoLLO  Ogden,  Editor  The  New  York  Evening  Post. 
Bliss  Perry,  Editor  The  Atlantic  Monthly. 
Amos  R.  Wells,  Editor  The  Christian  Endeavor  World,  Boston. 


COMMITTEE   ON   JUDICIARY  AND  LEGISLATURES. 
Elmer  E,  Beach,  Chairman,  Chicago. 
Hon.  W.  Tudor  ApMadoc,  Chicago. 
Justice  David  J.  Brewer,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Jesse  A.  Baldwin,  Chicago. 
Prof.  James  W.  Garner,  University  of  Illinois. 
Thomas  H.  Gault,  Chicago. 
Judge  Judson  T,  Going,  Chicago. 
Walter  D.  Hawk,  Chicago. 

Dean  George  W.  Kirchwey,  Columbia  Law  School. 
Dean  William  Draper  Lewis,  University  of  Pennsylvania  Law  Schooi. 
John  L.  Manning,  Chicago. 
Judge  Charles  G.  Neely,  Chicago. 
Henry  C.  Niles,  York,  Pennsylvania. 
Dean  William  P.  Rogers,  Cincinnati  Law  School. 
Dean  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  Yale  Law  School. 
Charles  A.  Small,  Seattle,  Washington. 
Joseph  Shippen,  Seattle,  Washington. 
Judge  Hiram  T.  Sibley,  Marietta,  Ohio. 
Hon.  Lambert  Tree,  Chicago. 
Hon.  John  H.  Stiness,  Providence,  Rhode  Island. 
Judge  Area  N.  Waterman,  Chicago. 
Judge  Weakley,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 
Dean  John  Henry  Wigmore,  Northwestern  University  Law  School. 


457 

COMMITTEE  ON  INTERNATIONAL.  SOCIALISM. 
A.  M.  Simons,  Chairman,  Editor  Chicago  Daily  Socialist. 
J.  Mahlon  Barnes,  Chicago. 
Egbert  Hunter,  New  York  City. 
Dr.  John  A.  Scott,  Evanston,  Illinois. 
Prof.  Vida  D.  Scudder,  Wellesley  College. 
John  Spargo,  Yonkers,  New  York. 
Seymour  Stedman,  Chicago. 
Gael  D.  Thompson,  Milwaukee,  "Wisconsin, 
WHiLiAM  English  Walling,  New  York  City. 


COMMITTEE  ON  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 

Charles  W.  Young,  Chairman,  Typographical  Union  No.  16,  Chicaga. 
Timothy  Cruice,  Carpenters'  Union  No.  1,  Chicago. 
John  Mangan,  Steam  Fitters'  Union  No.  2,  Chicago. 


COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS. 

Judge  Edward  Osgood  Brown,  Chairman,  Chicago. 

William  A.  Amberg,  Chicago. 

Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt,  M.  C,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Samuel  Gompers,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Prof.  James  Parker  Hall. 

President  Edmund  J.  James,  University  of  Illinois. 
,    '  President  David  Starr  Jordan,  Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University. 
-  Edwin  D.  Mead,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

William  Morton  Payne,  Chicago. 

Daniel  Smiley,  Mohonk  Lake,  New  York. 

Prof.  Howard  L.  Smith,  Madison,  Wisconsin. 
\     Hon.  Carl  D.  Thompson,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 


COMMITTEE  ON  COMMERCE  AND  INDUSTRY. 

Hon.  James  Arbuckle,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Prof.  J.  B.  Clark,  New  York  City. 

E.  C.  Conway,  Chicago. 

Belton  Gilreath,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

Richard  C.  Hall,  Chicago. 

W.  A.  Mahony,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

Marcus  A.  Marks,  New  York  City. 

T.  M.  Molton,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

E.  H.  Scott,  Chicago. 

E.  M.  Skinner,  Chicago. 

Hon.  Oscar  S.  Strauss,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Harry  A.  Wheeler,  Chicago. 


458 

COMMITTEE  ON  ORGANIZATION  AND  DELEGATES. 
Sydney  Eichmond  Taber,  Chairman,  Chicago. 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  T.  Arnold,  Chicago. 
Clifford  W.  Barnes,  Chicago. 
John  H.  Crowell,  Clucago. 
George  L.  Douglas,  Chicago. 
Eobert  L.  Gifford,  Chicago. 
Frank  Hamlin,  Chicago. 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  M.  Leake,  Chicago. 
Edwin  D.  Mead,  Boston. 
Stuart  C.  Shepard,  Chicago. 
Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Boston. 


COMMITTEE  ON  FRATERNAL  ORDERS. 
Joseph  B.  Burtt,  Chairman,  Chicago. 
James  Ewing  Davis,  Chicago. 
William  Grant  Edens,  Chicago. 
W.  E.  Hyde,  Chicago. 
Nelson  N.  Lampert,  Chicago. 
Charles  E.  Piper,  Chicago. 
Frank  C.  Roundy,  Chicago. 
Robert  Van  Sands,  Chicago. 
Richard  W.  Wolfe,  Chicago. 


COMMITTEE  ON  CHARITY  ORGANIZATIONS. 

Sherman  C.  Kingsley,  Chairman,  Chicago. 

Mrs.  Joseph  T.  Bowen,  Chicago.  T'  • 

Jeffrey  R.  Brackett,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

Robert  W.  Hebberd,  New  York  City. 

Timothy  Nicholson,  Richmond,  Indiana. 

Dr.  Thomas  D.  Osborne,  Louisville,  Kentucky. 

Julius  Rosen  wald,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Walter  T.  Sumner,  Chicago. 

Alexander  M.  Wilson,  Chicago. 


PROGRAM  COMMITTEE. 

Rev.  Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones,  Chairman,  Chicago. 

Miss  Jane  Addams,  Chicago. 

Charles  E.  Deals,  Boston. 

Robert  E.  Ely,  New  York  City. 

Dr.  Emil  G.  Hirsch,  Chicago. 

Prof.  W.  I.  Hull,  Swarthmore  College. 

Edwin  D.  Mead,  Boston. 

President  John  S.  Nollen,  Lake  Forest  College. 

Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 


459 

COMMITTEE  ON  WOMEN'S  ORGANIZATIONS. 
Mrs.  Ellen  M.  Henrotin,  Chairman,  Chicago. 
Miss  Sarah  Louise  Arnold,  Dean  Simmons  CoUege. 
Miss  Agnes  Irwin,  Dean  Radcliffe  College. 

Mrs.  Frederick  Jordan,  University  of  Michigan,  Dean  of  Women. 
President  Caroline  Hazard,  Wellesley  College. 
Mrs.  George  F.  Lowell,  Newtonville,  Massachusetts. 
President  Euphemia  McClintock,  College  for  Women,  Columbia,  S.  C. 
Miss  Emma  M.  Perkins,  Western  Eeserve  University,  College  for  Women. 
Mrs.  E.  M.  Skinner,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

Miss  Marion  Talbot,  University  of  Chicago,  Dean  of  Women. 
President  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 
President  Mary  E.  Woolley,  Mount  Holyoke  College. 


COMMITTEE  ON  EELIGIOUS  INSTITUTIONS. 

Rev.  John  Balcom  Shaw,  Chairman,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Felix  Adler,  New  York  City. 

Rev.  Reuben  A.  Beard,  Fargo,  North  Dakota. 

Rev.  Lorenzo  D.  Case,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

Rev.  T.  F.  Dornblaser,  Chicago. 

Prof.  C.  P.  Fagnani,  New  York  City. 

Rev.  R.  F.  Johonnot,  Chicago. 

Rev.  George  Luccock,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Frederick  Lynch,  New  York  City. 

Rev.  James  H.  MacDonald,  Chicago. 

Bishop  W.  F.  McDowell,  Evanston,  Illinois. 

Rt.  Rev.  Peter  J.  Muldoon,  Rockford,  Illinois. 

Rev.  Peter  J.  O'Callaghan,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Ernest  O'Neil,  Chicago. 

Rabbi  T.  Scharnfarber,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Frank  G.  Smith,  Chicago. 

William  R.  Sterling,  Chicago. 

Rabbi  Joseph  Stolz,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Josiah  Strong,  New  Y'ork  City. 

Rev.  E.  B.  Trefethren,  Eevillo,  S.  D. 

Rev.  W.  O.  Waters,  Chicago. 

Rev.  Herbert  L.  Willett,  Chicago. 


RECEPTION  COMMITTEE. 
Rev.  a.  Eugene  Bartlett,  Chairman. 
Miss  Jane  Addams.  Miss  S.  P.  Breckenridge. 

Mr.  Edward  P.  Bailey.  Mrs.  Orville  T.  Bright. 

Mrs.  F.  W.  Becker.  Mrs.  A.  E.  Clark. 

Mrs.  Emmons  Blaine.  Dr.  Henry  Cooper. 


460 


Eev.  J.  W.  F.  Davies. 
Hon.  Edward  A.  Dicker. 
Mrs.  William  F.  Dummer. 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  A.  Eagle. 
Mrs.  F.  B.  Everett. 
Dr.  Henry  B.  Favill. 
Mrs.  Daniel  Gallery. 
Mrs.  J.  J.  Glessner. 
Mr.  Henry  E.  Greene. 
Eev.  Fred  V.  Hawley. 
Mrs.  Charles  Henrotin. 
Mrs,  Harry  Pratt  Judson. 
Mrs.  H.  H.  Kohlsaat. 
Mrs.  Byron  Lathrop. 
Mrs.  Cyrus  McCormick. 
Mrs.  Harold  McCormick. 


Miss  Mary  McDowell. 
Eev.  W.  H.  McPherson. 
Mrs.  Ira  N.  Morris. 
Mr.  John  B.  Murphy. 
President  John  S.  Nollen. 
Mr.  SheI;Don  P.  Patterson. 
Hon.  George  E.  Eoberts. 
Mr.  Julius  Eosenwald. 
Mrs.  Julius  Eosenwald. 
Mrs.  Henry  Solomon. 
Mr.  Gilman  W.  Smith. 
Mrs.  Alexander  Stevenson. 
Mrs.  O.  W.  Stewart. 
Mrs.  F.  H.  Tracy. 
Very  Eev.  Walter  T.  SuMNjat. 


geneeal  committee. 

All  members  of  the  foregoing  committees  and  the  following : 


James  Lane  Allen. 

T.  W.  Allinson. 

Et.  Eev.  Charles  P.  Anderson. 

Edgar  A.  Bancroft. 

Eev.  William  E.  Barton. 

H.  Wallace  Beals. 

Mrs.  Emmons  Blaine. 

Edward  B.  Butler. 

Judge  Axel  Chytraus. 

Davis  W.  Clark. 

Dr.  Edwin  G.  Cooley. 

Governor   Charles  S.  Deneen. 

Ex-Mayor  E.  F.  Dunne, 

Et.  Eev.  Samuel  Fallows. 

Walter  L.  Fisher. 

Prop.  George  B.  Foster. 

Prof.  Ernst  Freund. 

Edward  L.  Glaser. 

J.  J.  Glessner. 

Leroy  a.  Goddard. 

Miss  Mary  E.  Hawley. 

Prof.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde. 

William  Kent. 


A.  W.  Lawrence. 

Judge  Julian  W.  Mack. 

Henry  P.  Magill. 

Levy  Mayer. 

Walter  D.  Moody. 

General  George  M,  Moulton. 

Prof.  P.  V.  N.  Myers. 

Charles  D.  Norton. 

William  J.  Onahan. 

Eev.  C.  a.  Osborne. 

Sheldon  P.  Patterson, 

Gerritt  Pon, 

Louis  F,  Post. 

Archbishop  J.  E.  Quigley. 

Alexander  H.  Eevell. 

Mrs.  Eaymond  Eobins. 

J.  C.  Shaffer. 

Mrs.  a.  M.  Simons, 

Willoughby  G.  Walling. 

John  E.  Wilder, 

T.  Edward  Wilder. 

Mrs.  Mary  H.  Wilmarth. 


Musical  Director,  Mr.  William  ApMadoc. 
Director  and  Pianist,  Dr.  T,  S,  Lovette, 
Organist,  Miss  Josephine  C.  Borden. 


461 

The  following  lent  their  support  to  the  Congress: 

GOVEENOES. 
Hon.  J.  H.  Brady,  Idaho. 
Hon.  Bryant  B.  Brooks,  Wyoming. 
Hon.  B.  F.  Carroll,  Iowa. 
Hon.  B.  B.  Comer,  Alabama. 
Hon.  George  Curry,  New  Mexico. 
Hon.  J.  0.  Davidson,  Wisconsin. 
Hon.  Charles  S.  Deneen,  Illinois. 
Hon.  E.  S.  Draper,  Massachusetts. 
Hon.  W.  F.  Frear,  Hawaii. 
Hon.  Albert  W.  Gilchrist,  Florida. 
Hon.  J.  N.  Gillett,  California. 
Hon.  William:  E.  Glasscock,  West  Virginia. 
Hon.  H.  S.  Hadley,  Missouri. 
Hon.  C.  E.  Hughes,  New  York. 
Hon.  John  A.  Johnson,  Minnesota. 
Hon.  W.  W.  Ivitchin,  North  Carolina. 
Hon.  Thomas  E.  Marshall,  Indiana. 
Hon.  E.  F.  Noel,  Mississippi. 
Hon.  M.  E.  Patterson,  Tennessee. 
Hon.  Aram  J.  Pothier,  Ehode  Island. 
Hon.  George  H.  Prouty,  Vermont. 
Hon.  Henry  B.  Quinby,  New  Hampshire. 
Hon.  J.  Y,  Sanders,  Louisiana. 
Hon.  a.  C.  Shallenberger,  Nebraska. 
Hon.  W.  E.  Stubbs,  Kansas. 
Hon.  Claude  A.  Swanson,  Virginia. 
Hon.  E.  S.  Vessey,  South  Dakota. 
Hon.  Fred  M.  Warner,  Michigan. 
Hon.  Augustus  E.  Willson,  Kentucky. 


MAYOES. 
Hon.  Herbert  Atherton,  Newark,  Ohio. 
Hon.  James  B.  Atwater,  Derby,  Connecticut. 
Hon.  F.  I.  Barrows,  Connersville,  Indiana. 
Hon.  Martin  Behrman,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana. 
Hon.  F.  E.  Bell,  Mattoon,  Illinois. 
Hon.  Huntington  Brown,  Mansfield,  Ohio. 
Hon.  Jonathan  S.  Brown,  Monmouth,  Illinois. 
Hon.  Fred  A.  Busse,  Chicago,  Illinois. 
Hon.  Walter  P.  Crane,  Kingston,  New  York. 
Hon.  C.  E.  Craycroft,  Sherman,  Texas. 
Hon.  a.  C.  Crowder,  Jackson,  Miss. 
Hon.  J.  Benjamin  Dimmick,  Scranton,  Pennsylvania. 
Hon.  E.  a.  Doty,  Waterloo,  Iowa. 
Hon.  Thomas  Earley,  Pasadena,  California. 


462 

Hon.  H.  H.  Edgerton,  Koehester,  New  York. 

Hon.  Joseph  J.  Fern,  Honolulu,  Hawaiian  Islands. 

Hon.  Charles  Frank,  Mishawaka,  Indiana. 

Hon.  Calvin  C.  Goodman,  Pensacola,  Florida. 

Hon.  C.  T.  Greene,  Elkhart,  Indiana. 

Hon.  C.  a.  Groffman,  Manitowoc,  Wisconsin. 

Hon.  Leonidas  A.  Guthrie,  Munc-ie,  Indiana. 

Hon.  J.  E.  Harder,  Clearfield,  Pennsylvania. 

Hon.  S.  D.  Harris,  Henderson,  Kentucky. 

Hon.  J.  J.  Hayes,  Vicksburg,  Mississippi. 

Hon.  David  N.  Heizer,  Colorado  Springs,  Colorado. 

Hon.  Edvi^ard  W.  Hooker,  Hartford,  Connecticut. 

Hon.  Llewellyn  Jones,  Independence,  Missouri. 

Hon.  Charles  Kohler,  Goshen,  Indiana. 

Hon.  John  F.  Lamont,  Wausau,  Wisconsin. 

Hon.  Adam  P.  Leighton,  Portland,  Maine. 

Hon.  James  Lyons,  Terre  Haute,  Indiana. 

Hon.  J.  Barry  Mahool,  Baltimore,  Maryland. 

Hon.  L.  Markbreit,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Hon.  J.  E.  Mathews,  Menomonie,  Wisconsin. 

Hon.  George  B.  McClellan,  New  York  City. 

Hon.  Benjamin  McClung,  Newburgh,  New  York. 

Hon.  Frank  H.  Melhaur,  Kalamazoo,  Michigan. 

Hon.  C.  Herbert  Moore,  Spokane,  Washington. 

Hon.  J.  W.  Murphy,  Wabash,  Indiana. 

Hon.  M.  C.  Northington,  Clarksville,  Tennessee. 

Hon.  W.  M.  O 'Bryan,  Owensboro,  Kentucky. 

Hon.  William  Pollman,  Baker  City,  Oregon. 

Hon.  C.  L.  Eeed,  Beatrice,  Nebraska. 

Hon.  John  E.  Reyburn,  Philadelphia,  Pennsjdvania. 

Hon.  George  Louis  Eichards,  Maiden,  Massachusetts. 

Hon.  D.  C.  Eichardson,  Eichmond,  Virginia. 

Hon.  James  G.  Eiddick,  Norfolk,  Virginia. 

Hon.  David  S.  Eose,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

Hon.  Eichard  Schillinger,  Eichmond,  Indiana. 

Hon.  H.  a.  Schunk,  Dubuque,  Iowa. 

Hon.  George  W.  Scott,  Davenport,  Iowa. 

Hon.  F.  H.  Straub,  Fergus  Falls,  Minnesota. 

Hon.  Thad.  Straub,  Hamilton,  Ohio. 

Hon,  W.  a.  Sp.vngler,  Bonham,  Texas. 

Hon.  Eugene  Tausick,  W^alla  Walla,  Washington. 

Hon.  Edward  A.  Taylor,  Alameda,  California. 

Hon.  Edward  E.  Taylor,  San  Francisco,  California. 

Hon.  M.  M.  Van  Nest,  Wooster,  Ohio. 

Hon.  W.  H.  Williams,  Valparaiso,  Indiana. 

The  Mayor  of  Alexandria,  La. 

The  Commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 


REGISTERED  DELEGATES 

ALABAMA. 

Fisher,  James,  317  Maple  street,  Selma,  representing  Federation  of  Labor. 
Gilreath,  Belton,  Birmingham. 

Molton,  T.  M.,  representing  Alabama  State  Association  of  Commerce,  Bir- 
mingham. 

ARIZONA. 

Hess,   Mrs.  John  M.,  Yuma,  representing  Ansona  Federation  of  Women's 
Clubs. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Burdette,  Robert  J.;  Burdette,  Mrs.  Clara  B.,  Pasadena,  representing  Pasa- 
dena and  Los  Angeles  County  Humane  Society,  and  City  of  Pasadena. 

Harbert,  Elizabeth  Boynton,  1671  Raymond  avenue,  Pasadena,  representing 
World's  Unity  League. 

Jordan,   David   Starr,   Stanford   University,   representing  Leland  Stanford, 
Jr.,  University. 

Lewis,  Mrs.  Wm.  T.,  Los  Angeles,  representing  Ebell  Club. 

Perkins,  E.  T.,  Los  Angeles,  representing  city  of  Los  Angeles. 

Root,  Robert  C,  414  Severance  Bldg.,  Los  Angeles,  representing  American 
Peace  Society  and  Southern  California  Peace  Society. 

COLORADO. 
Smith,   Mrs.  Jerome,   29   Masonic  Temple,   Denver,  representing  Woman's 
Club. 

DISTRICT   OF  COLUMBIA. 

Ballinger,  Hon.  Richard  A.,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Washington. 

Couzins,  John  E.,  Washington. 

Couzins,  Miss  Phoebe  W.,  Washington. 

Farquhar,    Henry    (Census    Bureau),    Washington,    representing    American 

Peace  Society. 
Gompers,    Samuel,    2122   First   street,   Washington,    representing   American 

Federation  of  Labor. 
Lockwood,  Homer  N.,  Washington. 
Patrick,   Miss  Lucy   S.,   32   "V"  street  N.   W.,  Washington,  representing 

American  Peace  Society. 

ILLINOIS. 

Arnold,  Mrs.  Charles  C,  Winnetka,  representing  Chicago  Commons  Woman 's 

Club. 
Baber,  Miss  Blanche,  Paris. 
Bacon,  Mrs.  George  R.,  Decatur. 
Bovre,  Eugene  E.,  Springfield,  Grand  Chancellor  of  Knights  of  Pythias  of 

Illinois. 

463 


464 

Burton,  Pierce,  Aurora,  representing  Charity  Council. 

Capton,  Mrs.  Edmond  L.,  Waukegan,  representing  Chicago  Woman's  Club. 

Chandler,  Elizabetli  J.,  Kewanee,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 

Charles,  Thomas,  150  North  Cuyler  avenue,  Oak  Park. 

CoflBn,  Koscoe  C,  476  North  Grove  avenue,  Oak  Park,  representing  Chicago 
Men's  Association  of  Friends. 

Cooley,  Stoughton,  Maywood,  representing  American  Institute  of  Civics. 

Darling,  M.  W.,  Glencoe,  representing  Congregational  Church. 

Deneen,  Governor  Charles  S.,  Springfield,  representing  the  State  of  Illinois. 

Figueira,  Joseph,  South  Lincoln  avenue,  Springfield,  representing  Spring- 
field Federation  of  Labor, 

Fisher,  President  Lewis  B.,  Lombard  College,  Galesburg,  representing  Lom- 
bard College. 

Fitch,  A.  H.,  1229  Judson  avenue,  Evanston. 

Freeman,  Joseph  H.,  Aurora,  representing  Charity  Council  of  Aurora. 

Fulk,  George,  Cerro  Gordo,  representing  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association. 

Fulk,  J.  G.,  Cerro  Gordo. 

Garner,  Prof.  James  W.,  Urbana,  representing  University  of  Illinois. 

Harris,  Dwight  J.,  1415  Chicago  avenue,  Evanston,  representing  Illinois  Chil- 
dren 's  Home  and  Aid  Society. 

Hubbard,  Charles  C,  304  North  Fourth  avenue,  Maywood,  representing  Chi- 
cago Men's  Association  of  Friends. 

Jackson,  Mrs.  Jonathan  W.,  Lake  Forest, 

Johonnot,  Kev.  K.  F.,  Oak  Park,  representing  Unity  Church. 

Jones,  Charles  E.,  1452  Maple  avenue,  Evanston,  representing  the  Prohibi- 
tion Party. 

Keck,  Mrs.  W.  T.,  Blue  Island. 

Kendall,  Mrs.  Anna  N.,  LaMoille,  representing  Teachers'  Federation. 

Lewis,  George  S.,  202  Clinton  avenue,  Oak  Park. 

Lewis,  M.  H.,  202  Clinton  avenue,  Oak  Park. 

Lindgren,  John  K.,  1800  Asbury  avenue,  Evanston. 

Love,  Charles  A.,  Aurora,  representing  Charity  Council  of  Aurora. 

McCall,  Peter,  Glen  Carbon,  representing  International  U.  N.  W.  of  A. 

McMullen,  Mrs.  Eoger  B.,  1021  Grove  street,  Evanston,  representing  Na- 
tional Congress  of  Mothers. 

Mies,  Frank  P.,  217  Cheney  avenue,  Norwood  Pork. 

Mies,  Mrs.  Frank  P.,  217  Cheney  avenue,  Norwood  Park. 

Nollen,  President  John  S.,  Lake  Forest,  representing  Lake  Forest  College. 

Pound,  Prof.  Roscoe,  1239  Elmwood  avenue,  Wilmette,  representing  State 
of  Nebraska. 

Eeitzel,  Ecv.  John  E.,  240  York  street.  Blue  Island. 

Eeynolds,  George  M.,  Eiverside,  representing  Eiverside  Business  Men's  Asso- 
ciation. 

Sear,  Eev.  J.  W.,  Cerro  Gordo,  representing  Church  of  the  Brethren. 

Simons,  A.  M.,  2319  Sherman  avenue,  Evanston,  representing  Socialist 
Party. 

Skinner,  H.  M ,  Morgan  Park,  representing  American  Institute  of  Civics. 


465 

Smith,  A.  J.,  1502  West  Capitol  avenue,  Springfield,  representing  Federa- 
tion of  Labor. 

Stock,  Charles  A.,  Odell. 

Taber,  S.  E.,  Lake  Forest. 

Taber,  Mrs.  S.  E.,  Lake  Forest,  representing  the  Anti-Cruelty  Society  of 
Chicago. 

Wilkins,  Miss  Mary  E.,  472  Division  street,  Elgin. 

Williams,  Eev.  E.  Eeginald,  Drawer  W.,  Kenilworth. 

Williams,  T.  D.,  225  South  Spring  avenue,  LaGrange. 

Young,  Mrs.  Charles  B.,  Aurora. 

CHICAGO. 

Abeel,   Miss  Ella  J.,  4907   Vincennes  avenue,   representing  World's  Unity 
League. 

Ackley,  Lemuel  M.,  125  South  Clark  street,  representing  University  of  Pitts- 
burg. 

Addams,  Miss  Jane,  Hull 'House,  representing  Hull  House. 

Akers,  John  W.,  6443  Jeiferson  avenue,  representing  Church  of  the  Nazarene. 

Alexander,  Harnet  C.  B.,  808  Pratt  avenue,  representing  Woman's  Medical 
Club. 

Anderson,  Eight  Rev.  C.  P.,  510  Masonic  Temple,  P.  E.  Diocese  of  Chicago. 

Anderson,   Florence   E.   L.,   6456   Monroe   avenue,    representing  Woodlawn 
Woman  's  Club. 

Anderson,  Louise  C,  5  Scott  street. 

ApMadoc,  Mr.  William,  4905  Washington  Park  court. 

Austrian,  Delia,  Hotel  Metropole. 

Azemar,  Mrs.  L.  Poussing,  Abraham  Lincoln  Centre. 

Baber,  Zonia,  5623  Madison  avenue. 

BaUey,  Edward  P.,  2400  South  Park  avenue,  representing  Grace  Episcopal 
Church  and  Y.  M.  C.  A. 

Bancroft,  Edgar  A.,  64  Cedar  street,  representing  City  of  Chicago. 

Bartlett,  Eev.  A.  Eugene,  691 14  Washington  boulevard,  representing  Church 
of  the  Eedeemer. 

Beach,  Elmer  E.,  1140  Lunt  avenue. 

Becker,  David  J.,  5934  Aberdeen  street,  representing  Cong.  Or  Chodosh. 

Beers,  Mrs.  J.  H.,  4535  Lake  avenue,  representing  West  End  Woman's  Club. 

Bellows,  Mrs.  Mabel  Goodwin,  1437  Gault  avenue. 

Bennett,   Mrs.  A,  A.,    7348    Bond    avenue,    Windsor    Park,    representing 
Woman's  Club  of  Cincinnati. 

BUlingsIey,  John  E. 

Binan,  Fr.,  126  109th  street,  representing  Pullman  Lodge  716,  L  O.  O.  F. 

Bishop,  Mrs.  L.  B.,  Chicago    Beach    Hotel,    representing    Swedenborgian 
Church. 

Blaustein,  David,  485  West  Taylor  street,  representing  Associated  Jewish 
Charities. 

Bowen,  Mrs.  J.  T.,  136  Astor  street,  representing  Hull  House. 

Bowes,   j\Irs.   Ella  E.   Lane,   541  Adams  street,   W.,  representing  Chicago 
Press  League. 


466 

Brand,  Horace  L.,  32  Cedar  street,  representing  City  of  Chicago. 

Braunwarth,  Anna  M.,  M.  D,,  72  East  Madison  street. 

Brewer,  Arthur  T.,  423  Alma  street,  representing  the  Salvation  Army. 

Brown,  Judge  Edward  O.,  400  North  State  street. 

Brown,  F.  J.,  304  West  Erie  street,  representing  Cosmopolitan  Lodge  299, 
I.  O.  O.  F. 

Bryant,   C.  W.,   3635   Michigan  avenue,   representing  Church  of  the   New 
Thought. 

Burtt,  Joseph  B.,  5408  Lexington  avenue. 

Bushnell,  Carl,  2550  Lowell  avenue,  Irving  Park. 

Bushnell,  Mrs.  Carl,  2550  Lowell  avenue,  Irving  Park. 

Butler,  J.  J.,  52  Dearborn  street. 

Butler,  Walter,  624  Fullerton  avenue,  representing  Illinois  Humane  Society. 

Cadman,  James  P.,  945  South  Trumbull  avenue,  representing  Second  Baptist 
Church. 

Campbell,  A.  B.,  305  Howard  avenue. 

Campbell,  H.  O.,  305  Howard  avenue. 

Carey,  Rev.  A.  J.,  3428  Vernon  avenue,  representing  Bethel  A.  M.  E.  Church. 

Carey,  Mrs.  A.  J.,  3428  Vernon  avenue,  representing  Bethel  A.  M.  E.  Church. 

Case,  Lorenzo  D.,  D.  D.,  3006  Prairie  avenue,  representing  St.  Paul's  Uni- 
versity Church. 

Chan,  Tom  Kee,  279  South  Clark  street. 

Ciliske,  Chas.  H.,  5122  Fifth  avenue,  representing  Chicago  Single  Tax  Club. 

Clair,  J.  C. 

Clark,  Mrs.  A.  E.,  2229  Calumet  avenue. 

Clark,  Mrs.  Edwin,  2229  Calumet  avenue. 

Coleman,  Sarah  J.,  1157  Tripp  avenue,  representing  St.  Paul  Congregational 
Church. 

Coon,  Mrs.  Andrew  P.,  968  South  Sawyer  avenue,  representing  Chicago  Cul- 
ture Club. 

Cowen,  Israel,  672  East  Forty-eighth  street,  representing  K.  A.  M.  Temple. 

Crandall,  Mrs.  J.  N.,  421  Hyde  Park  boulevard,  representing  Chicago  South 
Side  Club. 

Crissman,  George  R. 

Cunningham,    George   W.,    87    South   Canal   street,    representing   Improved 
Order  of  Bed  Men. 

Cutler,  Charles  Henry,  4801  Kenwood  avenue,  representing  Church  of  the 
New  Jerusalem. 

Davis,  James  Ewing,  1410  100  Washington  street,  representing  Grand  Lodge 
Odd  Fellows. 

Davis,  Mrs.  James  Ewing,  5825  State  street,  representing  America  Eebekah 
Lodge  No.  188,  I.  O.  O.  F. 

Dennis,  Charles  H.,  123  Fifth  avenue,  E.  17,  representing  City  of  Chicago. 

Dewitz,  Charles  E.,  4229  Indiana  avenue. 

Dickey,  Samuel,  10  Chalmers  place. 

Dixson,  Zella  Allen,  5600  Monroe  avenue. 
Donaldson,  Mrs.  Percy,  4359  Lake  avenue. 


467 

Dornblaser,  Thomas  F.,  782  Hamilton  court,  representing  Grace  English  Lu- 
theran Church. 
Dows,  Joseph  W.,  Colonial  Hotel. 

Dubbin,  Brigadier  Eobert,  399   State  street,  representing  Salvation  Army. 
Dummer,  Mrs.  W.  F.,  107  Lincoln  Park  boulevard. 
Earl,  Mrs.  Jennie  L.,  11  Chalmers  place,  representing  Belden  Avenue  Baptist 

Church. 
Earl,   John  A.,    11    Chalmers   place,   representing  Belden  Avenue  Baptist 

Church. 
Eisenhour,  I.  C,  663  South  Ashland  avenue,  representing  Chureh  of  the 

Brethren. 
Eldredge,  J.  Wm.,  1073  East  Fifty-sixth  street,  representing  Washington 

Park  Baptist  Church. 
EUacott,  J.  P.,  710  Congress  street,  representing  Home  Lodge  No.  416,  I.  O. 

O.  F. 
Ferrier,  Mrs.  E.  M.,   1171  North  Forty-first  court,  representing  St.  Paul 

Congregational  Church. 
Field,  Charles  E.,  5538  "Washington  avenue,  representing  Episcopal  Diocese, 

Chicago. 
Fischkin,  Dr.  E.  A.,  1514  Humboldt  boulevard,  representing  Chicago  Hebrew 

Institute. 
Fixen,  Laura  G.,  1047  Carmen  avenue,  representing  World's  Essene  Circle. 
Flannery,  M.   H.,   208   Gladys  avenue,   representing  International  Printing 

Press  Union. 
Flint,  C.  J.,  1041  West  Twenty-first  street,  representing  Chicago  Lodge  No. 

55,  I.  O.  O.  F. 
Foin,  Chin  F.,  279  South  Clark  street. 
Frain,  Mrs.  A.  K.,  6320  Woodlawn  avenue,  representing  Woodlawn  Woman's 

Club. 
Francis,  Mrs.  J.  E.,  40  Loomis  street,  representing  Illinois  State  Spiritualist 

Association. 
Francisco,  A.  B.,  49  Pierce  avenue,  representing  Chicago  Society  of  the  New 

Jerusalem. 
Frank,  Mrs.  Henry  L.,  1608  Prairie  avenue,  representing  Chicago  Woman's 

Club. 
Freudenthal,  Mr.  Jos.,  Hotel  Metropole. 

Frizell,  Mrs.  Loftus  Eraser,  324  East  Fifty-seventh  street. 
Fudge,  Miss  Elsie  Joe,  1204  Eokeby  street,  representing  Sheffield  Avenue 

Church  of  Christ. 
Fung,   Eev.   James,   297   South   Clark   street,  representing   Chinese   Baptist 

Mission. 
Furnes,  J.  H.,  585  Middle  Drive  Woodruff,  representing  Commercial  Club. 
Galbreath,  C.  G.,  637  West  Sixty-ninth  street,  representing  Englewood  Lodge 

858,  I.  0.  0.  F. 
Galitzki,  Mr.  Leo,  185  East  VanBuren  street. 
Gee,  Mrs.   Carrie  L.,   1203  West  Fifteenth  street,   representing  Degree   of 

Pocahontas  Improved  Order  of  Eed  Men. 


468 

Getchell,  Edwin  F.,  180  East  Twenty-nintli  street,  representing  New  Eng- 
land Society  of  Chicago. 

Getz,  Mrs.  Harry  W.,  5026  Washington  avenue,  representing  Chicago  Orphan 
Asylum. 

Gibson,  G.  W.,  356  Dearborn  street,  representing  International  Association 
of  Car  Workers. 

Gillet,  F.  J.,  2251  West  Congress  street,  representing  Christian  Church  of 
Disciples. 

Gorton,  James,  530  Cuyler  avenue, 

Grabham,  Ealph,  1047  East  Seventy-third  street,  representing  Grace  Epis- 
copal Church. 

Gregory,  S.  S.,  100  Washington  street,  representing  American  Bar  Asso- 
ciation. 

Grossman,  Mrs.  Albert  B.,  4935  Vincennes  avenue,  representing  Chicago 
Woman's  Club. 

Hall,  Richard  C,  representing  Association  of  Commerce. 

Hardinge,  Henry  H.,  817  Perry  street,  representing  Single  Tax  Club. 

Hart,  Mrs.  Harry,  4639  Drexel  boulevard,  representing  National  Council  of 
Jewish  Women. 

Hartung,  Dr.  Henry,  1704  Diversey  boulevard,  representing  North  American 
Gymnastic  Union. 

Haskins,  Charles  Nelson,  3011  Prairie  avenue,  representing  the  Civic  Club 
System. 

Hatfield,  Mrs.  Margaret  M.,  6030  Monroe  avenue,  representing  Woodlawn 
Woman's  Club  and  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union. 

Hawley,  Mary  E.,  5719  Madison  avenue. 

Heath,  Eose  W.,  6212  Jefferson  avenue,  representing  South  End  Club. 

Heckman,  B.  F.,  188  Hastings  street,  representing  Church  of  the  Brethren. 

Heinerich,  Simon,  427  Chestnut  street,  representing  Church  of  the  New 
Thought. 

Henermann,  Miss  Magda,  168  Fremont  street. 

Henrotin,  Mrs.  Charles,  251  Goethe  street,  representing  General  Federation 
of  Women 's  Clubs. 

Henry,  Mrs.  Maggie,  3103  Prairie  avenue,  representing  Universal  Spiritual 
Church, 

Higginbotham,  Harlow  N. 

HiUis,  David  M.,  140  Dearborn  street,  representing  Independent  Keligious 
Society  of  Chicago. 

Hinshaw,  Wm.,  M.  D.,  1551  Adams  street. 

Hirsch,  Eev,  Emil  G.,  Sinai  Congregation. 

Hirschberg,  Dr.  Abram,  177  Lake  View  avenue,  representing  Associated 
Jewish  Charities. 

Hofer,  Miss  Amalie,  West  Chicago. 

Horine,  Dora  C,  Harvard  Hotel. 

Horner,  Henry,  821  Stock  Exchange  Building,  representing  Young  Men's 
Associated  Jewish  Charities. 

Howes,  Mildred  I.,  5719  Madison  avenue. 


469 

Hoyt,  Mrs.  Martha,  66  East  Thirty-sixth  street. 

Hulburd,  Mrs.  O.  F.,  6154  Monroe  avenue,  representing  Woodlawn  Woman's 

Club. 
Humble,  C,  523  Northrop  avenue, 
Hyde,  Prof.  Charles  Cheney,  135  Adams  street. 
Isaacs,  Mrs.  John  D.,  Windermere  Hotel. 
Jackman,   Mrs.   WUbur   S.,  5730    Kimbark    avenue,    representing    Chicago 

Woman's  Club. 
Jackson,  H.  H.,  M.  D.,  118  South  Leavitt  street,  representing  I  Will  Lodge, 

I.  O.  O.  F. 
Johnston,  F.  D.,  1389  Humboldt  boulevard,  representing  Weaver  Memorial 

United  Brethren  Church. 
Jones,  Eev.  Jenkin  Lloyd,  Abraham  Lincoln  Centre. 
Jones,  Eev.  W.  H.  Miller,  1016  West  Dokin  avenue,  representing  Deering 

Lodge  I.  O.  0.  F.  No.  717. 
Kahn,  Arthur,  809  North  Sixth  street,  representing  Central  Labor  Union  of 

I'hiladelphia. 
Kendall,  Mrs.  E.  E.,  6731  Euclid  avenue,  representing  South  End  Woman's 

Club. 
Kern,   Mrs.  A.  V.,   1034  Jackson  boulevard,  representing  Grace  Keformed 

Church. 
Kimball,   Miss   Kate   F.,   5711   Kimbark   avenue,  representing  Chautauqua, 

New  York,  Woman's  Club. 
Kirkup,  Miss  M.,  5649  Woodlawn  avenue. 
Klein,  Eabbi  Jacob,  6938  Harvard  avenue,  representing  Congregation  Or- 

Chodosh. 
Kodicek,  Sig.,  1858  West  Forty-seventh  street,  representing  the  First  Hebrew 

Educational  and  Charitable  Association  of  Chicago. 
Kohn,   Joseph,   105   North   Avers  avenue,   representing  First   Hebrew   Edu- 
cational and  Charitable  Association. 
Komaiko,  S.  B.,  159  LaSalle  street. 

Korsoski,  Abe  J.,  4642  Vincennes  avenue,  representing  Young  Men's  Asso- 
ciated Jewish  Charities. 
Kriete,  Arthur. 
Kriete,  Mrs.  C.  L. 

Lackersteen,  Mrs.  E.,  Abraham  Lincoln  Centre. 
Larsen,  A.,   380   West  Belden  avenue,  representing  Church   of  the  United 

Brethren  in  Christ. 
Leake,  Dr.  C.  W.,  2450  Indiana  avenue. 
Leake,  Mrs.  Chas.  W.,  2450  Indiana  avenue. 
Lester,  Frances  L.,  Lincoln  Centre. 
Lewis,  Mrs.  Nathan  B.,  2490  Magnolia  avenue,  representing  League  Cook 

County  Clubs. 
Limbach,   Mrs.    Chas.   H.,    1234   Washington   boulevard,   representing   West 

Side  Co-Educational  Club. 
Lindahl,  Joshua,  5700  Peoria  street. 
Loele,  Jos.  I.,  4432  Oakenwald  avenue. 


470 

Loewenthal,  Mrs.  C.  F.,  4534  Greenwood  avenue. 

Loewenthal,  J.  Y.,  4534  Greenwood  avenue. 

Lorentz,  John,  2060  Madison  street,  representing  Excelsior  Lodge  22,  I.  O. 

O.  F. 
Lukens,  Herman  T.,  550  Webster  avenue. 
Luttenberger,  Jno.  G.  M.,  311  Tacoma  Building. 
Lyman,  Mrs.  David  B.,  Jr. 
Lyman,    Mrs.   Louise  H.,   5015    Madison   avenue,    representing    Friends   in 

Council. 
Lyman,  William,  5015  Madison  avenue. 

Marshall,  Lieut.-Col.  Stephen,  399  State  street,  representing  Salvation  Army. 
Mason,  Fred  B.,  840  Tribune  Building,  representing  OberUn  Association  of 

Illinois. 
Mathews,   Bishop   G.    M.,    1391   Humboldt  boulevard,    representing   United 

Brethren  in  Christ. 
Matsubara,  Kazuo,  5735  Lexington  avenue,  Japanese  Consul. 
McConnell,  Mrs.  J.  S.,  4359  Lake  avenue. 
McDowell,   Miss  Mary  E.,  4630  Gross  avenue,  representing  University  of 

Chicago  Settlement  and  American  Health  League. 
McGowan,  Mrs.  Nettie,  3437  Prairie  avenue,  representing  Woman's  EeUef 

Corps. 
Melendy,  Koyal  L. 
Melendy,  Mrs.  Eoyal  L. 

Menge,  Miss  Carrie,  154  East  Forty-second  place. 
Merrett,  Albert  N.,  6121  Madiaon  avenue,  representing  Merchants '  Exchange 

of  Chicago. 
Meyer.  J.   H.,   1465   Humboldt   boulevard,   representing   Christ   Norwegian 

Lutheran  Church. 
Ming,  M.  L.,  1421  West  Madison  street. 
Mitchen,  Eev.  Chas.  Bayard,  4611  Ellis  avenue. 
Montgomery,  Dr.  W.  J.,  5340  Cornell  avenue,  representing  Southern  Club  of 

Chicago. 
Moran,  W.  F.,  1375  West  Polk  street,  representing  Chicago  Printing  Busi- 
ness Union. 
Morris,  Mrs.  T.  Ealston,  3650  Grand  boulevard. 
Mowath,  S.  H.,  275  LaSalle  street,  representing  United  Garment  Workers 

of  America. 
Mueller,  Paul,  2331  North  Forty-second  avenue,  representing  City  of  Chicago. 
Nelson,  Mrs.  Walter  C,  5120  Jefferson  avenue. 
Newton,  Joseph  S.,  2349  North  Forty-first  court,  representing  Irving  Park 

Lodge  No.  190,  I.  O.  O.  F. 
Nicholson,  Mrs,  Marion,  738  Kedzie  avenue. 
Norris,  Mrs.  Wm.  W.,  347  South  Troy  street. 
Noven,  Eobert,  275  LaSalle  street,  representing  United  Garment  Workers  of 

America. 
Olcott,  George  C,  276  Washington  boulevard,  representing  Chicago  Single 

Tax  Club. 


471 

O'Keife,  Mrs.  D.  D.,  1563  West  Adams  street. 

Orr,  Adam  C,  924  South  Albany  avenue. 

Pack,  W.  F.,  208,  98  Market  street. 

Palmer,  Mrs.  Ida  Jane,  3834  Lake  avenue,  representing  the  Association  for 

International  Conciliation. 
Patterson,  Chas.  M.,  818  Bryn  Maur  avenue,  representing  Loyal  Lodge  601, 

I.  O.  O.  F. 
Patterson,  S.  P.,  384  Warren  avenue,  representing  American  Peace  Society 

and  Chicago  Record  Herald. 
Patterson,   Mrs.   S.  P.,  384  Warren  avenue,  representing  American  Peace 

Society. 
Payne,  WilUam  Morton,  LL.  D.,  2246  Michigan  avenue. 
Pearl,  John  C,  34  Artesian  avenue,  representing  Men's  P.  S.  A.  Club. 
Pearson,  Rev.  S.,  2154  North  Seeley  avenue. 
Pedersen,  Carl  M.,  912  West  North  avenue,  representing  Norden  Lodge  No. 

699,  I.  0.  O.  F. 
Ferine,  Josiah   W.,   2818   Calumet  avenue,  representing  First  Presbyterian 

Church. 
Perry,  W.  E.,  8521  Carpenter  street,  representing  Gresham  Lodge  No.  448, 

I.  O.  O.  F. 
Pesowusky,  H.,  630  West  Seventy-ninth  street,  representing  Congregation 

Orr  Chodosh. 
Pestefeld,  Mrs.  Ursula  N.,  317  Fifty-third  street,  representing  Church  of 

the  New  Thought. 
Peterson,    B.    C,    412    West    Monroe   street,    representing    Society    of   the 

Veritans. 
Pilo,  Axel  O.,  929  Osgood  street,  representing  Three  Links  Lodge  No.  812, 

I.  O.  O.  F. 
Pinckney,  Mrs.  M.  W.,  Hotel  del  Prado. 
Polk,  S.  C,  926  First  National  Bank  Building. 
Portman,  Mrs.  Edward  C,  2170  Kenmore  avenue,  representing  the  North 

End  Club. 
Price,  James  Russell,  M.  D.,  87  South  Canal  street,  representing  Improved 

Order  of  Red  Men. 
Eeed,  C.  F.,  A.  B.  B.  D.,  6539  South  Paulina  street.  Congregational  minister. 
Reed,     Mrs.   Elizabeth    A.,    1311    Balmoral    avenue,    representing    Illinois 

Woman's  Press  Association. 
Rhodes,  Mrs.  C.  W.,  1440  Montrose  boulevard. 
Richardson,  O.  W.,  58  Thirty-fourth  street. 
Richmond,  Rev.  Cora  L.  V.,  3802  Ridge  avenue. 

Roberts,  Rev.  D.  P.,  3553  Vernon  avenue,  representing  A.  M.  E.  Church. 
Roberts,  George  E.,  president  Commercial  National  Bank. 
Roberts,  Mrs.  Julia  W.,  6237  Ada  street,  representing  St.  John  A.  M.  E. 

Church. 
Roe,  Frances,  1459  Rokeby  street,  representing  Social  Economic. 
Root,  Eliza  H.,  M.  D.,  489  Monroe  street,  representing  Woman's  Medical 

Club. 


472 

Eosenwald,  Julius,  4901  Ellis  avenue,  representing  Associated  Jewish  Chari- 
ties. 

Eosenwald,  Mrs.  Julius,  4901  Ellis  avenue. 

Eoundy,  Frank  C,  190  South  Clark  street,  representing  Oriental  Consistory. 

Sam,  Tom,  279  South  Clark  street. 

Scherzer,  Albert  H.,  1616  Monadnock  Building. 

Schneider,  Otto  C,  Tribune  Building,  representing  North  American  Gymnas- 
tic Union. 

Schmidt,  George  A.,  639  Wells  street,  representing  North  American  Gym- 
nastic Union. 

Selleck,  W.  E.,  Hyde  Park  Hotel. 

Shearman,  Chas.  E.,  437  County  Building,  representing  Oberlin  Association 
of  Illinois. 

Sherman,  E.  B.,  501  Federal  Building,  representing  American  Institute  of 
Civics. 

Shaffer,  Bishop  C.  T.,  3340  Ehodes  avenue. 

Sikes,  George  C,  61  North  Central  avenue. 

Sikes,  Madeline  Wallin,  61  North  Central  avenue,  representing  Association 
of  Collegiate  Alumnae  and  Chicago  Woman's  Club. 

Simmonds,  Mrs.  Francis  D. 

Skinner,  Edward  M.,  representing  Association  of  Commerce. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Emmeline  L.,  2340  North  Hermitage  avenue. 

Smith,  Oilman  W.,  860  Warren  avenue. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Oilman  W.,  860  Warren  avenue. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Horace  F.,  408  East  Fiftieth  street. 
•  M.  of  W.  E. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Jennie  L.,  326  East  Fifty-seventh  street. 

Smith,  W.  M.,  6746  Madison  avenue,  representing  International  Brotherhood 

Soden,  0.  A.,  5206  Kimbark  avenue. 

Soden,  Mrs.  G.  A.,  5206  Kimbark  avenue,  representing  Church  of  the  New 
Thought. 

Solomon,  Mrs.  Henry,  4406  Michigan  avenue,  representing  Local  Committee 
of  Women. 

Sonsteby,  John  J.,  153  LaSalle  street,  representing  United  Garment  Workers 
of  America. 

Sly,  Eev.  W.  J.,  2194  Jackson  boulevard,  representing  Garfield  Park  Baptist 
Church. 

Sly,  Mrs.  W.  J.,  2194  Jackson  boulevard,  representing  Garfield  Park  Baptist 
Church. 

Starr,  Frederick,  University  of  Chicago,  representing  Universal  Peace  So- 
ciety. 

Stewart,  E.  B.,  4547  Champlain  avenue,  representing  Third  United  Presby- 
terian Church. 

Stewart,  Eev.  H.  E.,  3825  Dearborn  street,  representing  African  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church. 

Stolz,  Eabbi  Joseph,  4827  Langley  avenue,  representing  Isaiah  Temple. 


473 

Strouss,  Mrs.  Henry  X.,  4200  Drexel  boulevard,  representiug  Chicago 
Woman's  Aid. 

Stubb,  Mrs.  Jessie  Hardy,  618  East  Forty-sixth  street,  representing  Chicago 
Woman's  Club. 

Swanite,  Leon  M.,  210  Market  street. 

Summerfield,  Miss  Hattie,  4908  Indiana  avenue. 

Swift,  Monroe  A.,  663  Park  avenue,  representing  Tabernacle  Baptist  Church. 

Tallman,  Alonson  B.,  8830  Elizabeth  street,  representing  Seventh  Presbyte- 
rian Church. 

Tatum,  David. 

Taylor,  Prof.  Graham,  representing  Chicago  Commons. 

Taylor,  Eoss,  1706  Arlington  place,  representing  City  of  Alameda,  Gal. 

Taylor,  Mrs.  Eoss,  1706  Arlington  place. 

Tolman,  A.  H.,  5407  Woodlawn  avenue. 

Tracy,  Mrs.  Frederick  K.,  545  Jackson  boulevard. 

Trower,  Eev.  Wm.  George,  8624  Sangamon  street,  representing  Seventh 
Presbyterian  Church. 

True,  Mrs.  Chas.  Jackson,  5003  Madison  avenue. 

True,  Miss  M.  Elizabeth,  5003  Madison  avenue. 

Vaughan,  Dr.  Elmer  E.,  321  Belden  avenue,  representing  Beldea.  Avenue 
Baptist  Church. 

Vaughan,  Mrs.  Elmer  E.,  321  Belden  avenue,  representing  Belden  Avenue 
Baptist  Church. 

Veasey,  Charles  M.,  510  Orchestra  Building. 

Vincent,  Dean  Geo.  E.,  representing  Uijiversity  of  Chicago. 

Vittum,  Harriet  E.,  122  Augusta  street,  representing  Northvrestern  Uni- 
versity Settlement. 

Vittum,  Karl  D.,  122  Augusta  street,  representing  Northwestern  University 
Settlement. 

Vlasaty,  Eobert,  34  Yeaton  street,  representing  Praha  Lodge  No.  213,  I.  O. 
0.  F. 

VonDarden,  E. 

Warner,  George  B.,  M.  D.,  238  Oakwood  boulevard,  representing  National 
Spiritualist  Association  of  United  States  of  America. 

Waterman,  A.  N.,  40  Groveland  Park. 

Watkins,  Mrs.  George,  4740  Madison  street,  representing  State  Federation 
of  Woman's  Clubs. 

Weatherby,  S.  W.,  6033  Ellis  avenue. 

Weatherby,  Mrs.  S.  W.,  6033  Ellis  avenue. 

Weeks,  Miss  H.  G.,  942  Winthrop  avenue. 

Weinberg,  Mrs.  Moses  A.,  4948  Washington  Park  place,  representing  Na- 
tional Council  of  Jewish  Women. 

West,  Dr.  A.  M.,  125  South  Clark  street,  representing  University  of  Pitts- 
burg. 

Wheeler,  Harry  A.,  representing  Association  of  Commerce. 

Whitcomb,  Mrs.  H.  S.,  5131  Cornell  avenue. 


474 

White,  Ella  M.,  6007  Kimbark  avenue. 

Whitehead,  H.  C. 

Whitmore,  Eev.  S.  L.,  D.  D.,   1185  Adams  street,  representing  Grace  Ee- 

formed  Church. 
Whitmore,   Mrs.   S.   L.,   1185   Adams   street,   representing   Grace   Eeformed 

Church. 
Wiens,  A.  F.,  1769  Thirty-fifth  street,  representing  Men's  Eescue  Mission. 
Winkelman,  F.  E. 

Wild,  Mrs.  Payson,  S.,  4465  Ellis  avenue. 

Wilson,  Eobert  E.,  I).  D.,  708  Austin  avenue,  representing  A.  M.  E.  Church. 
Wilson,  Eev.  Wm.  White,  21  Aldine  square,  representing  National  Christian 

League  for  the  Promotion  of  Purity  and  St.  Mark's  Episcopal  Church. 
Witherell,  Mr.  A.  W.,  4927  Michigan  avenue. 
Witherell,  Mrs.  A.  W.,  4927  Michigan  avenue. 
Wolfe,    Eichard    W.,    550    Michigan    avenue,    representing    Menier    Lodge 

Knights  of  Columbus. 
Wright,  Edwin  E.,  Box  No.  477,  representing  Illinois  State  Federation  of 

Labor. 
Yudelson,   A.    B.,    M.   D.,   4539    Indiana   avenue,   representing   South    Side 

Hebrew  Congregation. 
Zollinger,   John,    211   South   Hoyne   avenue,   representing   Grace  Eeformed 

Church. 

INDIANA. 
Arnold,  Helen  L.,  330  South  Sixth  street,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City  of 

Terre  Haute. 
Barr,  Eev.  Daisy  B.,  Fairmount,  representing  State  of  Indiana. 
Bradbury,  Wilbern  K.,  Eichmond,  representing  Eichmond  Commercial  Club. 
Brown,  H.  B.,  Valparaiso,  representing  Valparaiso  University. 
Broyles,  J.  Eiley,  301  Eiverside  avenue,  Muncie. 
Brunk,  A.  C,  Goshen,  representing  City  of  Goshen. 
Brunk,  H.  G.,  Goshen,  representing  City  of  Goshen. 
Bryan,  President  William  Lowe,  Bloomington,  representing  State  of  Indiana 

and  Indiana  University. 
Burkhart,  George  W.,  Logansport,  representing  Trade  and  Labor  Assembly. 
Byers,  N.  E.,  Goshen,  representing  Intercollegiate  Peace  Society. 
Conner,  J.  D.,  Jr.,  Wabash. 

Cox,  Lewis  J.,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City  of  Terre  Haute. 
Cox,  Mrs.  U.  O.,  Terre  Haute. 
Deahl,  Anthony,  Goshen. 
Dodge,  G.  M.,  Valparaiso. 
Elam,  Mrs.  John  W.,  Valparaiso. 
Earl,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Claypool,  Connersville,  representing  City  of  Conners- 

ville. 
Elbel,  Eichard,  South  Bend,  representing  South  Bend  Associated  Charities. 
Elbel,   Mrs.  Eichard,   605  Portage  avenue.   South  Bend,   representing  Im- 
promptu Club. 
Gilliom,  A.  L.,  Goshen,  representing  City  of  Goshen. 


475 

Goddard,  Joseph  A.,  Muncie,  representing  City  of  Muncie. 

Gwinn,  Dow  E.,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City  of  Terre  Haute. 

HUl,    W.   A.,    33   Warren   street,   Hammond,   representing   Business   Men's 

Association. 
Hine,  Mary  L.,  South  Bend,  representing  Associated  Charities. 
Howe,  Thomas  C,  48  South  Audubon  road,  Indianapolis,  representing  State 

of  Indiana. 
Iglehart,  J.  E.,  Evansville,  representing  State  of  Indiana. 
Johnn,  Henry  Webb,  South  Bend,  representing  State  of  Indiana. 
Johnson,    Benjamin,    201    North    Eleventh    street,    Kichmond,    representing 

Commercial  Club. 
Kelly,  Eobert  Lincoln,  Eichmond,  representing  Eiehmond  Commercial  Club, 

Eichmond  Tourist  Club  and  Peace  Association  of  Friends  in  America. 
Kenworthy,  Truman  C,  Spiceland,  representing  Spiceland  Quarterly  Meet- 
ing of  Friends  Church. 
Kettring,  Mrs.  E.  G.,  South  Bend,  representing  Children's  Aid  Society  of 

Indiana  and  the  Progress  Club  of  South  Bend. 
Kinsey,  Mrs.  0.  P.,  Valparaiso,  representing  State  of  Indiana  and  Indiana 

Federation  of  Women  's  Clubs. 
Kliewer,  J.  W.,  Berne,  representing  Mennonite  Conference. 
Kolsem,  J.  C,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City  of  Terre  Haute. 
Kriegbaum,  Mrs.  Charles  M.,  805  Leland  avenue,  South  Bend,  representing 

Progress  Club. 
Leipziger,  Emil  W.,  219  South  Fifth  street,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City 

of  Terre  Haute. 
Lowenstine,  M.  E.,  Valparaiso. 
McCullough,   E.   S.,    1120   State   Life  Building,   Indianapolis,   representing 

United  Mine  Workers. 
McCullough,  Florence,  Indianapolis. 
Nicholson,  Timothy,  Eichmond,  representing  State  of  Indiana,  Commercial 

Club  of  Eichmond  and  Peace  Association  of  American  Friends. 
Ogilire,  Eev.  Andrew  U.,  Elkhart,  representing  City  of  Elkhart. 
Parks,  Wade  E.,  Mishawaka,  representing  City  of  Mishawaka. 
Paxton,  W.  G.,  Hammond,  representing  Business  Men's  Association. 
Perry,  Edwin,  Indianapolis,  representing  United  Mine  Workers  of  America. 
Pratt,  W.  B.,  Elkhart,  representing  City  of  Elkhart. 
Eein,  Miss  Carrie,  South  Bend,  representing  Associated  Charities. 
Eobinson,    Frances    M.,    Eichmond,    representing    Yearly    Meeting    Indiana 

Friends. 
Eussell,   Prof.   Elbert,  Eichmond,   representing   Intercollegiate   Peace  Asio- 

ciation. 
Shirkie,  Hugh,  Terre  Haute,  representing  City  of  Terre  Haute. 
Sisson,  P.  L.,  Valparaiso. 
Skinner,  L.  E.,  Valparaiso. 

Smith,  C.  H.,  Goshen,  representing  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association. 
Smith,   Samuel   E.,   M.   D.,   Eiehmond,   representing  State  of   Indiana   and 

Eiehmond  Commercial  Club. 


476 

Strmson,  Stella  C,  828  South  Seventh  street,  Terre  Haute. 
Studebaker,  J.  M.,  South  Bend,  representing  State  of  Indiana, 
Thayer,  George  H.,  Jr.,  Plymouth,  representing  Civic  Club. 
Veasey  Mrs.  M.  C,  South  Bend. 

IOWA. 
AndrevFS,  WilUam  F.,  New  Providence,  representing  Friends  Church. 
Bollinger,  James  Wills,  Davenport,  representing  City  of  Davenport. 
Brant,  David,  Iowa  City,  representing  State  of  Iowa, 
Brown,   Rev.  E.   Howard,   New  Sharon,  representing  Iowa  Yearly  Meeting 

Friends  Church. 
Clark,  Margaret  V.,  M.  D.,  Waterloo,  representing  Medical  Association. 
Crippen,  Mrs.  J.  H.,  Waterloo,  representing  City  of  Waterloo. 
Doty,  P.  A.,  Waterloo,  representing  City  of  Waterloo. 
Doyle,  W.  J.,  Davenport,  representing  City  of  Davenport. 
Edwards,    David    M.,    Oskaloosa,    representing    Iowa    Yearly    Meeting    of 

Friends. 
Fifer,  Eev.  Orien  W.,  936  Eighteenth  street,  Des  Moines,  representing  State 

of  Iowa. 
Frineshribber,  W.  H.,  217  East  Fourteenth  street,  Davenport,  representing 

City  of  Davenport. 
Garrigan,  Kt.  Eev,  P.  J.,  Sioux  City,  representing  State  of  Iowa. 
Halligan,  J.  E.,  Davenport,  representing  City  of  Davenport. 
Hambleton,   Albert  F.   N.,   Oskaloosa,   representing   Iowa  Yearly   Meeting 

Friends  Church. 
Howard,  Edwin  B.,  Ames,  representing  Friends  Church. 
Hukill,  A.  T.,  Waterloo,  representing  pubUe  schools. 
Jones,  EfEe  McCollum,  D.  D.,  Waterloo,  representing  Ministerial  Association 

of  City  of  Waterloo. 
Lamson,  C.  O.,  Waterloo,  representing  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
Lamson,  Mrs.  C.  0.,  Waterloo. 
McCandless,  Mrs.  C.  E.,  Davenport. 

Ogle,  J.  B.,  Waterloo,  representing  Commercial  Club  and  Board  of  Trade. 
Parrott,  Mrs.  Matt,  Waterloo.,  representing  Woman  's  Club. 
Eaymond,  W.  E.,  Ames,  representing  Iowa  State  College. 
Eitter,  Jacob,  Centerville,  representing  United  Mine  Workers  of  America. 
Eowlands,  H.  O.,  Davenport,  representing  City  of  Davenport. 
Scott,  Mrs.  H.  B.,  1617  Dill  street,  Burlington,  representing  Humane  Society. 
Shuler,  D.  Anne  M.,  Davenport. 
Simonds,  Mrs.  Ida,  Onawa. 
Sporle,  T.  H.,  Waterloo. 
Theophilus,  Mrs.  Wm.,  East  Elver  road,  Davenport. 

KANSAS. 
Allen,  Stephen  H.,  Topeka,  representing  Topeka  Commercial  Club. 
Allen,   Mrs.  S.  H.,  Topeka. 

Bigham,  M.  R.,  White  City,  representing  State  of  Kansas. 
Northrup,  L.  L.,  lola,  representing  State  of  Kansas. 
Eoglie,  Henry,  Bazaar,  representing  State  of  Kansas. 


477 

KENTUCKY. 
Baker,  George,  Central  City,  representing  United  Mine  Workers  of  America. 
White,  Miss  Laura  E.,  500  Winchester  avenue  East,  Ashland,  representing 

State  of  Kentucky. 

LOUISIANA. 
Brice,  A.  G.,  7733  Maple  street.  New  Orleans,  representing  City  of  New 

Orleans. 

MAINE. 
Chase,  President  George  C,  16  Frye  street,  Lewiston,  representing  Bates 

College, 

MARYLAND. 
Brown,   Mrs.   Marguerite   M.,   1701    Tenth   street,   Baltimore,   representing 

Baltimore  City  Suffrage  Club. 
Marburg,  Theodore,  14  North  Mt.  Vernon  place,  Baltimore,  representing 

City  of  Baltimore. 
Mullen,  Miss  Agnes,  Towson,  representing  Baltimore  City  Suffrage  Club. 
Wilson,   Edward    C,    1925    Park   avenue,   Baltimore,    representing   City   of 

Baltimore. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Andrews,  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern,  405  Marlborough  street,  Boston,  representing 

American  School  Peace  League. 
Beals,  Charles  E.,  Stoughton,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 
Beals,  Mrs.  Charles  E.,  Stoughton,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 
Breed,  Mrs.  Alice  Ivee,  6  Sacramento  street,  Cambridge,  representing  Canta- 

brigia  Club. 
Cutler,  James  H.,  Boston. 
Eckstein,   Anna   B.,   30   Newberry   street,   Back  Bay,   Boston,   representing 

American  Peace  Society  and  National  German-American  Alliance. 
Ginn,  Edwin,  Boston. 

Kingsbury,  Mabel  H.,  Newton  Centre,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 
LoweU,  Mrs.  George  F.,  Newtouville,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 
Mead,  Edwin  D.,  20  Beacon  street,  Boston,  representing  American  Peace 

Society. 
Mead,  Mrs.  Lucia  Ames,  20  Beacon  street,  Boston,  representing  American 

Peace  Society. 
Paine,  Eobert  Treat,  6  Joy  street,  Boston,  representing  American  Peace 

Society. 
Sawtell,  Frank  M.,  Maiden,  representing  City  of  Maiden. 
Sharpe,  Maud  E.  L.,  74  Commonwealth  avenue.  Chestnut  Hill,  Boston. 
Trueblood,  Benj.  F.,  Boston,  representing  American  Peace  Society. 
Tryon,  James  L.,  31  Beacon  street,  Boston,  representing  American  Peace 

Society. 

MICHIGAN. 
Bailey,  Eachel  A.,  Grand  Eapids,  representing  Ladies  of  the  Modern  Macca- 
bees. 
Blekkink,  E.  J.,  Holland,  pastor  and  editor. 
Boyle,  Homer  L.,  Lansing,  author  "History  of  Peace." 


478 

Boyle,  Mrs.  H.  L.,  Lansing. 

Boyle,  Miss  Lvena,  Lansing. 

Cunningham,  Owen  S.,  Saginaw,  representing  Knights  of  Pythias  No.  10. 

Flannery,  Eev.  T.  D.,  Alpena,  representing  Alpena  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Inui,  Kiyo  Sue,  Ann  Arbor,  representing  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs. 

Lewis,  Frederick  W.,  Saginaw  W.  S. 

Marcellus,  C.  N.,  Grand  Eapids,  representing  Board  of  Trade. 

Mauck,  Joseph  William,  Hillsdale,  representing  State  of  Michigan. 

Moore,  Judge  Joseph  B.,  Lansing. 

Kogers,  Herbert  M.,  501-3-5  Prudden  Building,  Lansing. 

Sharp,  Mrs.  John  C,  Jackson,  representing  Michigan  State  Federation  of 
Women's  Clubs. 

Smith,  Mrs.  Frances  Wheeler,  Hastings,  representing  Michigan  State  Federa- 
tion of  Women's  Clubs. 

West,  Miss  Bina  M.,  Port  Huron,  representing  Ladies  of  the  Maccabees. 

MINNESOTA. 

Ankeny,  A.  T.,  Minneapolis,  representing  State  of  Minnesota. 

Budlong,   Eev.    Fred  G.,   Christ   Church,   St.    Paul,   representing   State  of 
Minnesota. 

DuBois,  Dr.  J.  A.  Sauk  Center,  representing  State  of  Minesota. 

DuBois,  Mrs.  J.  A.,  Sauk  Center. 

Swan,  Mrs.  Mary  B.,  Mahtomede,  representing  Merriam  Park  Woman 's  Club. 

Tawney,  Hon.  James  A.,  M.  C. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

Jayne,  Eobert  Kennon,  Jackson,  representing  City  of  Jackson. 

MISSOUEL 
Bartholdt,  Hon.  Eichard,  M.  C,  St.  Louis,  representing  Arbitration  Group 

in   Congress,    Universal  Peace   Union   of   Philadelphia   and   American 

Peace  Society. 
Bush,  Chas.  M.,  Kansas  City,  representing  State  of  Missouri. 
Damon,    Mrs.    C.    P.,    3522    Washington    avenue,    St.    Louis,    representing 

Wednesday  Club. 
Howe,  Charles  M.,  211  Logan  Building,  St.  Joseph,  representing  City  of 

St.  Joseph. 
Lowe,  A.  B.,  3900  Olive  street,  St.  Louis,  representing  International  Brother- 
hood of  Maintenance  of  Way  Employees. 
Madden,  Eev.  Loyal  W.,  312  West  Main  street.  Independence,  representing 

City  of  Independence. 
Mayer,  Harry  H.,  Kansas  City,  representing  State  of  Missouri. 
Moore,    Mrs.    Phillip    N.,    St.    Louis,   representing   General   Federation    of 

Women 's  Clubs. 
Smith,  Frederick  M.,  630  South  Crysler  street,  Independence,  representing 

City  of  Independence  and  Eeorganized  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter 

Day  Saints. 

NEBEASKA. 
Pound,  Prof.  Eoscoe,  representing  State  of   Nebraska. 

NEVADA. 
Dignowity,  Charles  L.,  Eeno. 


479 

NEW  YOEK. 

Buchanan,  Hon.  W.  I.,  Buffalo,  representing  State  of  New  York. 

Burton,  Henry  F.,  Eoehester,  representing  City  of  Eochester. 

Casson,  Herbert  N.,  274  West  140th  street,  New  York  City,  representing 
Humane  Society  of  New  York. 

Commander,  Mrs.  Lydia  Kingsmill,  274  West  140th  street,  New  York  City, 
representing  National  Progressive  Woman  Suffrage  and  Union. 

Crapsey,  Eev.  Algernon  S.,  Eochester,  representing  Chamber  of  Commerce 
and  City  of  Eochester. 

Duras,  Victor  H.,  309  Broadway,  New  York  City,  representing  the  Peace 
Society  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Glovtr,  Eev.  Dr.  F.  Nelson,  Lock  Box  174,  Madison  Square  Postoffiee,  New 
York  City,  representing  Madison  Avenue  Baptist  Church. 

Goller,  Miss  Eay,  New  York  City,  representing  Young  People's  League  for 
International  Federation. 

Holt,  Hamilton,  130  Fulton  street.  New  York  City,  representing  State  of 
New  York  and  Peace  Society  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Huntington,  Mrs.  V.  P.,  New  York  City. 

Leone,  Luigi,  New  York  City,  Peace  Propagandist. 

MacSweeney,  Jos.  P.,  Eochester,  representing  City  of  Eochester. 

Pierson,  Miss  Mary  J.,  New  York  City,  representing  Peace  Society. 

Eickert,  T.  A.,  117  Bible  House,  New  York  City,  representing  United  Gar- 
ment Workers  of  America. 

Eowland,  Eugene  A.,  Eome,  representing  City  of  Eome. 

Schurman,  President  Jacob  Gould,  Ithaca,  representing  Cornell  University. 

Short,  Wm.  H.,  New  York  City,  representing  Peace  Society  of  City  of  New 
York. 

Weber,  Joe  N.,  310  East  Eighty-sixth  street.  New  York  City,  representing 
American  Federation  of  Musicians. 

Williams,  Eev.  L.  0.,  Buffalo,  representing  City  of  Buffalo. 

Zucca,  Antonio,  25  West  Broadway,  New  York  City,  representing  Inter- 
national Peace  Society,  Italian  Branch. 

NOETH  CAEOLINA. 

Blair,  Prof.  Franklin  S.,  Guilford  College,  Guildford,  representing  Friends 
Church  in  North  Carolina,  Interdenominational  State  Sunday  School 
Association  and  State  of  North  Carolina. 

NOETH  DAKOTA. 
Beard,  EeT.  E.  A.,  Fargo. 

OHIO. 

Atkins,  Harry  T.,  2311  Highland  avenue.  Walnut  Hills,  Cincinnati,  repre- 
senting City  of  Cincinnati. 

Berry,  George  L.,  Lyric  Theater  Building,  Cincinnati,  representing  Inter- 
national Printing  Pressmen. 

Church,  President  A.  B.,  Buchtel  College,  Akron,  representing  City  of  Akron. 

Clark,  Davis  Wasgatt,  Cincinnati,  representing  Cincinnati  Peace  Society. 


48o 

Cooper,  S.  M.,  First  National  Bank  Building,  Cincinnati,  representing  City 
of  Cincinnati. 

Graham,  Miss  Louise,  Cleveland. 

Hermann,  Dr.  G.  A.,  Hamilton,  representing  City  of  Hamilton. 

Jeffrey,  J.  A.,  Columbus,  representing  Columbus  Board  of  Trade. 

Johnson,  Herbert  H.,  Wooster,  representing  Peace  Association  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wooster,  Ohio. 

Little,  W.  S.,  Cincinnati,  representing  City  of  Cincinnati. 

Lowery,  M.  L.,  Granville,  representing  Denison  University  Peace  Association. 

Mahony,  W.  A.,  Columbus. 

Mosiman,  Eddison,  West  Middletown,  representing  Mennouite  General  Con- 
ference. 

Eogers,  Dean  W.  P.,  Cincinnati,  representing  Cincinnati  Peace  Society. 

Scovel,  Prof.  Sylvester  F.,  Wooster,  representing  American  Peace  Society, 
City  of  Wooster  and  Wooster  University  Peace  Association. 

Weston,  Stephen  F.,  Yellow  Springs,  representing  Antioch  College. 

OREGON. 
Galvani,   Wm.    H.,    Oregonian    Building,    Portland,    representing    State   of 
Oregon. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Cadwallader,  Mrs.  M.  .E.,  1243  North  Thirteenth  street,  Philadelphia,  repre- 
senting I.  State  Spiritualist  Association. 

Gary,  George  L.,  Meadville. 

Farquhar,  A.  B.,  York,  representing  American  Peace  Society,  Pennsylvania 
Peace  Society  and  National  Association  of  Manufacturers. 

flartman,  Samuel  L.,  Lancaster. 

Hull,  Prof.  Wm.  I.,  Swarthmore  College,  Swarthmore,  representing  the 
Permanent  Executive  Committee  of  the  Pennsylvania  Conference  on 
Peace  and  Arbitration  and  the  American  Peace  Society. 

PORTO    RICO. 
Fitzpatrick,  John,  277  La  Salle  street,  Chicago,  representing  the  Free  Fed- 
eration of  Workingmen  of  Porto  Rico. 

SOUTH  DAKOTA. 
Payne,  Jason  E.,  Vermillion. 

TENNESSEE. 
Burford,  John  T.,  Chattanooga. 
Burford,  Mrs.  John  T.,  Chattanooga. 
Kealing,  H.  T.,  206  Public  Square,  NashviUe. 

TEXAS. 
Brooks,    President    S.    P.,   Baylor    University,    Waco,    representing    Baylor 

University. 
Isenhower,  E.  J.,  1624  South  Twelfth  street,  Waco,  representing  Philomathe- 

fiian  Literary  Society  and  Baylor  University. 
Penland,  G.  H.,  203  Splight  street,  Waco,  representing  Eusophian  Literary 

Society  and  Baylor  University. 


48 1 

VERMONT. 
DeBoer,  Joseph  A.,  Montpelier,  representing  State  of  Vermont. 

VIRGINIA. 

Morrhead,  President  J.  A.,  Roanoke  College,  Salem,  representing  Roanoke 
College. 

WISCONSIN, 

Andres,  Mr.  J.  P.,  Norwalk. 

Bartholomew,  Anne  W.,  816  College  avenue,  Racine,  representing  Associated 
Charities  of  Racine. 

Gary,  C.  P.,  Madison,  representing  State  of  Wisconsin. 

Chao,  Guok-Tsai,  708  Langdon  street,  Madison,  representing  International 
Club  of  Wisconsin. 

Cox,  W.  D.,  Milwaukee. 

Dyke,  LeGrande  G.,  436  Lake  street,  Madison,  representing  International 
Club  of  Wisconsin  of  A.  C.  C. 

Fairchild,  Mrs.  A.  N.,  643  Shepard  avenue,  Milwaukee,  representing  Mil- 
waukee College  Endowment  Association. 

Frost,  Edward  W.,  Wells  Building,  Milwaukee,  representing  State  of  Wis- 
consin. 

Goetz,  Mr.  M.,  Norwalk. 

Gordon,  Mrs.  B.  C,  Oshkosh,  representing  State  of  Wisconsin. 

Gordon,   Dr.   Kate,   Winnebago,   representing   Consumers'   League   of   Wis- 
oonsin. 

Hamilton,  A.  K.,  Milwaukee,  representing  City  of  Milwaukee. 

Knapp,  Henry  E.,  Menomonie,  representing  City  of  Menomonie. 

Lochner,  Louis  P.,  915  University  avenue,  Madison,  representing  Association 
of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs. 

Mainland,  Mrs.  Wm.,  Oshkosh,  representing  Twentieth  Century  Club. 

Matthews,  E.  P.,  Milwaukee,  representing  City  of  Milwaukee. 

Neumann,   F.    E.,    144    Eighth   street,    Milwaukee,   representing  Federated 
Trades  Council. 

Reinsch,  Prof.  Paul  S.,  Madison,  representing  University  of  Wisconsin. 

Rich,  A.  W.,  Milwaukee. 

Rich,  Miss  Clara  W.,  Milwaukee. 

Rich,  Miss  Victoria  P.,  Milwaukee. 

Sato,  Kinichi,  127  Langdon  street,  Madison,  representing  Wisconsin  Inter- 
national Club. 

Sheehan,  James,  548  Fifth  avenue,  Milwaukee,  representing  Wisconsin  State 
Federation  of  Labor. 

Sivyer,  F.  W.,  Milwaukee,  representing  City  of  Milwaukee. 

Stout,  J.  H.,  Menomonie. 

Sultaire,  Joseph,  373  Seventeenth  street,  Milwaukee,  representing  Federated 
Trades  Council. 

Swensen,  Mrs.  Wm.,  149  East  Oilman,  Madison,  representing  Woman's  Club. 

Thompson,  Hon.  Carl  D.,  Milwaukee. 

Wells,  O.  E.,  Wausau,  representing  City  of  Wausau. 


482 

Foreign  Delegates 

CHINA. 

Ting-fang,  Dr.  Wu,  E.  E.  and  M.  P. 

Wang,  C.  F.,  Canton. 

GERMANY. 

von  Bernstorff,  Count  Johann  H. 

GREAT  BRITAIN. 

Baker,  Joseph  Allen,  M.  P.,  London. 

Innes,  Alfred  Mitchell,  Counselor  of  the  British  Embassy,  "Washington,  D.  C. 

JAPAN. 

Bowles,  Rev.  Gilbert,  Tokyo. 

Matsubara,  Hon.  K. 

NORWAY. 

Koht,  Dr.  Halvdan,  Christiania. 

TURKEY. 

Patrick,  Miss  Mary  Mills,  Constantinople. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS* 

EIGHT  HONOEABLE  EAEL  GEEY,   GOVEENOE  GENEEAI.  OF 

CANADA. 

I  am  desired  by  the  Governor  General  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  3d  instant,  kindly  extending  an  invi- 
tation from  your  committee  to  be  present  and  deliver  an  address 
at  a  National  Peace  Congress  to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  the  26th- 
28th  of  April  next,  and  to  request  you  to  be  good  enough  to 
thank  your  committee  for  their  kind  invitation  and  explain  to 
them  that  His  Excellency  regrets  his  engagements  in  Canada  wilt 
make  it  impossible  for  him  to  be  present  on  that  occasion. 

I  am  yours  faithfully, 

Arthur  F.  Sladen. 

EIGHT   HONOEABLE   DAVID    LLOYD-GEOEGE,    CHANCELLOE   OF 
THE  EXCHEQUEE  OF  GEEAT  BEITAIN. 

I  am  desired  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George  to  thank  you  for  your 

letter  of  the  27th  ultimo  and  to  say  that  he  regrets  he  cannot 

promise  to  be  present  at  the  National  Peace  Congress  which  is 

to  be  held  at  Chicago  on  April  26-28. 

Yn  Wladgar, 

John  Rowland. 

THE  BEITISH  AMBASSADOE. 

There  is,  I  fear,  no  chance  of  my  being  able  to  go  from  here 
to  Chicago  on  the  26th  of  April,  as  I  have  engagements  at 
Washington  at  that  time.  Pray  convey  my  thanks  for  the  invi- 
tation to  attend  and  to  address  the  Congress,  and  my  sincere 
regret  that  it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to  be  with  you. 
I  am,  with  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  Congress, 

Faithfully  yours, 

James  Bryce. 

THE  PEEMIEE  OF  CANADA. 

The  Prime  Minister  regrets  that  his  Parliamentary  duties 
will  not  permit  him  to  avail  himself  of  your  very  kind  invitation, 
.     .     .     He  begs  you  to  accept  and  convey  to  the  members  of 

*The  following  are  samples  of  thousands  of  letters  received. 

483 


484 

the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Congress,  with  his  very  sincere 
thanks,  the  renewed  expression  of  his  regret  at  his  inabihty  to 
attend  at  the  International  Session  and  at  the  banquet  of  the 
National  Peace  Congress.     Yours  very  sincerely, 

E.  J.  Lemaire,  Private  Secretary. 

THE  JAPANESE  AMBASSADOB. 

As  I  find  it  impossible  for  me  to  attend  the  Second  National 
Peace  Congress  to  which  you  have  kindly  invited  me,  I  am  asking 
Mr.  K.  Matsubara,  Japanese  Consul  at  your  city,  to  represent 
me  at  your  meeting  of  Wednesday  afternoon,  the  5th  of  May, 
and  also  to  attend  the  banquet  to  be  given  on  that  evening. 

I  enclose  to  you  herewith  a  copy  of  my  message  of  greeting 
which  I  wish  you  to  have  read  at  the  Wednesday  afternoon  meet- 
ing of  your  Congress,  either  by  you  or  by  Mr.  Matsubara,  as  it 
may  conveniently  be  arranged.     Yours  very  truly, 

K.  Takahira. 
JUSTICE  DAVID  J.  BREWER. 
I  have  yours  of  the  26th  ultimo  inviting  me  to  attend  the 
National  Peace  Congress  in  Chicago,  May  3-5.     I  regret  that 
engagements  at  New  Haven  will  prevent  my  being  present. 

Very  truly  yours, 

D.  J.  Brewer. 

HON.  JOHN  BARRETT,  DIRECTOR  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL 
BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 
I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  esteemed  note  of 
March  26,  and  to  express  my  profound  regret  that  other  engage- 
ments, made  a  long  time  ago,  will  prevent  my  acceptance  of  your 
invitation  to  attend  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  in  Chi- 
cago, May  3-5,  1909.     Yours  very  truly, 

John  Barrett. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  invitation  to  be  one  of  the  Vice 
Presidents  of  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  to  be  held  in 
Chicago,  May  3-5,  1909,  and  regret  that  my  engagements  are 
such  that  it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to  attend.  If,  however, 
attendance  is  not  necessary,  you  are  at  perfect  liberty  to  name 
me  as  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents. 

Very  truly  yours, 

P.  C.  Knox. 


485 

THE  SECSETAEY  OF  WAR. 

I  shall  not  abate  my  interest  in  the  Congress  and  shall  do 
what  I  can  to  promote  it,  but  it  now  looks  as  if  I  would  be  in 
Panama  at  the  time  of  the  meeting.  The  President  is  anxious 
for  me  to  go  there  as  soon  as  I  can,  and  it  is  my  purpose  to  do 
so  about  the  middle  or  latter  part  of  April. 

Yours  truly, 

J.  M.  Dickinson. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

I  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  communication 
of  the  i8th  instant,  and  to  state  in  reply  that  it  will  give  me 
pleasure  to  serve  as  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Second 
National  Peace  Congress,  to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  May  3  to  5, 
1909.     Yours  very  truly, 

George  von  L.  Meyer, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

THE  ATTORNEY  GENERAL. 
In  reply  to  your  favor  of  the  i8th  instant,  I  beg  to  say  that  I 
am  happy  to  accept  your  invitation  to  be  one  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dents of  the  Peace  Congress,  the  principle  of  which,  as  had  in 
view  by  those  responsible  for  bringing  about  this  Congress,  has 
my  hearty  and  unqualified  approval. 

Faithfully  yours, 

George  W.  Wickersham. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE— NORTH  ATLANTIC  COAST  FISHERIES 
ARBITRATION  AT  THE  HAGUE. 

The  creation  of  public  opinion  hostile  to  war  is  the  most 
valued  service  that  can  today  be  rendered  to  humanity,  for  public 
opinion  is  the  most  potent  force  in  the  world,  as  it  is  in  the  nation. 
To  it  we  must  look  for  the  final  accomplishment  of  a  universal 
and  permanent  state  of  peace  and  the  supremacy  of  international 
justice  over  physical  might. 

With  the  earnest  wish  that  the  Congress  will  be  eminently 
successful,  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

Robert  Lansing. 

THE  GOVERNOR  OF  HAWAII. 

Mrs.  Frear  and  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your  cordial  invita- 
tion to  us  to  be  present  at  the  Second  National  Peace  Conference 


486 

to  be  held  in  Chicago  May  3-5,  1909.     In  all  probability,  however, 
we  shall  not  be  able  to  give  ourselves  the  pleasure  of  being  present. 

Very  truly  yours, 
W.  F.  Frear,  Governor  of  Hawaii. 

THE  UNITED   STATES   AMBASSADOR   TO   GERMANY. 

I  write  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  kind  invitation  of 
March  26  to  attend  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  to  be 
held  in  Chicago  on  May  3-5,  1909,  and  to  express  my  regret  that 
the  duties  of  my  post  will  prevent  my  acceptance. 

Very  truly  yours, 

David  J.  Hill. 

DR.  EDWARD  EVERETT  HALE. 

I  wish  I  could  go  to  the  Congress.  But  I  am  afraid  it  will 
be  impossible.     If  I  am  present  I  certainly  will  speak. 

The  Congress  at  New  York,  two  years  ago,  was  certainly  a 
meeting  of  great  importance,  which  achieved  great  results. 

Truly  yours, 

Edward  E.  Hale. 

SENATOR  ELIHU  ROOT. 

I  have  your  very  kind  invitation  to  attend  the  Second 
National  Peace  Congress  in  Chicago  on  May  3-5,  1909,  and  I 
regret  to  state  that  owing  to  the  engagements  I  have  already 
made  I  shall  not  be  able  to  accept  the  same. 

With  kind  regards,  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

Elihu  Root. 

HON.  ELMER  ELLSWORTH  BROWN. 

I  should  like  to  express  anew  my  interest  in  and  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  international  arbitration. 

With  good  wishes  for  your  meeting  at  Chicago,  I  am,  believe 
me,  very  truly  yours. 

Elmer  Ellsworth  Brown, 
United  States  Commissioner  of  Education. 

HON.   W.   J.   BRYAN. 

I  thank  you  for  your  invitation,  and  regret  to  say  that  it  will 
not  be  possible  for  me  to  be  with  you  at  the  Chicago  meeting, 
owing  to  the  pressure  of  other  engagements.  At  least  it  does  not 
seem  possible  at  this  time.     If  later  I  find  that  I  can  come,  I  will 


487 

let  you  kiiow,  but  at  this  time  it  seems  highly  improbable.  I  hope 
that  you  can  secure  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  which  we 
adopted  at  New  York  providing  for  investigation  in  every  case 
before  a  declaration  of  war.  I  regard  this  as  the  most  important 
step  that  can  be  taken  at  this  time. 

Wishing  you  a  very  successful  meeting,  I  am, 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  J.  Bryan. 

HON.  HORACE  POETER. 
I  have  your  very  cordial  letter  requesting  the  use  of  my  name 
as  a  Vice-President  of  the  important  Peace  Congress  which  I  am 
glad  to  know  will  be  convened  in  Chicago  in  May  next. 

I  shall  accept  with  pleasure  the  position  of  one  of  the  Vice- 
Presidents. 

Assuring  you  of  my  earnest  sympathy  with  the  objects  of 
the  Congress,  I  am,  very  sincerely, 

Horace  Porter. 

HON.  ANDREW  WHITE. 

I  recognize  fully  the  great  value  of  such  a  meeting,  if  prop- 
erly carried  out,  and  hope  that  you  may  succeed  in  your  efiforts 
to  make  it  effective  in  increasing  American  sentiment  in  favor  of 
international  arbitration  and  other  measures  conducive  to  peace. 

I  remain,  dear  sir,  very  respectfully  yours, 

Andrew  D.  White. 

ME.  ANDREW  CARNEGIE. 
Yours  of  March  26  received.  Much  to  our  regret,  we  shall 
be  in  mid-ocean  at  the  time  of  your  Second  National  Peace  Con- 
gress, but  if  there  is  a  chance  to  send  you  by  wireless  greetings 
and  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  Congress,  this  will  be  done. 
But  in  any  case  consider  it  done  now. 

The  present  situation  of  the  powers  is  the  best  answer  to  the 
contention  that  peace  is  to  be  achieved  through  armaments.  On 
the  contrary,  they  are  the  sure  promoters  of  war.  The  other  plan 
will  soon  have  to  be  tried — a  League  of  Peaceful  Nations  giving 
notice  to  the  others  who  refuse  to  cooperate  that  the  time  has 
past  when  the  peace  of  the  world  may  not  be  broken. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Andrew  Carnegie. 


488 

HON.  JOSEPH  H.  CHOATE. 

Of  course,  I  am  greatly  interested  in  the  subject  and  should 
be  quite  willing  to  become  a  Vice-President  of  the  Congress  but 
for  the  fact  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be  in  Chicago  at 
the  time  of  its  session  or  to  take  any  part  in  its  proceedings. 
If  this  is  not  prohibitory,  you  are  quite  at  liberty  to  use  my  name 
as  a  Vice-President.     Yours  very  truly, 

Joseph  H.  Choate, 

I  cannot  now  say  that  I  will  be  able  to  be  present,  but  at 
least  I  am  in  entire  sympathy  with  the  movement,  and  this  in- 
creased interest  in  peace  matters  is  especially  gratifying  to  me. 

Yours  truly, 

William  W.  Cocks,  M.  C. 

I  am  greatly  interested  in  the  great  work  done  by  this 
National  Peace  Congress,  and  it  would  give  me  the  greatest 
pleasure  to  attend,  and  I  will  be  present  if  I  possibly  can.  I  am, 
with  great  respect,  yours  truly, 

William  Richardson,  M.  C. 

I  am  in  sympathy  with  the  purpose  of  the  Congress  in  the 
strengthening  of  public  sentiment  for  international  arbitration  and 
the  movement  toward  the  realization  of  universal  peace,  and  I 
hope  the  Congress  may  prove  a  most  successful  one. 

Very  truly  yours, 

A.  F.  Dawson,  M.  C. 

I  am  interested  in  this  movement  and  hope  that  you  will 
have  a  very  successful  session. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

Frank  O.  Lowden,  M.  C. 

My  sympathies  are  entirely  with  you  in  the  good  work,  and 
I  should  enjoy  your  splendid  program,  but  unfortunately  I  shall 
be  unable  to  attend.     Very  truly  yours, 

James  L.  Slayden,  M.  C. 

I  am  most  warmly  in  sympathy  with  the  movement. 

Your  faithfully, 

George  C.  Holt, 
Of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States. 


489 

Sympathizing,  as  I  do,  with  the  objects  of  the  National  Peace 
Congress,  I  regret  very  much  that,  owing  to  my  judicial  duties 
here,  I  shall  be  unable  to  attend  its  meetings,  May  3  to  5. 

George  Gray, 
Of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  of  Appeals. 

I  am  in  warm  sympathy  with  the  objects  of  the  congress, 
and  am  utterly  opposed  to  the  present  system  of  expending  enor- 
mous sums  in  naval  or  for  other  military  purposes. 

Very  respectfully, 
Hiram  L.  Sibley,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

I  regard  the  accomplishment  of  international  peace  the  most 
important  and  practical  subject  before  the  nations  of  the  world. 
So  much  has  been  done,  we  cannot  doubt  that  reason,  counsel  and 
justice  will  soon  take  the  place  of  war.  The  day  of  argument 
for  it  has  passed  and  methods  of  adjustment  only  remain  to  be 
settled.     Very  sincerely  yours, 

John  H.  Stiness,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Duties  here  will  debar  me  the  pleasure  of  attending  the  ses- 
sions of  the  Peace  Congress  in  May,  but  if  I  can  be  of  service  in 
promoting  the  great  good  to  mankind  which  the  Peace  Society 
was  organized  to  secure,  you  are  certainly  at  liberty  to  use  my 
name  and  services.     Sincerely  yours, 

Frank  T.  Lloyd, 
Circuit  Court  of  New  Jersey. 

Your  letter  of  March  26,  1909,  extending  an  invitation  to 
the  City  of  Honolulu  to  be  represented  at  the  Second  National 
Peace  Congress,  and  to  myself  to  become  an  Honorary  Member, 
has  been  received.  On  behalf  of  the  city  and  for  myself,  accept 
my  thanks. 

Owing  to  the  short  notice  (the  great  distance  being  consid- 
ered), it  will  not  be  possible  for  the  city  to  be  represented  at  the 
Congress,  desirable  as  it  would  be  to  have  it.  With  the  many 
thousands  who  believe  in  the  objects  of  the  Congress,  I  join  in 
wishing  it  the  greatest  possible  success. 

Very  sincerely, 
Joseph  J.  Fern,  Mayor  of  Honolulu. 


490 

I  am  greatly  in  sympathy  with  your  cause,  and  hope  at  some 
time  in  the  near  future  I  may  be  able  to  be  of  more  benefit  to 
you  than  I  am  at  present. 

Thanking  you  for  your  invitation,  I  am,  truly  yours, 

A.  L.  Harris,  Ex-Governor  of  Ohio. 

I  am  certainly  in  sympathy  with  the  movement,  and  hope  this 
Congress  will  be  as  successful  and  influential  as  was  that  held  in 
New  York  two  years  ago. 

Again  thanking  you,  I  am,  yours  truly, 

N.  J.  Bachelder,  Master  National  Grange. 

(Ex-Governor  of  New  Hampshire.) 

Of  course,  my  sympathies  are  enlisted  in  the  cause  for  which 
the  Congress  is  held.     Yours  truly, 

James  B.  Angell, 
President  of  University  of  Michigan, 

I  have  your  very  kind  letter  of  March  ii,  and  am  writing  to 
say  that  you  are  at  liberty  to  enter  my  name  as  a  Vice-President 
of  your  Congress.  I  wish  to  assure  you  that  I  appreciate  the 
honor.     I  am  always  glad  to  be  of  any  service  possible. 

Thanking  you  for  your  kind  thought  of  me  in  this  matter, 
I  am,  yours  truly, 

Booker  T.  Washington, 
Principal  of  the  Tuskegee  Normal  and  Industrial  Institute. 

I  beg  to  thank  you  for  your  kind  invitation  to  participate  in 
the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  to  be  held  at  Chicago,  May 

3-5,  1909- 

I   regret  to  state,   however,  that  my  engagements  for  the 

month  of  May,  preparatory  to  a  trip  to  Great  Britain,  will  prevent 

me  from  accepting  your  kind  invitation  to  attend  the  Congress. 

With  best   wishes   for  the   success  of  the   efforts   of  your 

Congress,  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

K.  S.  Woodward, 

President  of  the  Carnegie  Institute  of  Washington. 

If  my  name  is  of  any  value  in  furthering  the  cause  of  national 
peace  and  international  peace,  I  should  certainly  feel  it  incumbent 
upon  me  to  join  with  those  who,  to  my  mind,  are  taking  the  most 


491 

progressive  and  far-reaching-  step  in  the  furtherance  of  civiHza- 
tion.  I  am  certainly  cordially  and  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the 
movement.     Sincerely  yours, 

M.  G.  Brumbaugh, 
Superintendent  of  Schools,  Philadelphia. 

I  very  reluctantly  have  concluded  to  deny  myself  the  pleasure 
of  being  present  and  delivering  one  of  the  addresses.  I  am  sure 
you  will  have  an  excellent  meeting  and  that  good  will  follow  from 
it.     Sincerely  yours, 

Henry  Wade  Rogers, 
Dean  of  Law  School,  Yale  University. 

While  it  would  give  me  much  pleasure  indeed  to  be  present 
at  the  National  Peace  Congress,  to  be  held  in  Chicago  on  May  3 
to  5  next,  I  regret  to  say  my  business  engagements  at  that  time, 
which  cannot  be  delegated  to  others,  will  prevent  my  accepting 
your  very  kind  invitation. 

Thanking  you  sincerely  for  the  invitation,  I  am. 

Yours  truly, 

James  J.  Hill. 

It  is  with  pleasure  that  I  write  this  letter,  introducing  Mr. 
'  Charles  N.  Marcellus,  who  has  been  duly  appointed  by  the 
Executive  Committee,  acting  under  authority  of  the  Board  of 
Directors,  as  the  representative  of  the  Grand  Rapids  Board  of 
Trade  in  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress,  which  will  be 
held  in  Chicago,  May  3,  4  and  5,  1909. 

Mr.  Marcellus  is  authorized  to  select  two  associates  to  act 
with  him.     Respectfully  yours, 

Cl-arence  a.  Cotton, 
Secretary  Grand  Rapids  Board  of  Trade. 

Be  assured  of  our  hearty  endorsement  of  the  purposes  of  the 

Congress^     Very  sincerely  yours, 

Alameda  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

F.  A.  Russell,  Secretary  Alameda  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Ala- 
meda, Cal. 

Our  Board  some  weeks  since  made  appointment  of  delegates 
to  attend  the  National  Peace  Congress,  to  be  held  in  Chicago, 


492 

May  3-5,  1909,  as  follows:  W.  A.  Mahony,  Washington  Gladden, 
J.  A.  Jeffrey,  George  D.  Jones,  E.  O.  Randall,  R.  E.  Sheldon, 
W.  O.  Thompson.     Very  truly  yours, 

John  Y.  Bassell, 
Secretary  Columbus  Board  of  Trade,  Q)lumbus,  Ohio. 

President  T.  H.  Molton,  of  the  Alabama  Commercial  and 
Industrial  Association,  has  appointed  the  following  delegates  to 
the  National  Peace  Congress :  Belton  Gilreath,  Birmingham ; 
Rabbi  Alfred  G.  Moses,  Mobile;  Frank  P.  Glass,  Montgomery; 
Dr.  J.  H.  Phillips,  Birmingham;  Escar  Floyd,  Birmingham. 
With  best  wishes  for  a  successful  meeting,  I  am, 

Yours  very  truly, 

Joseph  B.  Babb^ 
Secretary  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  of  Birmingham,  Ala. 

I  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  invitation  to  the  Peace  Con- 
gress to  be  held  in  Chicago  May  3-5.  It  is  altogether  probable 
that  I  will  be  present. 

Do  you  wish  a  delegation  from  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
of  Pittsburgh  ?     If  so,  I  should  be  pleased  to  appoint  one. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Lee  S.  Smith, 
President  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Pittsburg. 

It  would  give  me  the  very  greatest  pleasure  to  accept  your 
invitation  for  May  2,  but  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  do  it.  It  is 
a  great  grief  to  me  to  be  obliged  to  write  this. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Charles  E.  Jefferson, 
Pastor  Broadway  Tabernacle  Church,  New  York. 

May  all  success  attend  your  efforts  to  put  an  end  to  what 
John  Hay  justly  called  that  "most  ferocious  and  futile  of  human 
follies,  war!" 

I  remain,  very  truly  yours, 

Charles  W.  Wendte, 
Secretary  National  Federation  of  Religious  Liberals. 

Regret  numerous  engagements  will  prevent  me  from  being 
present  at  National  Peace  Congress.         Cardinal  Gibbons. 


493 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  March  12,  and  for  its  invita- 
tion to  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  in  Chicago  in  May, 
and  your  invitation  to  become  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Religious  Institutions. 

I  gladly  accept  this  invitation,  and  wish  that  I  could  be 
present  at  the  meeting  in  Chicago,  but  other  engagements,  made 
long  since,  will  make  that  impossible.  I  shall,  however,  wish  for 
the  meeting  and  the  cause  every  good  thing,  and  believe  that  in 
the  end  its  righteous  principles  will  win. 

Faithfully  yours, 

Francis  E.  Clark, 
President  United  Societies  of  Christian  Endeavor. 

It  would  give  me  great  gratification  to  be  present  at  the  Sec- 
ond National  Peace  Congress  to  be  held  in  Chicago  May  3-5  of 
the  present  year,  as  I  believe  thoroughly  in  the  principles  of  the 
Congress,  but  other  engagements  make  it  physically  impossible 
for  me  to  be  there. 

You  present  a  most  attractive  program  and  I  trust  that  the 
influence  of  the  Congress  will  be  immediate  and  world-wide,  as 
I  believe  it  will.  Cordially  yours, 

James  L.  Barton, 
Corresponding  Secretary  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for 

Foreign  Missions. 

I  shall  be  very  glad  to  be  of  any  possible  service  on  that 
committee,  and  wish  I  might  attend  the  Congress,  as  the  general 
subject  is  of  the  deepest  interest  to  me,  and  many  of  the  subjects 
on  the  program  are  of  vital  importance.  I  fear,  however,  that 
it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to  be  with  you. 

Hoping  that  the  meeting  will  be  abundantly  successful,  I  am, 

Yours  faithfully,        Josiah  Strong, 
President  of  American  Institute  of  Social  Service. 

We  are  very  much  interested  in  all  the  movements  relating 
to  this  Congress.  Of  course,  a  great  majority  of  our  Chautauqua 
Circles  are  scattered  all  over  the  country,  but  we  hope  that  some 
of  them  may  be  able  to  send  delegates,  and  in  our  editorial  col- 
umns we  have  called  attention  to  the  Congress  and  hope  that 
many  of  our  readers,  even  those  who  are  unable  to  attend,  will 


494 

watch  for  news  of  the  Congress  and  make  use  of  it  in  local 
Peace  Day  celebrations  on  May  i8,  which  we  appointed  several 
years  ago  as  one  of  our  "memorial  days." 

Again  thanking  you,  I  am  very  cordially  yours, 

Kate  F.  Kimball, 
Executive  Secretary  C.  L.  S.  C. 

Your  invitation  of  March  26  is  duly  received.  I  may  not  be 
able  to  be  present  but  heartily  wish  you  great  success  for  the 
meeting.  Such  gatherings  as  this  will  be  are  urgently  needed  all 
over  the  United  States. 

The  principle  of  arbitration  has  indeed  triumphed,  and  what 
is  most  needed  now  is  the  education  of  the  individual  as  to  the 
necessity  for  the  practical  application  of  the  principle.  An  over- 
whelming popular  support  and  early  success  for  this  great  move- 
ment is  assured.  Please  present  my  compliments  to  the  officers. 
With  best  wishes,  I  am,  faithfully  yours, 

W.  O.  Stillman, 
President  The  American  Humane  Association. 

We  cannot  let  pass  the  opportunity  to  assure  you  of  our 
complete  and  profound  sympathy  with  the  purposes  of  the 
Congress. 

It  has  been  a  source  of  much  gratification  to  the  Red  Cross 
to  know  that  the  international  work  of  relief  following  great 
disasters,  in  which  it  has  actively  participated,  has  contributed 
to  the  strengthening  of  ties  of  friendship  and  mutual  sympathy 
between  the  United  States  and  other  nations.  In  this  connection 
we  may  refer  to  the  work  of  the  American  Red  Cross  in  Italy, 
Chili,  China,  Russia,  Japan  and  other  countries.  The  position 
of  the  Red  Cross  upon  the  question  of  peace  among  the  nations 
was  clearly  defined  by  the  official  delegation  representing  the 
United  States  in  the  Geneva  Convention  of  1906,  when  it  placed 
itself  on  record  unequivocally  in  favor  of  international  arbi- 
tration. 

With  the  most  cordial  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  Congress, 
we  beg  to  remain  Very  respectfully, 

The  American  Red  Cross, 
By  Ernest  P.  Bicknell, 
National  Director  American  Red  Cross. 


495 

In  the  tenth  regular  session  of  the  executive  committee  of 
the  Free  Federation  of  Workingmen  of  Porto  Rico,  held  April 
lo-ii,  1909,  in  the  San  Juan  city,  was  elected  delegate  to  the  Sec- 
ond National ,  Peace  Congress  our  brother,  John  J.  Fitzpatrick, 
Gen,  Org.  A.  F.  of  L.  for  Chicago,  111. 

With  such  object  in  view  I  have  the  honor  to  request  you 
in  the  name  of  our  Free  Federation  of  Workingmen  of  Porto 
Rico  to  recognize  our  brother  John  Fitzpatrick  as  our  represen- 
tative before  Second  National  Peace  Congress. 

With  kind  regards,  I  remain  fraternally  yours, 

Rafael  Alonso, 
Sec.  Gen.  del  Consejo  Ejecutivo  de  la  Federacion  Libre  de  los 

Trabaj  adores. 

Of  course  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  have  my  name  go  on  the 
Committee  on  International  Socialism,  as  you  suggest.  I  hope, 
also,  that  it  will  be  possible  for  me  to  attend  the  Conference  in 
May. 

The  education  of  the  public  to  the  shame  and  waste  of  war 
is  a  great  work,  and  I  wish  you  all  possible  success  in  your  efforts. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

John  Spargo. 

I  have  your  note,  and  I  shall  certainly  be  very  glad  to  become 
a  member  of  the  Committee  on  International  Socialism  at  the 
Second  National  Peace  Conference.  Certainly  the  entire  inter- 
national movement  sympathizes  with  the  purpose  of  the  Congress. 

Yours  faithfully, 

Robert  Hunter. 

I  greatly  regret  that  important  engagement  will  not  permit 
acceptance  of  invitation  to  address  International  Peace  meeting 
May  2.  John  Mitchell. 

Replying  to  your  esteemed  favor  of  April  19,  desire  to  thank 
you  for  sennding  me  an  announcement  of  your  National  Peace 
Congress. 

I  regret  very  keenly  my  inability  to  be  present  as  expressed 
in  my  other  letter. 


496 

With  the  hope  that  the  work  of  the  Congress  will  be  of  last- 
ing benefit  to  humanity,  I  remain,  yours  very  truly, 

T,  L.  Lewis, 
President  United  Mine  Workers  of  America. 

Your  letter  inviting  me  to  participate  in  the  Second  Annual 
Peace  Congress,  which  will  be  held  in  Chicago,  May  3,  4  and  5, 
of  this  year,  was  duly  received,  and  I  appreciate  the  honor  of 
your  invitation  to  participate  in  the  deliberations  of  the  Congress. 
The  date,  however,  occurs  at  a  time  of  the  month  when  it  is  im- 
possible for  me  to  leave  our  headquarters,  as  the  business  of  our 
association  at  that  time  of  the  month  demands  my  personal  at- 
tention. I  hope,  however,  that  the  Congress  will  measure  up  to 
the  expectations  of  its  promoters  and  that  the  great  cause  of 
peace,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  will  be  suitably  furthered. 

Yours  truly, 

James  Duncan, 
International  Secretary-Treasurer  The  Granite  Cutters'  Interna- 
tional Association  of  America. 

Your  kind  invitation  of  the  29th  ult.  to  hand,  and  I  regret 
very  much  our  organization  cannot  be  represented,  owing  to  our 
convention  being  held  almost  the  same  time. 

As  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned  I  can  see  no  difference 
between  war  and  murder.  It  is  always  murder,  whether  com- 
mitted by  an  individual  or  under  the  guise  of  the  law. 

I  remain  with  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  movement. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Owen  Miller, 
Secretary  American  Federation  of  Musicians. 

Your  letter  of  April  8  received.  I  regret  to  say  that  the 
Order  of  Railroad  Telegraphers  will  not  be  able  to  send  represen- 
tatives to  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  on  account  of  our 
biennal  convention  causing  all  the  officers  of  the  order  to  assemble 
at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  about  that  time.  We  regret  this  very  much,  be- 
cause we  are  fully  in  sympathy  with  the  work  of  the  Congress, 
as  we  are  growing  away  from  the  barbarisms  of  the  past  and  hail 


497 

the  new  day  when  men  shall  confer  together  about  their  difficul- 
ties and  arrange  them  by  mutual  concession. 

Yours  fraternally, 

H.  S.  Perham, 
President  the  Order  of  Railroad  Telegraphers. 

Your  communication  of  March  26  enclosing  invitation  to 
attend  the  Second  National  Peace  Congress  May  3  to  5  received. 
Was  pleased  to  receive  the  invitation  and  if  possible  will  make 
an  effort  to  be  there. 

Thanking  you  for  the  invitation,  I  am 

Very  truly  yours, 

F.  M.  Ryan, 
President  International  Association  of  Bridge  and  Structural  Iron 
Workers. 

I  am  just  in  receipt  of  yours  of  the  29th  ult.  extending  an  in- 
vitation for  our  organization  to  participate  in  the  Second  Na- 
tional Peace  Congress,  to  be  held  in  Chicago,  May  3-5,  and  in 
reply  wish  to  say  we  are  in  sympathy  with  the  objects  of  your 
movement  and  will  be  represented  in  the  Congress  if  possible. 
Again  thanking  you  for  your  kindness,  I  am. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Ralph  V.  Brandt, 
Grand  Secretary-Treasurer  Wood,  Wire  and  Metal  Lathers'  In- 
ternational Union. 

By  unanimous  vote  I  was  also  instructed  to  say  that  the 
Council  is  in  perfect  sympathy  with  the  movement,  tliat  it  ap- 
proves of  same  and  that  it  wishes  you  every  success. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Andrew  J.  Gallagher, 
Secretary  San  Francisco  Labor  Council. 

I  beg  to  advise  you  that  the  executive  board  of  the  Wisconsin 
State  Federation  of  Labor  will  send  one  delegate  to  the  National 
Peace  Congress  May  3-5,  1909. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Fred  Brockhausen, 
Secretary-Treasurer  Wisconsin  State  Federation  of  Labor. 


498 

We  are  very  much  interested  in  the  outcome  of  the  Peace 
Congress  which  you  expect  to  hold  there  in  Chicago  next  month. 
I  regret  very  much  that  I  will  not  be  able  to  attend  on  ac- 
count of  our  New  York  meetings  for  the  unemployed,  but  it  is 
possible  that  our  secretary  or  some  one  else  may. 

Would  you  kindly  send  us  a  program  and  any  other  infor- 
mation regarding  the  same. 

With  best  wishes  to  all  the  comrades  and  friends, 
Very  sincerely  yours, 

J.  Eads  Howe,  Chairman. 
Cora  D.  Harvey,  Secretary, 
The  National  Committee  for  the  Unemployed. 

I  was  so  sorry  to  have  to  wire  you  the  other  day  that  I  could 
not  go  to  Chicago  to  speak  on  May  2,  but  my  time  is  all  taken  up 
just  now  and  for  several  weeks  hence,  and  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  arrange  it.  I  was  sorry  for  several  reasons :  first,  because  of 
my  heartiest  sympathy  with  the  proposed  Peace  Conference,  and 
I  should  like  to  contribute  my  part  toward  making  the  event  an 
influential  success ;  and  secondly,  I  should  have  esteemed  it  a  high 
honor  to  speak  to  such  an  inspiring  audience  as  the  labor  men 
would  offer  on  the  day  you  suggest,  especially  with  Mr.  Gompers 
on  the  stage  at  the  same  time.  It  is  a  matter  of  regret  to  me,  I 
say,  that  I  cannot  be  there,  and  I  wish  you  would  assure  your 
confreres  of  that  fact. 

Yours  ever  sincerely. 

Brand  Whitlock, 
Mayor  of  Toledo. 

I  shall  be  most  happy  to  become  a  Vice  President  of  the  Na- 
tional Peace  Congress  and  wish  that  I  might  attend  its  sessions 
in  Chicago. 

Yours  for  the  great  cause  of  peace, 

Fanny  Garrison  Villard. 

In  my  own  name  and  the  name  of  my  wife  I  have  to  give 
you  thanks  for  cordial  invitation  to  attend  the  Congress  on  May 
3-5,  but  alas,  in  the  same  breath  I  must  decline.  Time  and  dis- 
tance— those  inexorable  modes  of  space — forbid,  although  it  is 
not  impossible  I  may  be  in  your  country  somewhat  later  on. 


499 

My  joyful  remembrance  of  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  last 
summer,  and  of  the  Congress  at  Boston  nearly  four  years  ago, 
as  well  as  of  my  numerous  wanderings  and  experiences  in 
other  parts  of  your  country  in  connection  with  the  cause,  apprize 
me  too  sadly  what  I  shall  miss  by  being  absent  from  your  gath- 
ering at  Chicago. 

You  will  meet  under  the  stimulus  and  incentive  given  by 
your  government  in  its  (apparently)  fixed  and  final  policy  of 
naval  expansion — a  policy  which  gives  us  all  in  these  old  Euro- 
pean centers  of  militarism,  cause  to  mourn,  and  removes  from  our 
speeches  the  grand  illustration  we  used  to  be  able  to  give  of  the 
greatest  country  in  the  world  without  a  big  fleet  and  standing 
army.  You  have  joined  the  imperial  race,  and  your  giant  strides 
make  it  heavier  for  us  all. 

One  thing,  with  the  United  States  as  competitor,  it  will  be 
impossible  for  us  to  maintain  the  "Two-power"  naval  standard ; 
which  being  surrendered,  we  may  then  be  more  willing  to  agree 
to  the  abolition  of  the  right  of  capture  of  private  merchandise  and 
vessels  at  sea;  so  out  of  evil  good  may  come  in  the  old  pre- 
ordained way.     Amen ! 

Now  may  the  great  spirit  preside  over  your  gatherings ! 

Cordially  yours, 

Walter  Walsh, 
Minister  of  Gilfillan  Memorial  Church,  Dundee,  Scotland. 


Mr.  J.  H.  Lindgren^s  Deed  of  Gift  to  the  Northwestern 

University 

"Deeply  interested  in  the  promotion  of  International  Peace 
and  desiring  also  to  further  Interdenominational  Harmony  and 
the  ultimate  Unity  of  Christendom,  I,  John  R.  Lindgren,  of  Chi- 
cago, Illinois,  hereby  donate  to  the  Northwestern  University, 
located  at  Evanston,  Illinois,  the  sum  of  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars,  the  income  thereof  to  be  devoted  to  the  aforesaid 
purposes, 

"In  consideration  of  this  gift  I  desire  the  Trustees  of  the 
University  to  agree  to  the  following  stipulations: 

"First,  that  they  will  set  aside  annually  for  the  ends  already 


500 

mentioned,  a  sum  of  not  less  than  $i,ooo,  to  be  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Committee  of  Direction  hereinafter  named. 

"Second,  that  the  Committee  of  Direction  shall  consist  of 
Charles  J.  Little,  President  of  Garrett  Biblical  Institute ;  Abram 
Winegardner  Harris,  President  of  Northwestern  University; 
John  R.  Lindgren  and  Helge  A.  Haugan,  of  Chicago,  and  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Henry  C.  Mabie,  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  and  that  any 
vacancies  occurring  in  their  number  by  death,  resignation  or 
otherwise,  shall  be  filled  by  the  remaining  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee, subject,  however,  to  the  approval  of  the  Trustees  of  the 
University  at  their  next  ensuing  regular  meeting. 

"Third,  that  the  Committee  of  Direction  shall  for  the  pro- 
motion of  the  causes  heretofore  described,  hold  conferences  at 
such  times  as  may  be  deemed  most  expedient,  these  conferences 
to  be  opened  by  an  address  from  some  distinguished  advocate  of 
International  Peace,  or  Christian  Unity,  which  address  shall 
be  followed  by  free  discussion  of  the  topics  and  propositions 
introduced. 

"The  Committee  may  also  ofifer  from  time  to  time,  if  deemed 
advisable,  prizes  for  essays  upon  topics  which  they  consider  ger- 
mane to  the  purposes  of  this  fund.  In  case  of  an  award  the 
essay  thus  crowned  shall  be  published  in  whole  or  in  part  and 
made  a  basis  for  discussion  at  the  next  ensuing  conference.  These 
conferences  shall  be  held  always  in  some  building  of  the  Univer- 
sity, but  preferably  in  Evanston.  All  other  particulars  are  left 
to  the  discretion  of  the  Committee  of  Direction,  which  shall  be 
known  as  the  Northwestern  University  Committee  for  the  Pro- 
motion of  International  Peace  and  Christian  Unity,  and  which 
shall  be  convened  by  the  first  named  member  of  it  at  the  earliest 
possible  date. 

"Fourth,  this  Committee  shall  report  annually  to  the  Trustees 
of  the  University  its  proceedings  and  expenditures.  Any  unex- 
pended portion  of  an  annual  income  shall  remain  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Committee  for  future  expenditures. 

"Fifth,  this  Committee  may,  as  it  seems  expedient,  seek 
counsel  and  co-operation  from  other  universities  and  theological 
seminaries  in  furtherance  of  the  ends  for  which  the  fund  has 
been  created.  (Signed)     John  R.  Lindgren." 


FOR  PEACE 

By  Harriet  Monroe. 

Flowers  grow  in  the  grass, 
Baby  footfalls  pass 
Over  the  fields  once  red, 
Over  the  hero 's  head — 


For  Peace. 


A  lad  trips  off  to  school; 
A  thrush  dips  in  a  pool, 
Then  mounts  far  and  away, 
Chanting  the  rising  day — 


For    Peace. 


A  youth  and  a  maid,  sweethearting, 
Afraid  of  nothing  but  parting, 
Follow  a  winding  path 
Through  the  ancient  place  of  wrath — 

For    Peace. 

The  hero  whom  War  would  kill 
Plods  on,  a  hero  still; 
Labors  and  loves  and  dares. 
Life's   burden   and  glory  bears — 

For   Peace. 

The  summer  weaves  airy  spells 
And  tales  of  magic   tells. 
While  she   covers  the  waste  of  War 
Till   the   earth  shows  never  a   scar — 

For    Peace. 

Brave  little  wires  are  spun 
For  the  news  to  fly  upon. 
Words  out  of  the  clouds  are   caught 
From  some  witch 's  woof  of  thought — 

For    Peace. 


502 

And  the  cataract's  foamy  troubles 

Illumine  a  million  bubbles, 

In  some  city  far  away 

Turning  the  night  to  day — 

I  For   Peace. 

Great  trains  bring  far  to  near, 
Make  nation  to  nation  dear, 
Piercing  the  mountain's  crown, 
Tread   the  barriers   down — 

For    Peace. 

And  ships  that  pound  the  sea, 

Set  the  human  spirit  free. 

Show  the  whole  round  world  unrolled 

Ere  the  crescent  moon  grows  old — 

For   Peace. 

And  the  white-winged  aeroplane 
Laughs,  in  her  mad  disdain. 
At  limits  and  barricades 
And  cruisers  and  cavalcades — 

For   Peace. 

And  the  scholar  searches  the  clod 
For  the  latest  news  of  God; 
Or  seeks  through  our  joy  and  ruth. 
For  the  hidden  ways  of  Truth — 

For    Peace. 


Oh  battles  huge  and  dire! 
Cold   games   of  death's  desire! 
When  will  your  armies  brave 
Their  shining  banners  wave 

For   Peace? 

We've  had  enough  of  war! 
Weary  the  nations  are! 
Of  slaughter  make  an  end — 
Draw   near,   as   friend   to   friend, 

For   Peace  1 


INDEX 


Abcel,  Mrs.   Ella  J.,  465. 

Abraham   Lincoln  Centre,   5,   465,   469. 

Abyssinia,   26,  28. 

Ackley,  Lemuel  M.,  465. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  24,  227,  228. 

Adams,  President  John,  36. 

Addams,   Miss   Jane,   4,   9,   10,   11,   15, 

17,    149,    157,    158,    159,    168,    169, 

243,    252-254,    264,    272,    454,    458, 

459    465 
Adler,'  Prof.   Felix,  459. 
Advance  of  Civilization,  115,  194,  215, 

301,   302,   330,   424. 
"Advance    Registered    by    Two    Hague 

Conferences,"    16,    203-221. 
Advocate  of  Peace,  108,  109. 
Afghanistan,   109. 
Afiica,  402. 
African   M.   E.   Church,  466,   471,   472, 

474. 
Agriculture,    International    Bureau   of, 

117. 
Air,  War  in,  213,  375. 
Airships,  65,   66,  96,  213,  375. 
Akers,   John   W.,  465. 
Alabama,  4,  16. 

Alabama  Claims,  24,  25,  227,  228,  446. 
Alabama,  Delegates  from,  463. 
Alabama,   Governor  of,   461. 
Alabama    State    Association    of    Com- 
merce, 16,  463. 
Alameda  Chamber  of  Commerce,  491. 
Alaska,   429. 
Alaska  Boundary  Tribunal,  9,  25,  225, 

226. 
Alderman,  President  E.   A.,  4,  455. 
Alexander  the  Great,   102. 
Alexander,  Harnet  C.  B.,  465. 
Algeciras,   258. 
Algiers,   137. 
Aliens,  200.  239. 
Aliens  House  Tax  Case,  439. 
Allen,  James   Lane,  460. 
Allen,   Stephen   H.,  476. 
Allen.  Mrs.   Stephen  H.,  476. 
Alleviation,  207,   220. 
Allinson,  T.  W.,  460. 
Alverstone,  Lord,  226. 
Ambassadors,   5.    10,    19,  88,   363,   365, 

422,  423,  425,  438,  439,  440,  486. 
Amberg,  William  A.,  457. 
America,   416-420,    428,   441-443. 
"America  the  Exemplar  of  Peace,"  287- 

292. 
"America  a  Peace-loving  Nation,"  452- 

453. 
"America    Should    Lead,"    74-75.    276, 

277,  286,  287-292,  396,  415,  451. 
American  Bar  Association,  5,  9,  468. 


American    Board    Commissioners    For- 
eign Missions,   493. 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  4,  160- 

165,  463,  464,  465,  475. 
American  Forestry  Association,  5. 
American  Humane  Association,  494. 
American  Institute  of  Civics,  464,  472. 
American  Institute  of  Instruction,  49. 
American    Institute   of    Social    Service, 

493. 
American     Journal     of     International 

Law,  227. 
American    Peace    Society,    1,    5,    9,    14, 

20,  81,  91,   149,   356,   362,  367,   374, 

379-380,    395,    455,    463,    464,    471, 

477,  480. 
American  Red  Cross,  494. 
American-Scandinavian     Society,     363, 

364. 
American  School  Peace  League,  13,  18, 

44,  45,  46-50,  360,  378-382,  392,  455, 

456,  477. 
American  Society  of  International  Law, 

5,    20. 
Anarchy,  68. 
Anderson,  Bishop  C.  P.,  4,  13,  56,  460, 

465. 
Anderson,  Florence  E.  L.,  465. 
Anderson,  Louise  C,  465. 
Andersonville,   106. 

Andes,  Christ  of,  21,  84,  86,  241,  281. 
Andres,  J.  P.,  481. 
Andrews,  Mrs.  Fannie  Fern,  10,  13,  18, 

46-50,   378-382,  455,  477. 
Andrews,  William  F.,  476. 
Angell,  President  James  Burrill,  4,  490. 
Animalism  of  Man,  70. 
Ankeny,  A.  T.,  478. 
Antioch   College,   480. 
Anti-slavery,  39,  40. 
Antwerp  Peace  Congress,  20. 
'Apia,   Shelling  of,  307. 
Ap  Madoc,  Hon.  W.  Tudor,  456. 
Ap  Madoc,  William,  45,  460,  465. 
"Application   of  Arbitration,"   16,   242- 

247. 
Appropriations,    House    Committee    on, 

181,  191,  434. 
Arbitral    Justice,    International    Court 

of.  97,  113,  215,  218,  219,  220,  234, 

2;;8,    242,    243,    344,   345. 
Arbitration,   16,   20,   21,   22-34,    94,  95, 

108,    109,    110,    111,    194,    205,    214, 

215,    216,    217,     221-234.    236,     237, 

242-247.   282-287,  290-291,  345,  374, 

399,  400. 
Arbitration.  International  Court  of,  96, 

97,  110,  205,   218,  344. 
Arbitration    Treaties,    21,    31,    95,    97, 

100,    108,    109,    111,    226,    227,    276, 

345,   399-400,  403. 


503 


504 


Arbuckle,   Hon.   James,   15,  457. 

Archbishops,  5,  460. 

Argeutioa,   21,  86,   109,   241,  244,   276, 

281. 
Arid  Lands,  Reclamation  of,  430. 
Arizona,  Delegates  from,  463. 
Arizona  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs, 

17,  268,  463. 
Armament.  6V,  71,  72,  96,  99,  213,  239, 

240,  299-306,  307-319,  345,  375,  409. 
"Armaments  as  Irritants,"  17,  67,  191, 

238,  307-319,  433-434. 
Armaments,     Limitation    of,     17,     213, 

239,  240,    299-306,    345,    346,    400- 
401. 

Armed  Peace,  431-438. 

Armistice,   207. 

Armour    Institute   of   Technology,   455. 

Armstrong,  The  O&neral,  Case,  228. 

Army,  Appropriations  for,  435,  436. 

Arnold,  Mrs.  Charles  C,  463. 

Arnold,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  T.,  458. 

Arnold,  Helen  L.,  474. 

Arnold,  Miss  Sarah  Louise,  459. 

Arnoldson,  K.  P.,  21,  414. 

"Arrest    of    Armament,"    17,    299-306, 

439. 
Art,  102. 

Asia,  73,  383-389,  429. 
Asphyxiating  Gases,  96,  207. 
Asquith,    British   Prime    Minister,    377, 

378,  434. 
Associated  Press,  456. 
Association  of   Collegiate   Alumnae,   17, 

250. 
Association   of    Commerce,    Chicago,    4, 

5,  10,  11,  19,  305,  373,  420,  422-453, 

439,   468,   472,  473. 
Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs,  17, 

292-297,  372,  373,  380,  478,  481. 
Association   for   International   Concilia- 
tion, 20,  365,  395,  471. 
Assouan  Dam,   180,  181. 
Atherton,   Mayor  Herbert,  461. 
Atkins,   Harry  T.,  479. 
Atlantic  Monthly,  The,  456. 
Attorney-General,  U.  S.,  5,  485. 
Atwater,   Mayor  James   B.,  461. 
Auditor  of  I'eace  Congress,  5. 
Austerlitz,  137,  283. 
Austria-Hungary,  21,  25,  108,  109,  210, 

237,   263,   265,   283. 
Austrian,  Delia,  465. 
Azemar,  Mrs.  L.  Pouissing,  465. 

B 

Baber,  Miss   Blanche,  463. 

Baber,  Zonia,  465. 

Bache,  Prof.  Joseph  A.,  455. 

Bachekler,  Ex-Gov.  Nahum  J.,  490. 

Bacon,  Mrs.  George  R.,  463. 

Bailey,  Edward  P.,  459,  465. 

Bailey,  Prof.   Henry  Turner,  391. 

Bailey,  Rachel  A.,  477. 

Bajer,  Frederick,  21. 

Baker,  i^ltred  L.,  11,  454. 

Baker,  George,  477. 

Baker,    Hon.    Joseph    Allen,    199,    200- 

202,  482. 
Baldwin,  Jesse  A.,  272,  456. 
Balkan,    192,   402. 
Ballinger.    Hon.    Richard   A.,   4,   11,  19, 

416-420,   427-430,    452-453,   463. 
Balloons,  96.     See  also  Airships. 
Ballon,  Adin,   21. 


Baltimore,  Mayor  of,  462. 
Bancroft,  Mrs.  Charles  D.,  16. 
Bancroft,    Edgar    A.,    77,    78-79,    460, 

465. 
Banks,  181. 

Banquet,  10,  19,  422-453,  441. 
Baptist   Churches,   466,   467,   472,   473, 

479. 
Bar  Association,  American,  5,  468. 
Barnes,  Clifford  W.,  13,  14,  48,  56,  57, 

59,    62,   69,   458. 
Barnes,  J.   Mahlon,  457. 
Baron  d"  Bstournelles  de  Constant,  31, 

391,  395. 
Barr,  Rev.  Daisy  B.,  474. 
de  la  Barra,  Ambassador,  423,  449. 
Barrack    Morality,    137,    315. 
Larrett,  Hon.   John,  4,  484. 
Barrows,  Mayor  F.  L,  461. 
Bartholdt,  Hon.  Richard,  4,  11,  17,  19, 

327-332,    357,     398,    403,    405,    410, 

412-413,   415-416,   421,  449-452,  457, 

478. 
Bartholomew,  Anne  W.,  481. 
Bartlett,   Rev.    A.    Eugene,   11,   14,   70- 

82,  454,  459,  465. 
Barton,  Rev.  James  L.,  493. 
Barton,  Rev.  William  E.,  9,  460. 
Bates   College,   455,   477. 
Bates,  Prof.  Robert  F.,  455. 
Battlefield,  274,  283. 
Battle-fleet   Cruise,   305. 
Battles,   137,  142,  282-283. 
Battleships,  6G,  67,  177,  306,  421.  See 

also  Dreadnaughts,  Invlncibles. 
Pay   of   Fundy,   25. 
Bavloi-  University,  4,  18,  455,  480. 
Beach,  Elmer   E.,  454,  456,  405. 
Beals,  Rev.  Charles  E.,  1,  9-12,  35,  46, 

50,  51,  193,  356,  422,  430,  454,  458, 

477. 
Beals,  Mrs.  Charles  E.,  477. 
Beals,  Hardin  Wallace,  460. 
Beard,  Rev.  Reuben  A.,  459,  479. 
Becker,  David  J.,  465. 
Becker,  Mrs.  F.  W.,  459. 
Beckwith,  Rev.  George  C,  21. 
Beers,   Mrs.  J.  H.,  465. 
Behrmau,  Mayor  Martin,  461. 
Belgium,  25,  109,  237,  265. 
Bell,  Mavor  F.  E.,  461. 
Belligerents,  207,  208,  218,  228,  229. 
I'ellows,   Mrs.   Mabel   Goodwin,  465. 
Bennett,  Mrs.  A.  A.,  465. 
Bentham.  21,  92. 
Beresford,  Arthur,  15,  158. 
Bering  Sea,  229. 
Berlin,  Congress  of,  27. 
Berne  Peace  Bureau,  20,  93. 
Berne  Peace  Congress,   20. 
von   Bernstorff,   Count   J.    H.,   19,   398, 

399-402,  425-427,  452,  482. 
Berry.   George   L.,   479. 
von    Bieberstein,    Baron    Marschall,   88, 

209,   216,  217. 
Bigham,  M.  R.,  476. 
I- 11  lings,   l)r.   Frank  A.,  455. 
Billings.  Josh,  59. 
Billingslcy,  John  E.,  465. 
Binan,   Fr.,  465. 
Biology  of  War,   130-148. 
Birmingham     Chamber     of     Commerce, 

492. 
Birrell,  Rt.  Hon.  Augustine,  303. 
Birth-rate,   248,  249,  250. 
I'.ishop,  Mrs.  L.  B.,  465. 


505 


Bishops,   4.   5,    14,    360,   376,   459,   460, 

47U,   472.   476. 
Bismarck,   70. 

Blaiue,  Mrs.  Emmons,  459,  460. 
Blair,  Prof.  Franlvlin  S.,  479. 
Blanclaard,    I'resident   Charles  A.,   455. 
Blaustein,  David,  465. 
BlekUinlj,  Kev.  E.  J.,  477. 
Blocb,  Jean  de,  21. 
Blockade,  31,  211,  238. 
"Blood  of   the   Nations."    101,  130-148. 
Board  of  Trade,  476,  478,  480,  491-492. 
Bode,  Frederick,  4,  11. 
Boer  War,  2.s,  107,  181,  201,  202,  446. 
Bohemia,  263. 
Bolivia,   109. 

Bollinger,  James  Wills,  470. 
Bombardment,   96,   113,  207,   235,   276. 
Bombs,  96,  2U5. 

Borden,  Miss  Josephine  C,  460. 
Boston,  1,  4,  5. 

Boston  Peace  Congress,  20,  51,  389. 
Boston  Transcript,  456. 
Boston  University,  455. 
Boundary,  111,  223,  224,  225,  226,  227, 

244. 
Bowe,  Eugene  E.,  463. 
Bowen,  Mrs.  Joseph  T..  458,  465. 
Bowes,  Mrs.  Ella  E.   Lane,  465. 
Bowles,  Kev.  Gilbert,  18,  383-389. 
Boxers,  100. 
Boyle,  Homer  L.,  477. 
Boyle,  Mrs.  Homer  L.,  478. 
Boyle,  Miss  L.,  478. 
Boys,  137,  139,  140,  248,  376. 
Boys,   Sherwood  School,  Glee  Club,  13, 

51. 
Brackett,  Jeffrey  R.,  458. 
Bradbury,  Wilbern  K.,  474. 
Brady,  Governor  J.  H.,  401. 
Brand,   Horace  L.,  460. 
Brandt,  Ralph  V.,  497. 
Brant,  David,  476. 
Braunwarth,  Anna  M.,  M.  D.,  466. 
Brazil,  109,  218,  365,  423,  449. 
Breckenridge,  Miss  S.  P.,  459. 
Breed,  Airs.  Alice  Ives,  477. 
Brethren,    United,   464,    467,   468,    469, 

470. 
Brewer,  Arthur  T.,  466. 
Brewer,   Justice  David    J.,   4,    11,    456, 

484. 
Brice,  A.   G.,  477. 
Bridge  Workers,  497. 
Bright,  John,  21,  304. 
Bright,    Mrs.    Orville    P.,    17,    251-252, 

459. 
British  Ambassador.  305.  406,  483. 
British  Embassy.  441,  482. 
British  Guiana,  226. 
Brooks,  Governor  Brvant  B.,  461. 
Brooks.  President  S.  1*.,  4,  18,  333-342, 

454,  455,  480. 
Brown,  Kev.  B.  Howard,  476. 
Brown,    Judge    Edward   Osgood,   9,    11, 

344,    349,    352,    354,    357,    358,    454, 

457,  466. 
Brown,  Hon.  Elmer  Ellsworth,  49,  382, 

480. 
Brown,  F.  J.,  466. 
Brown,  H.  B.,  474. 
Brown,  Mayor  Huntington,  461. 
Brown,  John,  39. 
Brown,  Mayor  Jonathan  S.,  461. 
Brown,  Mrs.  Marguerite  M.,  477. 
Browning,  Mrs.  E.  B.,  308. 


Brovles,  J.  Rilev,  474. 

Brumbaugh,  Dr.  .Martin  G.,  455,  490- 
491. 

Brunk,  A.  C,  474. 

Brunk,  H.  G.,  474. 

Brussels,  Declaration  of,  207. 

Brussels  Peace  Congress,  20. 

Bryan,  Hon.  William  Jennings,  4,  11, 
486-487. 

Bryan,  President  William  Lowe,  474. 

Bryant,  C.  W.,  466. 

Bryce,  Ambassador,  365,  406,  483. 

Bryn  Mawr  College,  456,  459. 

Buchanan.  Hon.  W.  1.,  4,  16,  241,  242- 
247,  388,  479. 

Buchtol  College.  455. 

Budapest   I'eace  Congress,  20. 

Budgets,  National,  71,  300,  301,  375. 

Budgets,  Peace.  93,  112,  114,  199,  346, 
413. 

Budlong,  Rev.  Fred  G..  478. 

Buenos  Aires,  83,  84,  86. 

Bulgaria,  26,   237,  276. 

Bullets,  205,  207. 

Burdette,  Kev.  Robert  J.,  57,  58-59, 
69,  314,  463. 

Burdette.  Mrs.  Robert  J.,  267,  463. 

Bureau  of  Education,  U.  S.,  295. 

Bureau,   Hague,  29,   215. 

Bureau,  International,  of  American  Re- 
publics, 4,  20. 

Bureau  International  Labor  Legisla- 
tion, 265. 

Burford,  John  T.,  480. 

P.urford,  Mrs.  John  T.,  480. 

Burnham,  George,  Jr.,  454. 

I'.urkhart,  George  W.,  474. 

Burritt,  Elihu,  21,  92.  386. 

Burton,   Henry  F.,  479. 

Burton,  I'ierce.  464. 

Burton,  Senator  Theodore  E.,  4,  11. 

Burtt,  Joseph  B.,  11,  15,  149-156,  353, 
354,  454,  458,  466. 

Bush,  Charles  M.,  478. 

Bushnell,  Carl,  466. 

Bushnell,  Mrs.  Carl,  466. 

Business,  16,  324,  491.  See  also  Com- 
merce, Economic,  Industry,  Trade. 

Business  Men's  Associations,  464,  467, 
470,  474,  475.  476.  478,  479. 

"Business  Men  Want  Peace,"  16,  193- 
195. 

Business  Session  of  the  Congress,  18, 
343-359. 

Busse,  Mayor  Fred  A.,  14,  77,  461. 

Butler,  Edward  B.,  460. 

Kutler,  J.  J.,  466. 

Butler,  Prof.  Nathaniel,  272. 

Butler,  Walter,  466. 

Button,  Peace,  3. 

Byers,  President  Noah  E.,  371,  374. 


Cadman,  James  P.,  466. 
Cadwallader,  Mrs.  M.  E.,  480. 
Caesar,  Julius,  282. 
Calhoun,  William  J.,  16,  203. 
California,  306-307,  366. 
California,   Delegates  from,  463. 
California,  Governor  of,  461. 
California  Peace  Societies,  367,  463. 
California,  University  of,  367,  370. 
Calkins,  Capt.  Carlos  Gilman,  142. 
Call,  Arthur  Deerin,  454. 
Call,  The,  of  To-day,  8,  336-342. 


5o6 


"Campaigning  for  Peace,"  449-452. 
Campbell,  A.  B.,  4G6. 
Campbell,  H.  O.,  4G6. 
Canada,  20,  229,  27G,  442-443. 
Canada,  Governor  General  of,  483. 
Canada,  Premier  of,  483-484. 
Canadian    Border,    20,    186,    187,    188, 

258,  276,  340,  406. 
Cantabrigia  Club,  477. 
Capital,  166,  167. 
Capitulation,  207. 
Capton,  Mrs.  Edmond  L.,  464. 
Capture,  96,  212,  218,  375. 
Car  Workers'  Association,  468. 
Cardinal  Gibbons,  492. 
Carey,  Rev.  A.  J.,  466. 
Carey,  Mrs.  A.  J.,  466. 
Carlyle,  Thomas,  316. 
Carman,  Prof.  G.  N.,  455. 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  4,  11,  110,  128,  193, 

245,  362,  363,  487. 
Carnegie  Institute,  490. 
Carpenter,  Prof.  J.  Estlin,  376. 
Carr,  clvde  M.,  454. 
Carroll,  Governor  B.  F.,  461.' 
Cartage,  245. 
Cartilage,  101. 
Caiy,  c.   P.,  481. 
Gary,  George  L.,  480. 
Casablanca  Affair,  32,  94,  400. 
Case,  Rev.  Lorenzo  D.,  459,  466. 
Case  School  of  Applied  Science,  455. 
Cases  Settled  by   The  Hague,   31,   110. 

See    also    Pius     Fund,     Casablanca, 

Fisheries. 
Casson,  Herbert  N.,  479. 
Catholic,  5,  376. 
Catholic  Women,  League  of,  17. 
Causes  of  War,  28,  30,  33,  45,  71,  136, 

170,  277-282,  315,  340,  347-349,  351, 

353,  377,  408-409. 
Central    America,    25,    26,    28,    29,   94, 

109,   110,  293. 
Central  American  Court  of  Justice,  20, 

233,  241,  245. 
Chambers  of  Commerce,  476,  478,  479, 

491. 
Chan,  Tom  Kee,  466. 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  71,  377, 

483. 
Chandler,  Elizabeth  J.,  464. 
Changing    Man's    Nature,    58,    59,    70, 

256,  257,  362,  416-417. 
Channing,  Rev.  William  Ellery,  21,  316. 
Chao,  Guok-Tsai,  481. 
Chaplain  of  U.  S.  Senate,  4,  35,  486. 
Charitable     Organizations,     464,     465, 

468,  469,  472,  473,  474,  475,  481. 
Charity    Organizations,    Committee    on, 

458. 
Charlemagne,   102. 
Charles,  Thomas,  464. 
Chase,   President   George   C,   455,   477. 
Chautauqua,  469,  494. 
Chicago,   1,  3,  4,  5,  38,  39,  40,  41,  44, 

57,  60-62,  78-79,  80,  373,  428,  429. 
Chicago    Association    of    Commerce,    4, 

5.    10,    11,    19,    305,    373,    420,    422- 

453,  439,  468,  472,  473. 
Chicago  City  Club,  9. 
Chicago    Columbian    Exposition,    4,    5, 

195-199,  200. 
Chicago,    Commercial    National    Bank, 

5,  471. 
Chicago  Commons,  455,  463,  473. 


Chicago,    Cosmopolitan    Population   of, 

423-424. 
Chicayo  Daily  Socialist,  347,  457. 
Chicago,  Delegates  from,  465,  474. 
Chicago  Fire,  60. 
Cliivayo,  Guide  to,  10. 
Chicago,  Hamilton  Club,  22. 
Chicago  Industrial  Club,  4,  5,  10,  11. 
Chicago,  Lincoln's  Nomination,  39,  40, 

60. 
Chicago,  Mayor  of,  14,  77,  461. 
Chicago,  New  England  Society  of,  468. 
Chicago,    Parliament    of    Religions,    60, 

195. 
Chicago  Peace  Congress  of  1893,  20. 
"Chicago  and  the  Peace  Congress,"  60- 

62. 
Chicago  Peace  Society,  81. 
Chicayo  Record-Herald,  456,  471. 
Chicago,  State  Bank  of,  12. 
Chicago  Sunday  Evening  Club,  13,  56- 

72. 
Chicago  Theological  Seminary.  10. 
Chicago,  Union  Stock  Yards,  410. 
Chicago,    University   of,    10,    271,    455, 

459,  470,  473. 
Chicago,  Welcome  to,  14,  78-79.  423. 
Chicago    Woman's    Club,    16,    248,   464, 

467,  468,  473. 
Chickamauga,  106. 
Child  Labor,  159.  160. 
Children,  51-55,  389-396. 
Chile,  21,  86,  109,  241,   244,  276,  281. 
China,  19,  25,  100,   109,  129.  186,  205, 

211,  258,  402.  403-406,  440-441,  446. 
China,  Delegates  from,  4S2. 
Chinese,  73,  292,  370,  467. 
Chinese  Minister,  19.  363,  403-406,  425- 

426,  439,  448,  449,  482. 
Choate,  Hon.  Joseph  H.,  4,  29,  75,  211, 

220,  234,  365,  488. 
Christ   of   the  Andes,   21,   84,   86,   241, 

281. 
Christian  Church,  369. 
Christian  Endeavor,  493. 
Christian  Endeavor  World,  456. 
Christian   Unity,    11,    12,   430-431,  449, 

499-500. 
Christianity,    158,    190-193,    201,    292, 

315,  342,  447. 
Church,    President    Augustus    B.,    455, 

479. 
Churches,  4,  5,  13,  346,  369,  376,  459, 

463-481. 
Chvtraus,  Judge  Axel,  460. 
Ciliske.  Charles  H.,  466. 
Cincinnati  Law   School,   14,   99,  456. 
Cincinnati,  Mayor  of,  462. 
Cincinnati   Peace   Society,  479,  480. 
Citizenship,  Good,  418,  419,  452-453. 
City  Club,  Chicago,  9. 
Civics,  American  Institute  of,  464,  472. 
Civil  War,  American,  20,  76,   101,  105, 

106,  108,  227,  249,  283,  315. 
"Civilization    a    Cry    for    Peace,"    336- 

342,   409. 
"Civilizing    Features    of    International 

Commerce,"   15. 
Claims,   Pecuniary,  224. 
Clair,  J.  C,  466. 
Clancy.  282-287. 
Clark,  Mrs.  A.  E.,  459,  466. 
Clark,  Davis  Wasgatt.  460,  479. 
Clark,  Mrs.   Edwin,  466. 
Clark,  Rev.  Francis  E.,  459,  493. 


507 


Clark,  Prof.  J.  B.,  457. 

Clark,  Margaret  V.,  M.  D.,  476. 

Clay,  Henry,  284. 

Clement,  Edward  H.,  456. 

Clergy,  823,  346,  459,  476,  492-493. 

Cleveland,   President  Grover,  224. 

Clothiers,   National   Association  of,  16. 

Clubs,  369,  463-481. 

Cobden,  Richard,  21,  302,  358. 

Cocks,  Hon.  William  W.,  488. 

Code   of    International    Law,   206,   -i07, 

218. 
Coffin,  Roscoe  C,  464. 
Coleman,  Sarah  J.,  406. 
Collection    of    Contract   Debts,   29,    96, 
111,  112.  .    ^.     ^ 

Collet;es,    43,    271-298,    375:      Antioch, 
480  ;     Eates,  455,  477  ;    Bryn  Mawr, 
450,  459  ;    Buchtel,  455  ;    of  City  of 
New     York,     455 :      Colorado,     45o ; 
Dickinson,  455  :    Goshen,  371  ;    Guil- 
ford.   479 ;     Iowa    State,   476 ;     Lake 
Forest,   10,   18,  455,  464  ;    Lombard, 
464  ;   Macalester,  455  ;   Milligan,  455  ; 
Mount   Holyoke,    456;    Oberlin,   470, 
472  ;    Pomona,  369  ;    Radcliffe,  459  ; 
Roanoke,   481  ;     Rush    Medical,   455  ; 
Simmons,  459  ;  Smith,  455  ;   Swarth- 
more,  16,  203,  480  ;    Wellesley,  45o, 
459 ;     Wheaton,    455 ;     for    Women, 
459.     See  also  Universities. 
College  Presidents,  4,  5,  11,  14,  18,  43, 
333,    366,    367,    369,    371,    386,    455- 
456,  459,  464,  474,  481,  490. 
College  Women,  250,  251. 
Collegiate  Alumnae,  Association  of,  ii, 

250,  472. 
Colorado  College,  455. 
Colorado,  Delegates  from,  463. 
Colorado,      Federation      of      Women  s 

Clubs,   16. 
Columbia,  230. 

"Columbian  Ode,"  196,  427.       ,^_  _. 
Columbian    Exposition,    4,    5,    19o-iy9, 

201 
Columbus    Board    of    Trade,    480,    491- 

492. 
Comer,  Governor  B.  B.,  461. 
Comitv.   International,  205. 
Commander,  Mrs.  Lydia  K.,  479. 
Commerce,  15,  64,  210,  216,  40o,  427, 

491. 
Commerce.     Association     of,     Chicago. 
See    Chicago    Association    of    Com- 

"Commerce  and  Industry,"  15,  179-202. 
Commerce  and  Industry,  Committee  on, 

457. 
Commerce  and  Labor,  Department  of,  5. 
"Commerce  and  Peace,"  425-427. 
Commercial  National  Bank,  Chicago,  5, 

471. 

Commercialism,  64,  65,  425. 

Commission  of  Incjuiry,  International, 
26.  30.  31,  214,  231. 

Committees,  5,  9,  11  :  on  Charity  Or- 
ganizations, 458:  Commerce  aud  In- 
dustry, 457:  Educational  lustitu- 
tions.  455-456  ;  Executive,  5,  74,  373, 
454  •  Finance,  454-455  :  Fraternal 
Or-^ers  ?.'4  tr;9  •  (ipn'VTl.  4t'.(i  ■  In- 
ternational Socialism,  457 ;  Judiciary 
and  Legislatures,  450  :  Labor  Organ- 
ization" 457  :  Organizations  and 
Delegates.  458 :  Press.  456 :  Pro- 
gram,    458;      Reception,     459-460; 


Religious  Institutions,  459;    Resolu- 
tions,  16,    203,   344,    353,   355,   457  ; 
Socialism,   457;     Women's  Organiza- 
tions, 459. 
Committees,  List  of,  454-400. 
'■Competitive  Ship-building,     434. 
Competitive  Spirit,  311. 
Compulsory    Arbitration,    97,    98,    -in, 

236,  244,  344,  345,  399-400. 
Conciliation,    Association    for    Interna- 
tional, 20,  365,  395,  47L 
Conference  of  Peace  Workers,  18,  6i6- 

359. 
Conflagration,  War  a,  31,  417. 
Congo,  125,  279-282. 
Congregational  Churches,  464,  400,  407, 

471. 
Congress  of  Mothers,  17,  251-252,  464. 
Congress  of  Nations,  92,  97. 
Congress,  U.  S.,  345,  410. 
Congresses,    Peace.      See    Peace    Con- 

srcssGS. 
Congressmen,  488 ;    see  also  Bartholdt, 
Cocks,     Dawson,     Hobson,     Lowden. 
Richardson,  Slayden,  Tawney. 
Conner,  J.  D.,  .Tr.,  474. 
"Conquerors,  The,"  picture,  102. 
Conquest,  101,  431-432. 
Conscription,  139,  140. 
Conservation  League,  4.  „„.„„. 

Conservation    of    Resources,    377,    4iJ0, 

437  ;    see  also   Economic. 
Constant,   Baron  d'Estournelles  de,  31, 

Constitution,  U.  S.,  23,  36,  37,  38,  291, 

Consuls,  4,  12,  15,  19,  423,  488. 

Consumers'  League,  481. 

Contents,  Table  of,  6,  7. 

Contraband,  31,  211,  238. 

Contract  Debts,  29,  96,  111,  112,  215, 

217. 
Convention    Bureau    of    Association    of 

Commerce,  10. 
Conway,  B.  C,  457. 
Cooley,  Dr.  Edwin  G.,  460. 
Coolev,  Stoughton,  464. 
Coon,  Mrs.  Andrew  P.,  466. 
Cooper,  Dr.  Henry,  459. 
Cooper,  S.  M.,  480. 
Co-operation,  116,  117. 
Corda  Fratres,  294. 
Cornell  University,  14,  69,  479. 
Cosmopolitan   Clubs.   The,   17,   292-297, 

372,  373,  380,  478,  481. 
"Cost  of  Armed  Peace,"  431-4o8. 
Cost   of   W'ar,    105,    106,    107,    181-190, 
275 ;     see    also    Economic,    National 
Debts, 
de  Costa,  Senora,  83-86. 
Costa  Rica,  28,  109,  233,  245. 
Court,    International,    of   Arbitral   Jus- 
tice,   97,    110,    113,    215,    219,    2-20, 
234,   242,   243,  345. 
Court,     International,    of    Arbitration, 

96.  97,  110,  205,  218,  219. 
Court,   International,  of   Prize,   29,   90, 

206,  212,  215,   217,  218,  238,  SOL 
Courtney,  Lord.  377. 
Couzins,  John  E.,  463. 
Couzins.  Miss  Phoebe  W.,  463. 
Cowen.  Israel,  466. 
Cox,  Lewis  J.,  474. 
Cox,  Mrs.  U.  O.,  474. 
Cox,  W.  D.,  481. 
Crandall,  Mrs.  J.  N.,  466. 


5o8 


Crane,  Mayor  Walter  r.,  401. 
Crapsey,    Kev.    Algernon    S.,    203,    221, 

234,  241,  247,  479. 
Cravcroft,  Mayor  C.  E.,  461. 
Credit,  442. 
Cremer,    Sir   William   Randal,    21,    160, 

406. 
Crimean  War,  20,  283. 
Criminals,  118. 
Crippen,  Mrs.  J.  H.,  476. 
Crissey,  Forrest,  456. 
Crissman,  George  R.,  466. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  146. 
Crowder,  Mayor  A.  C,  461. 
Crowell,  John  H.,  458. 
Cruice,  Timothy,  457. 
Cruise  of  the  Battle-fleet,  305,  314. 
Cuba,   71,   126,   446. 
Culture  Club,  466. 
Cunningham,  George  W.,  466. 
Cunningham,  Owen  S.,  478. 
Curry,  Governor  George,  401. 
Cutler,  Charles  Henry,  466. 
Cutler,  James  H.,  477. 
Czar  of  Russia,  25,  28,  88,  112,  239. 

D 

"Damage  and  Cost  of  War  to  Commerce 

and  Industry,"  181-190. 
Damon,  Mrs.  C.  P..  478. 
Darling,  M.  W.,  464. 
Darwin,  Charles,  40,  45. 
Davidson,  Governor  J.  O.,  461. 
Davies,  Rev.  J.  W.  F.,  460. 
Davis,  General  George  B.,  209. 
Davis,  James  Ewing,  354,  458,  466. 
Davis,  Mrs.  James  Ewing,  466. 
"Dawn    of    Universal    Peace,"    14,    99- 

114. 
Dawson,  Hon.  A.  F.,  488. 
Deadliness  of  Modern  Weapons,  194. 
Deahl,  Anthony,  474. 
DeBoer,  Joseph  A.,  481. 
Debts,  Contract,  29,  96,  111,  112,  215, 

217,  303. 
Debts.  National,  105,  106,  107,  181. 
Decadence    of    Nations,    130-148,    248, 

249,  250. 
Declaration  of  Brussels,  207. 
Declaration  of  Paris,  205. 
Declaration  of  St.  Petersburg,  207. 
Declaration  of  War,  96,  111,  208. 
Decline  of  War,  40,  41,  42,  43,  44,  45. 
DeForest,  Rev.  John  H.,  367. 
Delegates,  List  of,  463-482. 
Delegates,  Registration  of,  14. 
J'   I.  (.  nuy.    146,   376-377,  443-445. 
Demolins,  138. 
Dencpn,  <;ovornor  Charles  S.,  4,  14,  75, 

460,  461,  464. 
Denison  University,  272,  480. 
Denison  University  Peace  Society,  480. 
Denmark,    21,    25,    31,    109,    110,    233, 

265,  346,  364,  444. 
Dennis,  Charles  H.,  466. 
Denny,  President  George  H.,  4. 
Desertions,  314. 
Deterioration  of  Nations,  101,  102,  130- 

148.   24S    240.   250. 
Dewey,  Admiral  George,  307. 
Dewitz,  Charles  K.,  466. 
Dicker,  Judge  Edward  A.,  460. 
Dickey,   Samuel,  466. 
Dickinson  College,  455. 


Dickinson.  Hon.  Jacob  M.,  4,  9,  11,  22- 

34,  99,  213,  226,  305,  485. 
Dignowity,  Charles  L.,  478. 
Dimmick,  Mayor  J.  Benjamin,  462. 
Diplomacy,  418. 
Disarmament,  17,  20,  21.  34,  186,  187, 

188,    191,    192,    213,    239,    240,    258, 

276,   345.   404,   437. 
Disasters,  418,  421. 
Disciples,  Church  of,  468. 
Discontent,  Social,  44,  68. 
Disputes  Settled  by  Arbitration.  20,  26, 

28,    29,    31,    93.    107,    109,    110,    111, 

216,  221-234.  451. 
District    of    Columbia,    Commissioners 

of.  462. 
District  of  Columbia,   Delegates  from, 

463. 
Distrust,  International,  433  ;    see  also 

Fear. 
Divine,  Man's  Kinship  with  the,  70. 
Dixson,  Zella  Allen,  466. 
Dodge.  David  L.,  21,  94,  361. 
Dodge,  G.   M.,  474. 
Dogger    Bank    Incident,    31,    214,    231, 

270. 
Dominion,  101,  131,  139,  146,  431-432. 
Donaldson,  Mrs.  Percv,  466. 
Dornblaser,  Rev.  T.  F.,  459,  467. 
Doty,   Mayor  R.  A.,  462. 
Doty,  P.  A.,  476. 
Douglas.  George  L.,  458. 
Dows,  .Toseph  W.,  467. 
Doyle,  \\.  J.,  476. 
Draper,  Governor  Eben  S.,  461. 
"Drawing    Together    of    Nations,"    15, 

115-148. 
Dreadnaughts.  164,  213.  258,  298,  .304, 

400,  405,  434,  440,  441. 
Drill,  375,  376. 

Dubbin,  Brigadier  Robert,  467. 
Du  Bois,  Dr.  J.  A.,  478. 
Du  Bois,  Mrs.  J.  A.,  478. 
Ducommun.  Elie,  21. 
Duel,  103,  104,  122,  123.  255.  256,  272, 

275,  284,  285,  340,  341,  344. 
Du  Maurier,  302. 
Dum-dum  Bullets,  205. 
Dummer,  Mrs.  William  F.,  460,  467. 
Dunant,  Henri,  21. 
Duncan.   James,  496. 
Dunne,  Hon.  E.  P.,  460. 
Duras,  Victor  Hugo.  479. 
Dutton.  Prof.  Samuel  T..  11,  454. 
Dyke,  Be  Grande  G.,  481. 
Dymond,  Jonathan,  21. 

E 

"Each  for  All  and  All  for  Each."  206. 

Eagle,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  A.,  17,  460. 

Earl,  Mrs.   Elizabeth  C,  474. 

Earl,  Mrs.  Jennie  L.,  467. 

Earl,  John  A.,  467. 

Earley,  Mayor  Thomas,  462. 

Ebell,  The,  17,  266,  267.  369,  463. 

Eckstein.  Miss  Anna  B.,  14,  87-91,  168, 
169,  356-357,  477. 

Economic  Age,  179-181. 

"Economic  Aspects  of  International- 
ism."  10,  170. 

Economic  Burden  of  Armaments  and 
War.  33.  43.  44.  52.  67,  68.  71,  72, 
99.  105,  106,  107.  170-173,  177,  178, 
179-202,  213,  239  240  273,  276,  299- 


509 


306,  345,  375.  See  also  Social  Un- 
rest, Tariff,  Taxes. 

Ecuador,  109. 

Edens,  William  Grant,  354,  458. 

Edgerton.  Mayor  H.  H.,  462. 

Edinburgh!  Peace  Congress,  20. 

Editor  of  the  Proceedings,  1,  12. 

Education,  10,  11,  35,  46-54,  62,  363- 
364  ;    see  also  Teachers,  Schools. 

Education  for  Peace,  17,  100.  114,  310, 
319-326,  363-364,  375,  377,  378-382, 
389-396,  418. 

Education,  U.  S.  Bureau  of,  295. 

Educational  Institutions,  Committee 
on,  455-456. 

Edward   VII,  378,  406. 

Edwards,  David  M.,  476. 

Egypt,  101,  180,  181. 

Eiseuhonr,  I.  C,  467. 

Elam,  Mrs.  John  W.,  474. 

Elbcl,  Kichard,   474. 

Elbel,  Mrs.  Richard,  474. 

Eldredge,  J.  William.  467. 

Eliot,  President  Charles  W.,  43,  255. 

EUacott,  J.  P.,  467. 

Ely,  Robert  E.,  458. 

Emerson.  Ralph  Waldo,  21,  40,  41,  291, 
315,  316. 

Emperor  W'illiam  II,  402. 

Empire.   Strife  for,    101,    146,   431-432. 

Endowment,  Peace,  11,  12,  430-431, 
449,  499-500. 

Enemy,  207. 

England,  see  Great  Britain. 

Enlisting,   355. 

Enthusiasm,  81. 

Environment,  Peace,  33,  62-69. 

Episcopal  Church,  468,  474  ;  see  also 
Protestant  Episcopal,  Reformed  Epis- 
copal. 

Equality  of  Nations,  29  ;  see  also  Sov- 
ereignty. 

Erasmus,  21. 

Essenes,  467. 

d'Estournelles  de  Constant,  Baron,  31, 
391,  395. 

Ethics,    National,    68,    104,    105,    190- 

193,  275,  284,  328,  329,  330,  372. 
Everett,  Mrs.  P.  B.,  460. 
Everett,  Mrs.  Francis  D.,  16. 
Evolution    and    Peace,    40,    41,    42,    43, 

44,    61,    62,    74.    102,    103,    115-121, 

194,  252-254.   272-277,   336-342.   344. 
"Evolution   of  World  Peace,"    272-277, 

301-302. 
Exchequer,    Chancellor    of   British,    71, 

377,  483. 
Excuses  for  War,   63,  64,  65,   66,  445- 

448. 
Executive  Committee,   5,   74,   373,  454. 
Exemption  from  Capture,  96,  212. 
Exhaustion  of  Nations,   101,   1U2,   130- 

148,  240,  299-306. 
Explosives,  90,  205,  375. 
Expositions,    International,    4,    5,    193- 

199. 
Extradition,  111. 

F 
Pairchild,  Mrs.  A.  N.,  481. 
Fallacies,  17,  254-260. 
Fallows,  Bishop  Samuel,  460. 
"Farmers'  Peace,  The,"  444. 
Farquhar,  A.  B.,  190-193,  359,  480. 
Farquhar,  Henry,  403. 
Favill,  Dr.   Henry  B.,  460. 
Fear,  International,   339,  340,  408-409. 


Federated  Trades  Council,  481. 
Federation   of   Labor,   4,   160-165,   463, 

464,  465,  475. 
"Federation  of  the  World,"  18,  29,  37, 

38,  45,  297.  333-335,  433. 
Fern,  Mayor  Joseph  J.,  462,  489. 
Ferrier,  Mrs.  E.  M.,  467. 
Festival,  International  Peace,  363. 
Feuds,  Private,  256,  257. 
Fichte,   21. 

Fields,  Charles  E.,  467. 
Field,  David  Dudley,  21. 
Fifer,  Rev.  Orien  W.,  476. 
Fighting  Instinct,  58-59,  69. 
Figueira,  Joseph,  404. 
Finance  Committee,  10,  11,  454-455. 
Financing  the  Congress,  10,  11. 
Finlev.  President  John  H.,  455. 
Fire  Drill,  376. 
First  Hague  Conference,  21,  25,  27,  31, 

38,  42,  49,  94,  96,  97,  110,  208,  212, 

213,    217,    219,    234,    235,    236,    239, 

299,   300,  301. 
First    National    Peace    Congress   9,    20, 

53,  362. 
Fischkin,  Dr.  E.  A.,  467. 
Fisher,  James.  463. 
Fisher,  President  Lewis  Beals,  464. 
Fisher.  Walter,  4,  460. 
Fisheries    Question,    32,    94,    229,    233, 

485. 
Fishing  Vessels,  96,  211,  212,  214,  231. 
Fisk,  Everett  O.,  455. 
Fiske,  John,  316. 
Fitch,  A.  H.,  464. 
Fitzpatrick,  John  J.,  480. 
"Five    Dangerous    Fallacies,"    17,    254- 

260. 
Fixcn,  Laura  G.,  467. 
Flag,  Peace,  318,  319. 
Flags  of  Truce,  207. 
Flannerv,   M.   H..  467. 
Flannery,  Rev.  T.  D.,  478. 
Flint.  C.  J.,  467. 
Flint,   Harold  P.,  287-292,  297. 
Florida,  Governor  of,  461. 
Foin,  Chin  F..  467. 

"For  Peace,"  Poem,  427,  449,  501,  502. 
Forbes,  Mrs.  J.  Malcolm,  454. 
Force,  257,  450. 
"Forces    Which    Make   for    Peace,"    69- 

73. 
Foreign  Delegates,  481. 
Foreign  Relations,  U.  S.,  187,  223,  224. 
Foreign    Students    in    U.    S.,    292-297, 

384. 
Foreigners,  121,  239,  295. 
Forestry,  American,  Association,  5. 
P'organ,  David  R.,  14.  56.  454. 
Foster,  Prof.  George  B.,  460. 
Foster,   Hon.   John   W.,  4,   11. 
Fox,  George,  21. 
Frain,  Mrs.  A.   K.,  467. 
France.    5,   21.   25,   31,   39,   41.   44,   85, 

94.  102,  105,  109,  137-140,  228,  248, 

258,  265,  266  283,  400,  435. 
Francis,  Mrs.  J.  R..  467. 
Francisco,  A.  B.,  467. 
Franco-Prussian  War,  41,  65. 
Frank,  Mayor  Charles,  462. 
Frank,  Mrs.  Henry  L.,  467. 
Frankfort  Peace  Congress,  20. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  36,  132,  133,  134. 
"Fraternal  Orders  and  Peace,"  lo,  149- 

156,  353-354. 
Fraternal  Orders,  Committee  on,  458. 


;io 


Frear,  Governor  W.  F.,  461,  485-486. 

Freedom,  131. 

Freeman,  Joseph  H.,  464. 

French  Ambassador,  423,  449. 

Freudenthal,  Joseph,  467. 

Freund,  Prof.  Ernst,  460. 

Friends,   The,   3by,   374,  392,  464,  475, 

476. 
Friends  in  Council,  470. 
Friends,  Peace  Association  of,  475. 
Frineshribber,  W.  H.,  476. 
Frittel,  Pierre,  102. 
Frizell,  Mrs.  Loftus  F.,  467. 
Frost,  Edward  W.,  481. 
Fudge,  Miss  Elsie  Joe,  467. 
Fulk,  George,  18,  371-373,  454,  464. 
Fulk,  J.   G.,  464. 
•'Function  of  a  Peace  Congress,"  62-69, 

70,  407. 
Fundy,  Kay  of,  25. 
Fung,  Rev.  James,  467. 
Fur  Seal  Arbitration,  25,  229. 
Furnam  University,  455. 
Furnes,  J.  H.,  467. 

G 

Galbreath,  C.  G.,  467. 

Galitzld,  Leo,  467. 

Gallery,  Mrs.  Daniel,  460. 

Galvani,  William   H.,  346,  480. 

Gartield,  President  James  A.,  191. 

Garment  Workers,  470,  472,  479. 

Garner,  Prof.  James  W.,  456,  464. 

Garrett  Biblical  Institute,  500. 

Garrigan,  Bishop  P.  J.,  476. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  21,  39. 

Gates,  President  George  A.,  369. 

Gates,  Hon.  W.  Almont,  369. 

Gault,  Thomas  H.,  456. 

Gee,  Mrs.  Carrie  L.,  467. 

General  Arnmtronf/,  The,  228. 

General   Committee,  9,  460. 

General  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs, 
10,  248,   260-262,  468. 

General  Survey  of  Peace  Movement, 
19,  74-114,  359-396. 

General  Treaty  of  Obligatory  Arbitra- 
tion, 233,  236,  237. 

Geneva  Arbitration,  25,  226,  228,  446. 

Geneva  Convention  (Red  Cross),  111, 
137,  207. 

George,  Henry,  316. 

Georgia,   128. 

Georgia,  University  of,  456. 

German  Ambassador,  19,  398,  399-402, 
425-427,  452,  482. 

German  American  Peace  Society,  363, 
380,  477. 

German  Emperor,  402. 

Germany,  10,  25,  31.  41,  44,  65,  66,  72, 
87,  88,  94,  98,  105,  108,  109,  205, 
210,  216,  217,  225,  237,  249,  2.50, 
258,  265,  2S3,  292,  304,  398.  399- 
402.    403,    427.    428.    435.    444,    486. 

Germany,  Delegate  from,  482. 

Getchell,  Edwin  F.,  408. 

Gettysburg,   106. 

Getz.  Mrs.  Harry  W.,  468. 

Ghent,  Treaty  of,  24,  108. 

Gibbons,  Cardinal,  492. 

Gibson,   G.   W.,  468. 

Gibson.  William  A.,  11. 

Glfford,  Robert  L.,  458. 

Gilchrist,  Governor  Albert  W.,  401. 

Gillet,  F.  J.,  468. 


Gillett,  Governor  J.  N.,  461. 

Gilliom,  A.  L.,  474. 

Gilreath,  Belton,  4,  15,  189,  199,  457, 
463,  492. 

Ginn,  Edwin,  4,  17,  319-326,  357,  477. 

Gladden, "Rev.  Washington,  492. 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  304. 

Glaser,  Edward  L.,  460. 

Glasgow  Peace  Congress,  20. 

Glasscock,  Governor  William  E.,  461. 

Glee  Clubs,  13,  18,  51. 

Glessner,  J.  J.,  460. 

Glessner,  Mrs.  J.  J.,  460. 

Glory,  66,  69,  102,  315. 

Glover,  Rev.  F.  Kelson,  479. 

Gobat,  A.,  21. 

Goddard,  Joseph  A.,  475. 

Goddard,  Leroy  A.,  460. 

Goetz,  M.,  481. 

Going,  Judge  J.  T.,  456. 

Goller,  Miss  Rae,  10,  54,  55,  267,  268, 
479. 

Gompers,  Samuel,  4,  15,  158-165,  457, 
403. 

Good  Offices,  Tender  of,  20,  29. 

Goodman,  Mayor  Calvin  C,  462. 

Gordon,  Mrs.  B.  C,  481. 

Gordon,  Dr.  Kate,  481. 

Gorton,  James,  408. 

Goshen  College,  371. 

Govei'nmcntal  Peacemaking,  20. 

Governors,  4,  461,  485,  490. 

Grabham,  Ralph,  468. 

Graham,  Miss  Louise,  480. 

Grand  Rapids  Board  of  Trade,  491. 

Grange,  National,  490. 

Granite  Cutters,  490. 

Grant,    General    Frederick   D.,  445-448. 

Grant,  I'rof.  John  C,  455. 

Grant,  General  U.  S.,  30,  76,  446,  447. 

Gray,  Judge  George,  489. 

Grat  Britain,  19,  20,  21,  24,  25,  31, 
32,  41,  44,  71,  94,  105,  107,  108, 
109,  140,  141,  143-146,  181,  205, 
211,  214,  215,  223,  224,  225,  227, 
228,  229,  230,  231,  232,  233,  240, 
258,  265,  206,  304,  345,  340,  375, 
377,  399,  405,  406-409,  435,  441, 
442,  443,  446,  499. 

Great   Britain,   Delegate  from,   482. 

Greece,  25,  101,  109,  221,  237. 

Green,  Marion,  14. 

Greene,  Mayor  C.  T.,  462. 

Greene,   Henry  E.,  400. 

Greetings,  82-80,  398-421,  483-499. 

Gregory,  S.  S.,  408. 

Grey,  Earl,  Governor  General  of  Can- 
ada, 483. 

Grey,   Sir  Edward,   179,  181,  404,  409. 

Grimke,  Thomas  S.,  21. 

Grollman,  Mayor  C.  A.,  402. 

Grossman,  Mrs.  Albert  B.,  468. 

Grotius,    Hugo,   21.    23,   206,   241,   386. 

Guatemala,  233,  246. 

Guide  io  Chieayo,  10. 

Guilford  College,  479. 

Gunsaulus,  Rev.  Frank  W.,  455. 

Guthrie,  Mayor  Leonidas  A.,  462. 

Guv,  Rev.  H.  H.,  369. 

Gwinn,  Dow  R.,  475. 

Gymnastic  Union,  408,  471. 


Habit.  Peace,  33,  54,  62-69. 
Hadley,  Governor  H.  S.,.  461, 


5" 


Hagerup,   206. 

Hague,  The,  37,  38. 

Hague,  The,  Bureau  of  Court  at,  29, 
215. 

Hague,  The,  Cases  Settled  by,  31,  110. 

Hague  Conferences,  see  First  Hague 
Conference,  Second  Hague  Confer- 
ence, Third   Hague  Conference. 

Hague  Day,  20,  47,  49,  50,  360,  367, 
382,  300. 

Hague,  The,  Temple  of  Peace  at,  110. 

Haiti,  109,  257. 

Hale,  Kev.  Edward  Everett,  4,  35,  486. 

Hale,  Senator  Eugene.  71. 

Hall  of  Knights  at  The  Hague,  37,  38, 
205. 

Hall,  Prof.  James  Parker,  457. 

Hall,  Richard  C,  4,  11,  457,  468. 

Halligan,   J.  E.,  476. 

Hambleton,  Albert  F.  N.,  476. 

Hamburg  Peace  Congress,  20. 

Hamilton,  A.  K.,  481. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  284. 

Hamilton  Club.  Chicago,  22. 

Hamlin,  Frank.  45S. 

Flandel's  Messiah,  15,  158. 

Hanseatic  League,  420,  444. 

Harbert,   Elizabeth   B.,  463. 

Harbors,  Riveis  and,  437. 

Harcourt,  L.  V.,  377. 

Harder,  Mayor  J.  E.,  462. 

Hardinge,  Henry  H.,  468. 

Harper,  S.  M.,  456. 

Harper,  William  Hudson,  11. 

Harris,  Ex-Governor  A.  L.,  490. 

Harris.  I'resident  Aliram  W.,  455,  500. 

Harris,  Dwight  J.,  464. 

Harris,  Mayor  S.  D.,  462. 

Hart,  Mrs.  Harry,  468. 

Hart,   Sir  Robert,  405. 

Hartford,  Mayor  of,  462. 

Hartmau,  Samuel  L.,  349,  350,  351, 
480. 

Hartman,  Mrs.  William  F.,  16. 

Hartung,  Dr.  Henry,  468. 

Harvard  University,  43. 

Harvey,  Lorenzo  Dow,  455. 

Haskins,  Charles  N.,  468. 

Hatfield,  Mrs.  Margaret  M.,  468. 

Haugan,  Helge  A.,  500. 

Hawaii.   Governor  of,  461,  485-486. 

Hawk,  Walter  I).,  456. 

Hawley,  Rev.  Fred  V.,  460. 

Hawley,  Miss  Mary  E.,  460,  468. 

Hav,  Hon.  John,  185,  230,  492. 

Haves,  Mavor  J.  J.,  462. 

Hayti,  109,   257. 

Hazard,    President   Caroline,   455,   459. 

Head,  Franklin   H.,  272. 

Health,  118,  379,  470. 

"Hear,  O  Ye  Nations,"  Hymn,  8,  13. 

Heath,  Rose  W.,  468. 

Hebberd,  Robert  W..  458. 

Hebrews,  65,  66,  121,  465,  467,  468, 
469,    471,    472,    474. 

Heckmau,   B.    F.,  468. 

Heizer,  Mayor  David  N.,  462. 

Heinerich,  Simon,  468. 

Henermann.  Miss  Magda,  468. 

Hrnrotin,  Hon.  Charles,  4. 

Henrotin,  Mrs.  Charles  (Ellen  M.),  5, 
11,  16,  248.  249,  2.oO,  251,  252,  2.54, 
260,  263,  264,  266,  267,  268,  454, 
459,    460,    408. 

Henry,   Mrs.   Maggie,   468. 


Henry  IV,  of  France,  21,  02. 
Hermann,   Dr.   G.   A.,   480. 
Heroism,  310,  311,  452. 
llesa,  Mrs.  John  M.,  17,  463. 
High  Court  of  Nations.  Central  Amer- 
ican,  20,  233,   241,   245. 
Higinbotham,   Hon.    Harlow   N.,   4,    16, 

195-199,    200,   305,   306,   438,   468. 
Hill,  President  Albert  Ross,  455. 
Hill,  Hon.  David  Jayne,  88,  486. 
Hill,  James  J.,  491. 
Hill,  W.  A.,  475. 
Hillis,  David  M.,  468. 
Hine,  Mary  L.,  475. 
Hinshaw,  Dr.  W.  W.,  17,  319,  468. 
Hirsch,  Rev.  Emil  G.,  5,  9,  10,  11,  14, 

15,    59,    62-69,    115,    120,    454,    458, 

468.. 
Hirschberg,  Dr..  Abram,  468. 
History,   Teaching,   13,   41,   42,   43,  48, 

62,  380,  381,  394-395. 
Hobson,   Hon.   Richmond  P.,   310,   341, 

367. 
Hodgman,  President  T.  M.,  455. 
Hofer,  Miss  Amalie,  468. 
Holland,  109,  110,  129. 
Holls,   lion.  Frederick  W.,  27. 
Holt,  Judge  George  C,  488. 
Holt,   Hamilton,   11,    18,   333-335,   456, 

479. 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  431. 
Holy  See,  25. 
Honduras,  28,  233,  246. 
Honolulu,  Mayor  of,  489. 
Honorary  President  of  the  Congress,  4. 
Hooker,  Mayor  Edward  W.,  462. 
Horine,  Dora  C,  468. 
Horner,  Henry,  468. 
Horrors  of  War,  8,  101,  102. 
Horton,  Rev.  R.  F.,  376. 
Hosmer,  Rev.  Frederick  L.,  8,  14. 
Hospitality,     International,     93,     198, 

199.    346,   365,   377,   440-441. 
Hostilities,   Opening   of,    96,    111,    208, 

212. 
House    Committee    on    Appropriations, 

181,  191,  434. 
House  of  Representatives,  4  ;    see  also 

Congressmen. 
Howard,  Edwin  B.,  476. 
Howard,  Roland  B.,  21. 
Howe,  Charles  M.,  478. 
Howe,  President  Charles  S.,  455. 
Howe,  Thomas  C,  475. 
Howes,   Mildred  I.,  468. 
Hoyt,  Mrs.  Martha,  469. 
Hubbard,  Charles  C,  464. 
Hughes,  Governor  Charles  B.,  365,  461. 
Hugo,  Victor,  21,  84,  317. 
Hukill,  A.  T.,  476. 
Hulburd,  Mrs.  O.  F.,  469. 
Hull,  President  Lawrence  C,  455. 
Hull,  Prof.  William  I.,  10,  16,  203-221, 

458,  480. 
Hull  House,  17,  465. 
"Human  Harvest,  The,"  130-148. 
Humane   Societies,  463,  465,  466,  476, 

479,  494. 
Humanitarianism,  193. 
Humble,  C,  469. 

Hungary,      263,     265 ;       see     Austria- 
Hungary. 
Hunter,  Robert,  457,  495. 
Huntington,  Mrs.  V.  P.,  479. 
Huntington,  President  William  B.,  455. 


512 


Huntington,  Rev.  William  R.,  393. 
Hyde,    I'rof.    Charles    Cheney,    10,    221- 

234,   400,   461). 
Hyde,  W.  E.,  354,  458. 
Hymn  by  Hosmer,  8,  13. 
Hymns,  Peace,  13,  14,  390,  420. 


Idaho,  Governor  of,  461. 
Idealists,  140,   147,  249. 
Iglehait,  J.  E.,.  353,  475. 
Illinois,  Delegates  from,  4G3-474. 
Illinois   Federation  of    Women's   Club.?, 

10. 
Illinois,    Governor   of,   4,   14,    75,   460, 

401,  404. 
Illinois  State   Suffrage  Association,  17. 
Illinois,  University  of.  456,  464. 
Illinois,  Welcome  to,  14,  75. 
Illinois  Wesleyan  University,  287. 
Immigration,    72,    140,    141,    108,    264, 

291,  408. 
Immunity  from  Bombardment,  96,  113, 

207. 
Imperial  University  of  Japan,  3SG. 
Inaugural    Address   of   President   Taft, 

111,   303,  499. 
Indemnity,  100,  258,  307. 
Independence    of    Nations,    15,    25,    26, 

31,   lJt>. 
Independent,  Tlie,  18,  333,  456. 
Indiana,  Delegates  from,  474. 
Indiana,  Governor  of,  461. 
Indiana  University,  474. 
Indians,  American,  124,  125,   190. 
"Industrial     Basis     for     International 

Peace,"    15,   165-168. 
Industrial  Club,   Chicago,  4,  5,  10,  11. 
Industrial    Condition    of    Women,    159, 

160,   249,   263-206. 
"Industrialism,  Woman  in,"  263-266. 
Industry,  15,   117,  181-182,  495-497.. 
Innes,    Hon.    Alfred   Mitchell,    19,   406- 

4U9,  441-443,  449,  482. 
Inquiry,  Commission  of.  International, 

20,  30,  31,  214,  231. 
Instinct,  Fighting,  58-59,  69. 
Institute  of  Civics,  464,  472. 
Institute  of  International  Law,  21,  209. 
Insurance  and  Peace,  298,  440-441. 
Intercollegiate    Oratorical    Contest,    17, 

271-297. 
Intercollegiate    Peace    Association,    17, 

18,   20,   271,  371-373,  380,   464,  474, 

475. 
Intercourse    between    Nations,    63,    64, 

72,   73,   194,  407. 
Interdependence    of    Nations,    15,     34, 

115-121,  166-168,  419,  428,  429,  433. 
"Interdependence    versus    Independence 

of  Nations,"  15,  115-121. 
Intergovernmental    Peacemaking,    20. 
Interior,    Secretary  of,  4,   11,    19,   416- 

420,  427,  430,  452,  453,  463. 
"International  Arbitrations,"  225,  228. 
"International  Arbitration  and  Peace," 

282-287. 
Intprnaiional   Bureau  of  American  Re- 
publics, 4,  20,  484. 
International   Bureau  of  Peace.   Berne, 

20,  93. 
Intcruatianal   Bureaus,  21,  117,   118. 
International   Commissions  of   Inquiry, 

26,  30,  31,  214,  231. 


International   Conciliation,   Association 

tor,  20,  365,  395,  471. 
International    Conventions    and    Socie- 
ties, 33. 
International  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 

97,  113,  215,  219,  220,  234,  242,  243, 

345. 
International  Court  of  Arbitration,  96, 

97,  110,  205,  218,  219. 
International    Court    of    Prize,    29,    96, 

2U0,  212,  215,  217,  218,  238. 
International  Ethics,  08,  104,  105,  190- 

193,  275,  281,  328,  329,  330,  372. 
International  Greetings,  19,  398-421. 
International  Hospitality,  93,  198,  199, 

340,  305,  377,  440-441. 
International   Law,    30,   206,   215,   218, 

222    224. 
International  Law  Association,  20,  CSG. 
International    Law,    Institution  of,    21. 
International    Law,    American    Society 

of,  5,  20. 
International  Library  of  Peace,  4,   35, 

323,   395. 
International  Peace  Congresses,  20,  93. 
International  Peace  Festival,  303. 
International  Prize  Court,  29,  90,  206, 

212,  215,  217,  218,  238. 
"International    School   of   Peace,"    319- 

326. 
•'International    Socialism    as    a    Peace 

Force,"  15,  170-178. 
International   Unions,   117,   118. 
Internationalism,  10,  115-121,  292,  384. 
Interparliamentary    Union,    4,    20,    39, 

40,  93,  335,  379,  412-413,  478. 
Interstate  Oratorical  Contest,  17,  271- 

297. 
Intervention,  26,  28,  214,  215,  230. 
Introductory  Note,  9-12. 
Inui,  Kiyo  Sue,  478. 
Invincibles,  400. 
Iowa,  Delegates  from,  476. 
Iowa,  Governor,  461. 
Iowa  State  College,  476. 
"Irritants,  Armaments  as,"  17,307-319. 
Irwin,  Miss  Agnes,  459. 
Isaacs,  Mrs.  John  D.,  469. 
Isenhower,  E.  J.,  480. 
Italian    Peace    Society    of    New    York, 

363,  380,  396-397,  479. 
Italy,   21,    25,   31,   109,   110,    136,   137, 

233,    237,    265,    266,    396-397,    418, 

421,  444. 


Jackman,  Mrs.  Wilbur  S.,  469. 
Jackson,  H.  H.,  M.  D.,  469. 
Jackson,  Mrs.  Jonathan  W.,  464. 
James,  President  Edmund  J.,  457. 
Janney,    Samuel    McPherson,   190,    191. 
Japan,  19,  25,  27,  28,  31,  67,  109,  129, 

142,    237,    247,    298,    302,    305,    306, 

307,    303,    367,    369,    383-389,    410- 

412,  438-439. 
Japan,  Delegates  from,  482. 
Japan,  Imperial  Universitv  of,  386. 
Japan  Peace  Society,  18.  383-389. 
Japan   Society,  New  York,  363 
"Japan's    Desire   for    Peace,"    383-389, 

438-439. 
Japanese,  73,  370,  383-389. 
Japanese     Ambassador,     363,     411-412, 

438,  484. 


513 


Jay,   Hon.  John,  24,  223,  224. 

Jay  Treaty,  24. 

Jay,  Judge  William,  21,  92. 

Jayne,  liobert  K.,  478. 

Jea'eison,  liev.  Cuaries  E.,  5,  492. 

Jefferson,  I'resiiU-ut  Thomas,  30. 

Jeft'niy,  J.  A.,   480,  492. 

Jena,   137,   140. 

Jesus,  50,  57,  00. 

Jewish    Women,    National    Council    of, 

17.  251,  408,  473. 
Jews,    05,    GO,    121,   405-407,    408,    409, 

471,   472,   474. 
Jingoes,  71. 
Johuu,  Henry  W.,  475. 
Johnson,  Benjamin,  475. 
Johnson,  Governor  Jolin  A.,  4G1. 
Johnson,  Herbert  H.,  480. 
Johnson,  l.ishop  .Foseph  H.,  309. 
Johnston,  F.  D.,  409. 
Johonnot,  liev.  K.  F.,  459.  404. 
Joint  Commissions,  243,  244. 
Jones,  Charles  K.,  404. 
Jones,  Itev.  Eifie  McC,  470. 
J'ones,  George  D.,  492. 
Jones,   Kev.   Jenkin  Loyd,   5,  9,  11,  14, 

17,   59,  00-62,   74,   268-270,    307-319, 

349,    350,    354,    350,    357,    420,    421, 

448,   454,   458,   409. 
Jones,  Mayor  Llewellyn,  462. 
Jones,  Rev.  W.  H.  Miller,  409. 
Jordan,   President   David   Starr,    5,   15, 

17,  101,  130-148,  250,  202,  272,  292, 

297,    298,    299,    3u0,    307,    319,    320, 

327,  300,  309.  440,  457,  463. 
Jordan,   Mrs.   Frederick,  459. 
Journal   International    Law,   American, 

227. 
Jubilees,  Peace,  20. 
Judges,  450,  488-489. 
Judges  in  Oratorical  Contest,  272. 
Judges  of  Permanent  Hague  Court,  97, 

113,  219,  220,  238,  242,  243. 
Judiciary  and  Legislatures,   Committee 

on,  450. 
Judson,  I'resident  Harry  Pratt,  455. 
Judson,  Mrs.  Harry  Pratt,  400. 
Jusserand,  Ambassador,  423,  449. 
Ju.stice,    67,    375,    412,    413,    410,    418, 

445    453. 
"Justice  and  Peace,"  277-282. 


Kahn,  Arthur,  355,  409. 

Kansas,  Delegates  from,  476. 

Kansas,  Governor  of,  405. 

Kant,  Immanuel,  21,  92,  317,  334. 

Kealing,  H.  T.,  15,  121-129,  480. 

Keck,  Mrs..  AV.  T.,  404. 

Kelly,  Robert  L.,  475. 

KenvUiU,  Mrs.  Anna  N.,  464. 

Kendall,  Mrs.  E.   E.,  409. 

Kent,  William,  5,  400. 

Kentucky,  Delegates  from,  477. 

Kentucky,  Governor  of,  401. 

Kentucky,    State  ITniversity,   455. 

Keuvvorthy,  Truman  C,  475. 

Kern,  Mrs.  A.  V.,  409. 

Korshner,  I'resident  Frederick  D.,  455. 

Kettring,  Mrs.  E.  G.,  475. 

Kimball,  Kate  F.,  409.  493-494. 

King  Edward  VH,  378,  400. 

King  Philip's  War,  190. 

Kings,  443-445. 

Kingsbury,  Miss  Mabel  H..  477. 


Kingsley,   Sherman  C,  454,  458. 

Kinsey,  Mr.s.  O.  P.,  475. 

Kipling,    Kudyard,    13,    144,    145,    146, 

314,   319,  408. 
Kirchwey,  Dean  George  W.,  456. 
Kirkup,  Miss  M.,  409. 
Kiser,  S.  E.,  450. 
Kitchin,  Governor  \Y.  W.,  401. 
Klein,  iiabbi   Jacob,  469. 
Kliewer,  J.  W.,  475. 
Kline,  Mahlou  IL,  454. 
Knapp,  Arthur,  142. 
Ivnapp,  ilcnry  E.,  481. 
Knights  of  Columbus,  474. 
Knights,  Hall  of,  at  The  Hague,  37,  38, 

205. 
Knights  of  Labor,  160. 
Knights  of  Pythias,  403,  478. 
Knox,  Hon.   Philander  C,  5,  220,  360, 

484. 
Kodicek,   Sig.,  469. 
Kohler,  Mayor  Charles,  462. 
Kohlsaat,  Mrs.  H.  H.,  460. 
Kohn,  Jo.seph,  409. 
Koht.    Dr.    Halvdan,    19,   413-415,    443- 

445,  449,  482. 
Kolsem,  J.  C.,  475. 
Komaiko,  S.  U.,  409. 
Korea,  2S,  143. 
Korsoski,  A.  J.,  469. 
Kriegbaum,   Mrs.   Charles  M.,   475. 
Kriete,  Arthur,  469. 
Kriete,  Mrs.  C.  L.,  469. 
Krupp  Guns,  198,  250,  309. 


Labor,  13,  15,  72,  117,  158-165,  106, 
107,  205,  200,  340,  348,  351,  354, 
409,  478,  480,  481,  495-497  ;  see  also 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  Or- 
ganized Labor. 

Labor,  Department  of  Commerce  and,  5. 

Labor  Organizations,  Committee  on, 
457. 

"Labor,  Organized,  and  Peace,"  6,  158- 
105,   497. 

Lackersteen,  Mrs.  E.,  409. 

Ladd,  William,  21,  92. 

Lagercrantz,  Ambassador  H.  de,  19, 
422,  449. 

Lake  Forest   College,   10,  18,  455,  464. 

Lake  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference, 
4.  5,  18,  20,  93,  232,  358,  359.  302, 
371,   379,  454. 

Lamljcth  Conference,  376. 

Lamont,  Mayor  John  F.,  402. 

Lampert.  Nelson  N.,  354,  458. 

Lamson,  C.  O.,  476. 

Lauisou,  Mrs.  C.  O.,  476. 

Lansing,  Robert,  485. 

Larson,  A.,  409. 

I.atliers,  497. 

Lathrop.   Mrs.   Byron,  400. 

Latin-American  Republics.  205,  206. 
217. 

Latter  Day  Saints,  478. 

Laurie:-,  Sir  Wilfred,  483-484. 

Lav/,  Evolution  of,  103. 

Law  Schools,  450  :  Cincinnati,  14.  90, 
450  ;  Northwestern  University,  456  ; 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  456 ; 
Yale,  456. 

Lawrence,  A.   W.,  460. 

Lawrence,  Prof.  T.  .T.,  215. 

Lawyers.  14,  99,  450. 


514 


LeGallionne,  Richard,  419. 
League  ot  Catuouc   Women,  17. 
League  of  Peace,  193. 
Leake,  Ur.  C.  W..  409. 
Leake,  Mrs.  C.  W.,  4(59. 
Leake,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  M.,  458. 
Lecky,  315. 

'•i.,egal    Aspects    of    the    Peace    Move- 
ment,"'  1(5,  l.'03-247. 
"Lecal     Problems    Capable    of     Settle- 
ment   by    Arbitration,"    16,    221-234. 
Lehmann,    Hon.    Frederick    W.,   5. 
Leibnitz,   21. 

Leigbton,  Mayor  Adam  P.,  462. 
Leipsic,  137. 
Leipsii,er,   Emil  W.,  475. 
Lelund     Stanford,    Jr.,     Univeraity,    5, 

272,   366,  440,  463. 
Lemonnier,  Charles,  21. 
Leone,  Lulgi,  479. 
Leopold,  King,  279,  280,  282. 
Lesicr,  Frances  L.,  469. 
Letters,    82,    83-86,    343-344,    411-412, 

483-499. 
Levy,  liabbi  J.  Leonard,  454. 
Lewis,  Frederick  W.,  478. 
Lewis,  George  S.,  464. 
Lewis,   M.   H.,  464. 
Lewis,   Mrs.   Nathan  B.,  469. 
Lewis,   T.   L.,  496. 
Lewis,  Dean  William  Draper,  456. 
Lewis,  Mrs.    William    T.,    17,    266-267, 

463. 
Libprals,  Religious,  492. 
Liberia,  28,  109. 
Library,  International,  of  Peace,  4,  35, 

323,   395. 
Life  Guards,  376. 
Life-saving  Drill,   376. 
Limbach,  Mrs.  Cliarles  H.,  469. 
Limitation  of  Armaments,  17,  213,  239, 

240,  299-306,  345.  346,  375,  400-401. 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  39,  40,  45,  76. 
Lincoln  Centre,  5,  465,  469. 
Lind^ren,    John    K.,    11,    430-431,    449, 

464,    499-500. 
Lindahl,  Joshua,  469. 
Literature,    Peace,   4,    35,   47,    48,    323, 

307,  371,  381,  395. 
Lithuania,  264. 
Little,    I'resident  Charles  J.,   431,  449, 

500. 
Little,  W.  S.,  480. 

Lives  Sacrificed   by  War,  8,  136-148. 
Lloyd,  Judge  Frank  T.,  489. 
Lloyd-George,  Rt.-Hon.  David,  71,  377, 

483. 
Loans,  War,  358. 

Lochner,    Louis    P.,    17,    292-297,    481, 
Locke,  21. 

Locke,  Dr.  Charles  B.,  369. 
Lockwood,  Homer  N.,  463. 
Lodi,  283. 

Loelo.  Joseph  I.,  469. 
Loewenthal,  Mrs.  C.  F.,  470. 
Locwonthal,  J.  W.,  470. 
Lombard  College,  464. 
London    Peace    Congress    of    1908,    18, 

35,  93,  373,  374-378. 
London    Peace.  Congresses,   20. 
Longfellow,  Henry  Wadsworth,  21,  317. 
Lorentz.   John,  470. 
Los  Angeies,  367,  368,  369,  370,  463. 
Loss  of   Life  by  War,  8,   100,   136-148, 

257. 
Loubet,  Ex-President,  85,  92. 


Louis,  Xapoleou,  228. 

Louisiana,  Delegates  from,  477. 

Louisiana,   Governor  of,  461. 

Love,  Alfred  H.,  18,  454. 

Love,  Charles  A.,  464. 

Lovette,  Dr.  T.   S.,  460. 

Lowden,  Hon.  Frank  O.,  488. 

Lowe,  A.  B.,  478. 

Lowell,   Mrs.   George   F.,    10,   459,   477. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  21,  317. 

Lowell,   Mrs.   Jo.sephine  Shaw,  51,  389. 

Lowenstine,  M.  R.,  475. 

Lowery,   M.   L.,  272,   480. 

Luccock,  Rev.  George,  459. 

Lucerne  I'eace  Congress,  20. 

Lukens,   Herman  T.,  470. 

Lutheran  Church,  467,  470. 

Luttenberger,  John  G.  M.,  470. 

Luxemburg,  25,  237,  265,  266. 

Lyman,  Mrs.  David  B.,  Jr.,  470. 

Lyman,  Mrs.  Louise  H.,  470. 

Lyman,  William,  470. 

Lynch,  Rev.  Frederick,  459. 

Lyons,  Mayor  James,  462. 

m: 

Mabie,  Rev.   Henry  C.  500. 

Macalester  College,  455. 

Maccabees,  477,  478. 

MacDonald,  Rev.  James  H.,  459. 

Mack,  Judge  Julian  W.,  9,  460. 

MacSweeney,  Joseph  P.,  479. 

Madden,  Rev.  Loyal  W.,  478. 

Magenta,  136. 

Magill,  Henry  P.,  460. 

Mahony,    W.    A.,    11,   15,  181-190,   457, 

4S0,  492. 
Mahool,  Mayor  J.  Barry,  462. 
Mail    Service,    Inviolability  of,  96,  212. 
Maine,   Delegates   from,   477. 
Mainland,   Mrs.   William,  481. 
"Man  a  Fighter,"  58-59. 
"Man  of  the  Hoe,"  137. 
Man,  Kinship  with  Divine,  70. 
Manchuria,  28,  143. 
Mangau,   John,  457. 
"Manhood,    War  and,"   15,   130-148. 
Manila,  Battle  of,  142. 
Manners,   International  Good,   365. 
Manning,   John   L.,   456. 
Manufacturers,    480. 
Marburg.  Theodore,  476. 
Marcellus,  C.  N.,  478.  491. 
Maritime,  31,  207,  211,   218,   238,  239, 

427. 
Maritime  Conference,  31. 
Markbreit,   Mayor  L.,  462. 
Markets.  Foreign,   170,   171,  347-349. 
Marks,   Marcus  M.,   16,   193-195,  457. 
Marouotte  University,  282. 
Marshall,   Lt.-Col.   Stephen,   470. 
Marshall,   Governor  Thomas  R.,  461. 
Martial  Spirit,  419,  420,  428. 
Maryland,  Delegates  from,  477. 
Mason,  Fred   B.,  470. 
Masons,  149-156,  472. 
Massachusetts,    Delegates   from,   477. 
Massachusetts,   (governor  of,  461. 
Mathews,  Bishop  G.   M.,  470. 
Mathews,  Mayor  J.  R.,  462. 
Matsi'l)ara.    Hon.    Kazuo,    19,    410-412, 

4;j.S-139,  4  70,  482,  484. 
Matthews.   E.   P.,  481. 
Mauek,  Joseph  William,  478. 
Maxwell,   Dr.  William  IL,  391. 


515 


Mayer,  Hairy  H.,  478. 
Mayer,  Levy,  460. 
Mayor  of  Chicago,  14. 
.Mayors,  List  of,  461-462. 
McCall,  Peter,  464. 
McCandless,  Mrs.   C.  R.,  476. 
McCash,  Rev.  I.  N.,  369. 
McCiellan,    Mayor    George   B.,    462. 
McClintocli,    President    Euphemia,    459. 
McCluDK,   Mayor   Benjamin,  462. 
McConnell,  Mrs.  J.   S.,  470. 
McCormick,  Alexander  A.,   10,   11,  454. 
McCormick,  Mrs.  Cyrus,  460. 
McCormick,  Mrs.  Harold,  460. 
McCullough,  E.  S.,  475. 
McOilloiigh,  Florence,  475. 
McDowell,  Bishop  W.  P.,  5,  450. 
McDowell,  Miss  Mary  E.,  17,  159,  26.3- 

266,  460,  470. 
McGowan,  Mrs.  Nettie,  470. 
McKinley,    President    William,    71,    77, 

224,   416,   452. 
McMulIen,  Mrs.  Roger  B.,  464. 
McPherson,  Rev.  W.  H.,  460. 
Mead,   Edwin  D.,  11.  l.'i,  17,  35-45,  46, 

48,   50,   299-306,   358,   395,   454,  457, 

45S,   477. 
Mead,  Mrs.  Edwin  D.,  5,  10,  17,  52,  53, 

254-260,    261,    262,    267,     268,    455, 

477. 
Mediation,  26,  28,  214,  215. 
Medical  Associations,  465,  471,  476. 
Megan,  Charles  P.,  455. 
Melendy,    Royal    L.,    5,    9,    11.    82,    84, 

203,    343,    344,    351,    352,    353,    355. 

356,   454.  470. 
Melendy,  Mrs.  Royal  L.,  470. 
Melhaiier,    Mayor   Frank  H.,  462. 
Menge,  Mrs.  Carrie,  470. 
Meunonites,  475,  480. 
Merchants.    193,   194,   195,   444,   470. 
Merchant  Ships,   212,   218,   375. 
Merrett,   Albert   N.,   470. 
Messiah.   Handel's,    15. 
Methodist  Episcopal  ('hurch,  3.  369. 
Mexican  Ambassador,  423,  449. 
Mexican    International   Conference,    27. 
Mexico,   24,   25,   27,    31,   109,   110,   205. 
Mever,  Hon.  George  von  L.,  5,  485. 
Meyer,  .L  H.,  470. 
Michigan,   Delegates  from.   477-478. 
Michigan,   Governor  of,   461. 
Michigan    Military    Academy,    455. 
Michigan,    University    of,    4,    277,    459, 

490. 
Mies,  Prank  P.,  464. 
Mies,   Mrs.   Prank  P.,  464. 
"Might,  Right  Makes,"  405. 
Milan  Peace  Congress,  20. 
Miles,  James  B.,  21. 
Militarism,    33,    61.    62.    71,    100,    101, 

130-148,   184,   185,  275. 
Military  Drill,  375. 
"Military  Expenditures  in  an  Economic 

Age."  "179-181,  434-438. 
Military  Stature,   137,  139,  248. 
Miller,  H.  I.,  454. 
Miller,  Hubert  P.,  11. 
Milligan  College.  455. 
Miller,  Owen,  496. 
Milton,  .Tohn,  45. 
Mine     Workers,    475,    476,     477,    495- 

496. 
Mines,    Submarine,    90.    Ill,    207,    210, 

211. 
Ming,   M.   L.,   470. 


Ministers.  323,  :!46,  45.),  476,  492-493. 
Ministers'  Meetings,  11,  476. 
Minnesota,  Delegates  from,  478. 
Minnesota,  Governor  of,  461. 
Mint,  U.  S.,  Washington,  D.  C,  5. 
Missions,  American  Board,  493. 
Mississippi,  Delegates  from,  478. 
Mississippi.  Governor  of,  461. 
Missouri,  Delegates  from,  478. 
Missouri,  Governor  of,  461. 
Missouri.  University  of,  455. 
Mitchell,  .Tohn,  495. 
Mitchen,   Rev.   Charles  B.,  470. 
Mitigation    of    War,    30,    31,    96,    111, 

207,    208.    209. 
Mixing  of  Races,  6.3,  64. 
Mohonk    Arbitration    Conference,    4,    5, 

18,   20.   93,   232,   358,   359,  362,   371, 

379,  454. 
"Mollycoddles,"  66,  67. 
Molton,  T.   H.,    16,   189,  457,  463,  492. 
Monaco   I'eace  Congress,   20. 
Monaco,   Principality   of,   26. 
Moneta,  E.  T.,  21. 
Montenegro,  25,  237. 
Montesquieu,  21. 
Monroe,    Miss    Harriet,    427,    449,    501, 

502. 
Monroe  Doctrine,  75,  217,  303. 
Montgomery,   Dr.    W.   J.,   470. 
Moody,    Walter  D.,    11,   460. 
Moore,   Mayor  C.   Herbert,   462. 
Moore,    Prof.    .Tohn    Bassett,    225,    228, 

232. 
Moore,  Judge  Joseph  B.,   18,  343,  350, 

352,    353,    355,    357,    .'558.    359.    365, 

371,  373,  378,  382,  389,  .396,  477. 
Moore,    Mrs.    Philip    N.,    16,    248,    250, 

260-262,  478. 
Moors,   The,    101. 
Moral   A.spect   of  War.   60,   61,   62,   68, 

69,  73,  124,  137,  275,  309,  314,  315, 

405,   416. 
Moral  I'rogress,  40,  41.  42.  43,  44,  45, 

73,   124  ;   see  Evolution. 
Moran,   W.   P.,   470. 
Morley,  John,  25. 
Morocco,   26,   109,   177,  192. 
Morrhead,   President  J.   A.,  481. 
Morris,   Mrs.   Ira  N.,  460. 
Morris,  Mrs.  T.  Ralston,  470. 
Moscow,   1.37,   140. 
Mosiman,   IMdison,   480. 
Mothers,   17,  251-252,  464. 
Mott,   John   R.,   342. 
Moulton,   General   George  M..   460. 
Mount  Ilolyoke  College,  456. 
Monravieff,   Count.   299. 
Mowath,   S.   H.,   470. 
Mueller,  Paul,  470. 
Muldoon,    Bishop   1'.  J.,   459. 
Mullen,   Miss  Agnes,   477. 
Munich   I'eace   Congress,   20. 
Munster  Peace  Conference,  27. 
Murphy,  John  B.,  460. 
:Murphv,  Mavor  J.  W.,  462. 
Muscat,  26,  31. 
Musicians,  479,  496. 
Myers,  Prof.   P.   V.   N.,  460. 

N 


Nabuco,   Senor,   365. 
Nagel,  Hon.  Charles,  5. 
Napoleon    I,    24,    101,    102, 
140,   248,   249,   283,  401. 


138,    139, 


5i6 


Napoleon,  Louis,  228. 

Nation  in  Arms,  401. 

National   Association   of   Clothiers,    16. 

National    Council    of    Jewish    Women, 

17,  251,  468,  473. 
National  Debts,  105,  106,  107,   181. 
National    Educational    Association,    49, 

455. 
National  Ethics,  68,  104.  105,  190-193, 

275,   284,   328,   329,   330,   372. 
National    Federation   of   Religious   Lib- 
erals, 492. 
"National   Honor,"   25,   26,   31,  32,   34, 

214,    226,    227,    228,    229,    231,    232, 

306,  315,  345,  400. 
National   Peace  Congresses,   9.   20. 
National  Policy,  258,  259,  292. 
Nationalism,  13,  65,  66,  316,  337,  338, 

452-453. 
Nations,   Congress  of,  92. 
Nature,    Changing    Man's,    58,    59,    70, 

256,  257,  362,  416-417. 
Naval    Conference,    Loudon,     31,    207, 

211,    218,   238. 
Naval  Warfare,   207,  238,  239,  427. 
Navigation.  210. 

Navy,   Appropriations   for,    435,   436. 
Navy  Department,   5. 
Navy  League,  258. 
Navy,  Secretary  of,  5,  485. 
Nebraska,   4,   464. 
Nebraska,  Delegate  from,  478. 
Nebraska,   Governor  of,   461. 
Neely,  Judge  Charles  G.,  456. 
Negro,   39,   40,   121,   124-129. 
Nelidow,  87,  116. 
Nelson,  Mrs.  Walter  C,  470. 
Nesbit,  Wilbur  D.,  456. 
Netherlands,    25,    31,    109,    225,    233, 

265,   266. 
Neumann,  P.  E.,  355,  481. 
Neutralization,  111,  258,  276. 
Neutrals,    30,    31,    96,    111,    208,    209, 

210.    211,    218,    220,    227,    228,    285, 

239,  358. 
Nevada,  Delegates  from.  478. 
New  England  Society,  468. 
New  Hampshire  Federation  of  Women's 

Clubs,    16. 
New  Hampshire,  Governor  of,  461. 
New  Jerusalem  Church,   406.   407. 
New  Mexico,  Governor  of,  461. 
New  Orleans.  Mavor  of,  461. 
New    Thought,    Church    of,    466,    468. 

471,  472. 
New  York,  4,   5. 

New  York,  College  of  City  of.  455. 
New  York,  Delegates  from,  479. 
Kew  Yo7k  Evening  Post,  456. 
New  York,   Governor  of.  365,  461. 
New  York,  Mayor  of,  462. 
New  York  Peace    Congress,    9,    20,    53, 

362,  374,   391. 
New  York,  Peace  Office  in,  18,  361-365. 
New  York  Peace  Society,  4,  18,  20,  94, 

361-365,  479. 
Neicer  [deals  of  Peace,  4,  268. 
Newfoundland,  229. 
Newspapers,  47,  71.  257.  .303,  304,  305, 

373.  410,  420,  456,  457. 
Newton,   Joseph  S.,  470. 
"Next  Steps  in  Peacemaking,"  17,  298- 

332. 
Nicaragua.   233. 
Nicholas  II,  Czar,  25,  28,  88,  112,  239, 

258. 


Nicholson,  Mrs.  Marion,  470. 

Nicholson.  Timothy,  458,  475. 

Nile,   River,   180,   181. 

Niles.   Henry  C,   18.   359-361,   4o6. 

Nobel  I'eace  Prize,  160,  414. 

Noel.  Governor  E.  F..  461. 

Nollen,  President  John  S.,  11,  18,  33.3, 

336,  4.54,  455,  458,  460,  464. 
Non-combatants,  207,   220. 
Norris,  Mrs.   William  W.,  470. 
North  Carolina,   128. 
North  Carolina,  Delegates  from,  479. 
North  Carolina,   Governor  of,  461. 
North  Dakota,  Delegates  from,  479. 
North  Sea  Incident.  31,   214,  231,  270. 
Northern     California     Peace      Society, 

367. 
Northington.   Mayor  M.  C,   462. 
Northrup,  L.  L.,  476. 
Northwestern   Universitv,   10,    12,   430- 

431,  449,  455,  476,  499-500. 
Northwestern    University    Law    School, 

456. 
Norton.  Charles  D.,  460. 
Norway.   19,   25,   28.   94,   206.  233,   2.i8, 

276,   364,   413-415,   443-445. 
Norway.    Delegate    from,    19,    413-415, 

443-445,  449,  482. 
Norwegian  State  University,  413. 
Noven,   Robert,  470. 
Novicow.  J.,   21. 
Noyes,  Frank  B.,  456. 

O 

OBryau,   Mayor  W.  M.,  462. 

O'Callaghan.  Rev.  Peter  J.,  459. 

O'Connell.  Daniel,  284. 

O'Keife.    Mrs.    D.    I).,   471. 

O'Neil,   Rev.   Ernest,  459. 

Oberlin   College,   470,   472. 

Obligatory  Arbitration.  97,  98,  217, 
236,  244,  344,  345,  399-400. 

Occupied  Territorv,  207. 

Odd  Fellows,  465)  466,  467,  408,  469, 
470,   471,   473. 

Office  of  the  Peace  Congress.   10. 

Officers  of  the  Peace  Congress,  4-5. 

Ogden,   Miss  Althoa  A.,  13,  45. 

Ogden,   Rollo,  456. 

Ogilire,  Rev.  Andrew  U.,  475. 

Ogle.  J.  B.,  476. 

Ohio,   4. 

Ohio.  Delegates  from,  479-480. 

Ohio,  Ex-Govcrnor  of,  490. 

Ohio  Wesleyan   University,   456. 

Olcott,  George  C,  470. 

Olney,   Hon.    Richard,   223,   224. 

Olney-Pauncefoote  Treaty,   224,   259. 

Onahan,    William  J.,  460. 

Orange  Free  State.   26. 

Oratorical  Contests,  17,  271-297,  368, 
369. 

Order  of  R.  R.  Telegraphers,  497. 

Oregon,   225,   346. 

Oregon.  Delegates  from,  480. 

Organizations  and  Delegates,  Commit- 
tee on,  458. 

"Organized  Labor  and  Peace."  15.  158- 
165,   346,   348,  351,  354,  405-497. 

Organizing  for  Peace,  92,  93,  94,  327- 
332,  449-452. 

Orient,  73.   383-389,  429. 

Orr,  Adam  C,  471. 

Ortmann,  Rudolph,  5,  11. 

Osborne,  Bishop  Edward  W..  14. 


517 


Osborne,  Dr.  Thomas  D.,  458. 
Osnabruck  Peace  Conference,  27. 
Outlines  of  Study,  17. 


Pacific    Coast,    306-307,    327,    306-371, 

420. 
Pacific    Coast   Peace   Agencv,    18,    366- 

371. 
Pacific  Ocean,  420. 
Pacific  Settlement  of  Disputes,  20,  26, 

28,   29,   03,   107,   108,   109,   111,   216, 

221-234.  451. 
Pacifism,  119,  372. 
Pack,  W.  F.,  471. 
Paine,  Hon.  Robert  Treat,  Frontispiece, 

5,_  14,  T4-75^J7,  87.  91,  99,  157,  158, 

357,   373,  477. 
Palace     of     Peace,     Cartago,     Central 

America,   245. 
Palace    of    Peace   at    The    Hague,    110, 

129,  215,  220. 
Palmer,  Jlrs.   Ida  Jane,  471. 
Panama,  9,  230. 
Panama  Canal,  429,  436. 
Pan-American   Congress,   20. 
Panic,  War,   320. 
Paris,  Declaration  of,  205. 
Paris,  Fur  Seal  Arbitration,  25,  229. 
Paris,  Peace  Conference  of  1763,  27. 
Paris   Peace  Congresses,   20. 
Parks,  Wade  R.,  475. 
"Parliament   of  Man,"   29,   37,   38,   42, 

93,  98,  276.  330,  334,  424. 
Parliament   of  Religions,   60,   195,  201. 
Parrott,   Mrs.   Matt,  476. 
Passamaquoddy   Bay,   225. 
Passy,   Frederick,  21. 
Patrick,  Miss  Lucy  S.,  463. 
Patrick,  Miss  Mary  Mills,  482. 
Patriotism,   13,   65,   66,   316,  337,   338, 

452-453. 
Patterson,  Charles  M.,  471. 
Patterson,  President  -J.  K.,  455. 
Patterson,  Governor  M.  R.,  461. 
Patterson,  Sheldon  P.,  460,  471. 
Patterson,  Mrs.  Sheldon  P.,  471. 
Pauncefoote,    Olney    — ,    Treaty,    224, 

259. 
Paxton,  W.  G.,  475. 
Payne,  Jason  E.,  480. 
Payne,   Dr.    William  Morton,   457,  471. 
Peace,    Armed,    Cost   of,    179-181,    431- 

438. 
Peace  Association  of  Friends,  475. 
Peace  Budget,   93,    112,   114,   199,   346, 

413. 
Peace  Congress,  Function  of,  62-69. 
Peace  Congresses,  9,   20,  53,  359,   361, 

362.  374,   391. 
"Peace,   The   Dawn   of   Universal,"   90- 

114. 
"Peace   and   Education,"   35. 
Peace     Endowment,     11,     12,     430-431, 

449,  499-500. 
"Peace,  For,"  Poem.  501-502. 
Peace,  International  Library  of,  4,  35, 

32.3,  395. 
Peace  Jubilees,   20. 
Peace,  League  of,  193. 
Peace    League,    American    School,    see 

American   School   Peace  League. 
Peace   Movement,    General    Survey,    14, 

20,  39,  40,  42,  4.3,  71.  72,  73,  74,  92- 

98,  99-114,  208-332,  359-397. 


Peace  Movement,   Inclusiveness  of,   61, 

Peace  Movement,  Legal  Aspects  of,  20, 
203-247. 

Peace  Movement,  Political  Aspect  of, 
39,  40,   173-177,  324. 

'"Peace  Movement,  Popularizing  and 
Organizing,"  327-332. 

"Peace  Movement,  Present  Position 
of."  14,  20,  22-34,  39,  40,  42,  4.3,  71, 
72,  73,  74,  92-98,  99-114,  298-332, 
359-397  ;  see  also  Peace  Societies. 

Peace  Prize,  Nobel,  21. 

Peace,  Progress  of,  22,  115,  194,  203- 
221,  301,  302,  330,  424. 

"Peace,  Retrospect  and  Prospect,"  14, 
74-114. 

Peace  Societies,  20,  374 ;  see  also 
American  Peace  Society,  American- 
Scandinavian  Society,  American 
School  Peace  League,  Association  for 
International  Conciliation.  Berne 
Peace  Bureau,  Cincinnati  Peace 
Society,  Corda  Fratres,  Cosmopolitan 
Clubs,  Denison  University  Peace  So- 
ciety, Friends'  Peace  Association, 
German-American  Peace  Society, 
Intercollegiate  Peace  Association, 
Interparliamentary  Union,  Italian 
I'cac.^  Society  cf  New  York,  Japan 
Peace  Society,  Japan  Society  of  New 
York,  New  Y'ork  Peace  Society, 
Northern  California  I'eace  Society, 
Pennsylvania  State  Peace  Society, 
South  American  Association  for 
Universal  Peace,  Southern  California 
Peace  Society,  Universal  Peace 
Union,  Wooster  University  Peace 
Association,  Y'oung  People's  Inter- 
national Federation  League. 

Peace,  A   Song  of,   13. 

Peace  Study,  Outlines  of,  17. 

Peace  Sundav.  20. 

Peace,  Temple  of,  110,  129,  215,  220, 
229    245. 

Peace 'workers,  17,  21,  81,  343-397. 

"Peacemaking  Factors  in  Modern  So- 
ciety,"  15,   149-178. 

"Peacemaking,  Next  Steps  in,"  17,  298- 
332. 

Pearl,  John  C,  471. 

Pearson.  Rev.   S.,  471. 

Pecuniary  Claims,  224. 

Pedersen,  Carl  M.,  471. 

Penland.  G.  H.,  480. 

Penn,  William,  21,  38,  92,  125,  190, 
359,  386. 

Pennington.    Levi  T..   272-277,   297. 

I'ennsylvania,  Governor  of,  359. 

Pennsylvania,   Delegates  from,   480. 

I'ennsylvania  State  Peace  Congress,  18, 
359-361,  480. 

Pennsylvania  State  Peace  Society,  480. 

"Pennsylvania's  Experiment,"   190-193. 

Pensions,  191. 

"People's  Peace  in  Scandinavia,"  443- 
445. 

Perham,  H.  S.,  496-497. 

Perine,  .losiah  W.,  471. 

Periodic  Congress  of  Nations,  240,  241, 
344,  345. 

Perkins,  Miss  Emma  M.,  459. 

Perkins,  E.  T.,  463. 

Permanent  Court  at  Hague,  26,  28.  29, 
30,  31,  32,  42,  94,  96,  97,  110,  113, 
205,  215,  218,  229,  238,  242,  243, 
272,  276,  344  ;  see  also  International 


5i8 


Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  Interna- 
tional Court  of  Arbitration,  Interna- 
tional  Court   of  i'rize. 

Perry,  Prof.  Bliss,  456. 

Perry,   Edwin,   475. 

Perrv,  Commodore  O.  II.,  384. 

Perry,   W.   E.,  471. 

Persia,  25,  109. 

Peru,  109. 

Pesowusky,  II.,  471. 

Pestefeld,  Mrs.  Ursula  N.,  471. 

Peter.5on,  B.  C,  471. 

Petition  to  Ttiird  Hague  Conference, 
14,   87-91,    169,   356-357. 

Pharsalia,  l'S2. 

Phelps,  Dr.  Arthur  S.,  369. 

Philadelphia,  36,  37,  3S. 

Philadelphia,  Mayor  of,  462. 

Philippine  Islands,  65,  69,  307. 

Phillips,  H.  C,  18,  359,  454. 

Phillips,   Wendell,   39. 

Pictures,  Peace  and  War,  102. 

Pierson,  Miss  Mary  J.,  13,  51-55,  267, 
349,   389-396,  455,  •:r(9. 

Pilo,  Axel  O.,  471. 

Pinckney,  Mr.s.  M.  W.,  471. 

Pioneers,   Peace,   21,  92. 

Piper,  Charles  E.,  354,  458. 

Pirie,  John  T.,  Jr.,  454. 

Pittsburg   Chamber  of  Commerce,   492. 

Pittsburg,   University  of,   465,   473. 

Pius  i<'und.  Case,  27,  31,   110. 

Piracy,  212,  255. 

Platform  of  the  Congress,  18,  344-346. 

"Plea  for  International  Hospitality," 
440-441. 

Poem,  by  Miss  Harriet  I^Ionroe,  501,  502. 

Poem,  by  Torrence,  8. 

Poets  and  Peace,  45,  419. 

Police  Function,   254,   255,  256,   298. 

Policy,   National,   258,    259. 

Political  Aspect  of  Peace  Movement, 
39,  40,   111,   173-178,   324. 

Polk,  President  James  K.,  225. 

Polk,   S.  C,  471. 

Pollman,  Mayor  William,  462. 

Pomona  College,  369. 

Pon,  Gerrit,  460. 

Pope,  The,  25,  376. 

"Popularizing  and  Organizing  the 
Peace  Movement,"  327-332. 

Porter,  Hon.  Horace,  5,  217.  487. 

Portland,  Me.,  Mayor  of,  462. 

Portman,   Mrs.   Edward  C,  471. 

Porto  Rico,  Delegate  from,  480. 

Porto  Rico  Federation  of  Workmen, 
495. 

Portsmouth,  Peace  of,  215. 

Portugal,   25,   109,   228,  265. 

Post,  Louis  h\,  460. 

Postal    Union,    Universal,   21,   117. 

Poteat,    President   Edwin    M.,    455. 

Pothier,  Governor  Abram  J.,  461. 

Pound,   Prof.   Roscoe,   464,   478. 

Pratt,  Hodgson.  21. 

Pratt,  W.  B.,  475. 

Prayer,  14,  56,  421,  422,  448. 

Prejudice,  73,  120,  121,  339,  353,  387- 
388,  407-408,  416. 

Preliminary  Meetings,  13,  22-55. 

Preparatory  Committee,  Third  Hague 
Conference,  235,   236,  346. 

"Prepare  for  War."  67,  191.  257,  258, 
298,  404  ;  see  also  Armaments, 
Armaments  as  Irritants. 

Presbyterian   Church,   471,   472,  473. 


"Present  Position  of  Peace  Movement," 
14,  20,  22-34,  39,  40,  42,  43,  71,  72, 
73,  74,  92-98,  99-114,  298-332,  359- 
397. 

President  of  the  Peace  Congress,  4,  9, 
11,   22-34,  99,   21o,  226,  o05,   485. 

President  of  the  United  States,  4,  9, 
11,  82-83,  95.  108,  109,  111,  213, 
303,  345,  360,  36o,  415,  416,  427, 
428,  452. 

Pre.ss,  47,  71,  257,  .303,  304.  305,  346, 
364,  373,  410,  420,  456,  457,  465. 

Press  Committee,  456. 

Press  Organizations,  456,  465,  471, 
479. 

Prevention  of  ^Ya^,  213,  214,  215,  386. 

l*rice,  James  Russell,  471. 

Pride,  311,  312,  434. 

Prime   Minister,    British,    377,    434. 


Piiiiier  uf  Peace, 


53,  390. 


Printers'   Organizations,   467,   470. 

I'risoners  of  War,  2U7. 

Private    Property,    211,    212,    235,   345, 

37o,  427. 
Private   War,  344. 
Privateering,   212,  228,  229. 
Prize,    International    Court  of,    29,    96, 

2U6,  212,  215,   217,   218,   238,  301. 
Prize,  Nobel  Peace,  21. 
Prizes    (Capture),   209,   211,   2.38. 
Prizes,  Oratorical  Contest,   297. 
Program  Committee,  458. 
Program  of  the  Congress,   13-19. 
"Progress  of  I'eace  I'rinciples,"  22-34  ; 

see    also    Present   Position    of    Peace 

Movement. 
Prohibition  ^  arty,  464. 
Propaganda,  Peace,  46,  47,  48,  49,  50, 

93,    319-326,    327-332,    363-364,    366, 

367-370,   371-373,   378-382,   413,  449- 

452. 
Property,   Private,   at   Sea,   211. 
Prosperity,  418-419,   429,  453. 
Protestant    Episcopal    Church,    4,    14, 

369,  465,   467. 
Prouty,  Governor  George  H.,  461. 
Psychology  of  War,  307-319. 
Public  Opinion,  340,  412,  451-452. 
Publications,     Peace,     see     Literature, 

Advocate  of  Peace. 
Puffeudorf,  21. 
Puget  Sound,  453. 
Pugsley,  Hon.  C.  H.,  455. 
Purity  League,  474. 
Pythias,  Knights  of,  463,  478. 

Q 

Queen  Wilhelmina,  25,  112.  318. 
"Questions    Capable    of    Settlement    by 

Arbitration,"    221-234. 
"Questions  Likely  to  Be  Considered  at 

the    Third    Hague    Conference,"    16, 

234-241. 
Quetelet,  147. 

Quigley,  Archbishop  J.  E..  5,  460. 
Quinby,  Governor  Henry  B.,  461. 
Quincy,   Hon.  Josiah,   21. 

R 

Race    Antagonism,    73,    120,    121,    339, 

353,   387-3S8,   407-408. 
Races,    73,    407,    408 ;    see    also    Jews, 

Negro,  Orient. 
Races,  Intermingling  of,  62,  63,  64. 


519 


"Racial    Progress    Towards    Universal 

Peace,"  15,  39,  40,  121-129. 
Radcliffe  College,  459. 
Railroads,   117,  210. 
Randall,  E.  O.,  492. 
Ratitication    of    Treaties    and    Conven- 
tions, 109,  111. 
Ravages  of  War,  8,  102,  103. 
Raymond,   W.  II.,  476. 
Rebekah,  Daughters  of,  466. 
Reception    Committee,    14,    79-82,    459- 

460. 
Receptions,  10,  14,  114. 
Recessional,   Kipling's,    13. 
Reclamation  of  Arid  Lauds,  430. 
Recognition  of   New   Nation,   230. 
Recruiting  for  Armv  and  Navy,  355. 
Red  Cross,  111,  137,  207. 
Red  Cross,  American,  494. 
Red  Men,  466,  467,  471. 
Reed,  Rev.  C.   F.,  471. 
Reed,   C.  L.,  462. 
Reed,  Mrs.  Elizabetii  A.,  471. 
Reed,  I'resident  George  E.,  455. 
Reform,  Greatest,  37h. 
Reformed  Ctiurch,  469,  474. 
Reformed    Episcopal    Church,    see    Fal- 
lows, Bishoj). 
Reformers,    23,    33,    39,    92,    272,    273, 

378. 
Registration  of  Delegates,  14. 
Rein,  Miss  Carrie,  475. 
Reinsch,    Prof.    Paul    S.,    15,    115-121, 

481. 
Reitzel,  Rev.  John  R.,  464. 
Relief  Corps,  470. 

Religion,  201,  416  ;  see  also  Christian- 
ity, Ethics,  Moral. 
Religious    Institutions,    Committee    on, 

459. 
Representatives,   see   Congressmen. 
Republican  Party,   111,   365. 
Republics,      International     Bureau     of 

American,  4,  20,  484. 
Resolutions   Adopted   by   the   Congress, 

344-346,  351,  354,  356,  37.3.  420. 
Resolutions        Presented        But        Not 
Adopted,     347-349,     353,     354,     355, 
356-357,  358. 
Resolutions,    Committee    on,    16,    203, 
344,  350,  351,  457. 

Results    of    War,    105,    106,    107,    130- 
148,  182-183,  274-275,  411. 

"Retrospect  and  Prospect,"  14,  74-114, 
362-365. 

Revell,  Alexander  H.,  460. 

Revolution,  American,  41,  42,   146-147. 

Reyburn,    Mayor,   .John    E.,   462. 

Reynolds,   Albert  H.,  277-282. 

Reynolds,   George  M.,  464. 

Reynolds,  Hon.  .Tames  B.,  454. 

Rhine,   400-401. 

Rhode  Island,  Governor  of,  461. 

Rhodes,  Mrs.  C.   W.,  471. 

Rhodes   Scholarships,   292,    323. 

Rich,  A.  W.,  481. 

Rich,  Miss  Clara  W.,  481. 

Rich,   Miss  Victoria  P.,   481. 

Richard,   Prof.  Ernst,   11,   362,  454. 

Richard,  Henry,  21. 

Richards,  Mayor  George  L.,   462. 

Richardson,    Mayor   D.    C,   462. 

Richardson,  O.  W.,  471. 

Richardson,   Hon.   William.  488. 

Richmond.  Rev.  Cora  L.  V.,  471. 

Rickert,  T.  A.,  479. 


Riddick,  Mayor  James  G.,  462. 
"Right  Makes  Might,"  405. 
Righteousness,   124,  125,  283 ;  see  Jus- 
tice. 
Ritter,  Jacob,  476. 
Rivalry    in    Armament,    311,    312,    345, 

346,  433-434. 
Rivers  and  Harbors,  437. 
Roanoke  College,  481. 
Roberts,   Rev.  D.  P.,   471. 
Roberts,    Hon.    George    E.,    5,    11,    15, 

179-181,     189,    190,    199,    454,    455, 

460,  471. 
Roberts,   Mrs.  Julia  W.,  471. 
Roberts,  Lord,  258. 

Robins,   Mrs.   Raymond,    159,   264,   460. 
Robinson,   Frances  M.,  475. 
Roe,    Frances,   471. 

Rogers,    Dean    Henry    Wade,   456,   491. 
Rogers,  Herbert  M.,  478. 
Rogers,    Dean    W.    P.,    14,    99-114,   456, 

480. 
Rogiie,  Henry,  476. 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  5,  376,  460. 
Rome,  101,  131. 
Rome  Peace  Congress,   20. 
Roosevelt,  Ex-President,  21,  27,  28,  74, 

77,    81,    82,    95,    99,    lOO,    109,    112, 

215,    241,    314,    327,    334,    412,    424, 

452. 
Root,   Senator  Elihu,  5,  11,  31,  85,  95, 

109,    217,    220,    234,    305,    365,    377, 

443,  486. 
Root,  Eliza  H.,  M.  D.,  471. 
Root,   Robert  C,   10,   18,  366-371,  454, 

463. 
Rose,  Mayor  David  S.,  462. 
Rosen,   Baron,   422,  449. 
Rosenwald,  Julius,   5,  458,  460,  472. 
Rosenwald,   Mrs.   Julius,  460,  472. 
Rouen   Peace   Congress,    20. 
Uoumania,   25,   237. 
Iloundy,   Frank  C,   354,  458,   472. 
Rousseau,  21,  279. 
Rowland,  Eugene  A.,  479. 
Rowlands,   H.   O.,  476. 
Rules  of  Warfare,  30,  31,  96,  111,  205, 

207,    208,    209,    210,    211,    212,    238, 

276. 
Rush  Medical  College,  455. 
Russell,    Prof.   Elbert,   454,   475. 
Russell,   F.  A.,  491. 
Russell,  Lord  John,  24,  227,  228. 
Russia,   25,    27,   2S,    31,    105,   109,   214, 

231,   233,   257,  263. 
Russia,    Czar  of,  25,  28,   88,   112,   239, 

258. 
Russian   Ambassador,   422,   449. 
Russo-Japanese    War,    27,    28,    74,    77, 

99,    181,   211,   215,  386,   410. 
Ryan,   F.   M.,  497. 


Saint-Laurent,   Baron  de.   423. 

Salisbury,   Lord,   223,   409. 

Salvador,   109,  233.  246. 

Salvation  Army,  466,  467,  470. 

Sam,  Tom,  472. 

Samoa,   307. 

Samurai,  143. 

San  Domingo,   126. 

San  Francisco  Labor  Council,  497. 

San   Francisco,  Mayor  of,  462. 

San  Marino,  26. 

Sanders,  Governor  J.  Y..  461. 


520 


Sanitation,  117,  379,  470. 
Santiago,  142. 
Sato,  Kinichi,  481. 
Sawtell,    Franlv   M.,    477. 
Scandinavia,    o64,    413-415,    433-445. 
Scaadinaviau-Amcricau     Society,     363, 

;i64,  380. 
Scliaeffer,  Dr.  Natlian  C,  49,  381. 
Scliaffner,  .Joseph,  455. 
Scliarnfarber,  Rabbi  T.,  459. 
Sdielling,   21. 
Scherzei-,  Albert  H.,  472. 
Schiller,    130. 

Schiliinger,  Mayor  Richard,  462. 
Schmidt,   George  A.,  472. 
Schneider,  Otto  C,  455,  472. 
Schoen,  Baron,  399. 
Scholarship,   271. 
Scholarships,   292-293. 
School   of  Peace,    319-326. 
School    Peace    League,    see    American 

School  Peace  League. 
Schools,   10,   11,   13,  49,   127,   128,  267- 

268,    346,    368,    375,    376,     378-382, 

389-396,  491. 
Schunk,  Mayor  H.  A.,  462. 
Schurivan,   President  Jacob  Gould,   14, 

69-73,  479. 
Science,   117. 
Scotland,  41. 
Scott,  E.  H.,  457. 
Scott,  Mayor  George  W.,  462. 
Scott,  Mrs.   H.  B.,  476. 
Scott,    Hon.    James    Brown,    5,    11,    16, 

75.  227,  234-241. 
Scott,  Dr.  John  A.,  457. 
Scovel,   Prof.   Sylvester  P.,   480. 
Scriptures,   13,  56. 
Sciidder,    Prof.    Vida  D.,  457. 
Sea.  Warfare  at,  31. 
Sear,  Rev.  J.  W.,  464. 
Seattle,   383,   453,   456. 
Second  Hague  Conference,  4,  5,  16,  21, 

28,  29,  30,  37,  38,  75,  87,  94,  95,  96, 

97,  98,  100,  112,  205,  209,  212,  216, 

217,    219,    220,    233,    234,    235,    236, 

237,    238,    239,    241,    300,    327,    345, 

374. 
Second  National  Peace  Congress,  1-21, 

60-62,  344-346,  374,  420,  421. 
Secretary,  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  5  ; 

Interior,    4,    415,    416-420,    427-430, 

463  ;  Navy,  5,  485  ;   State,  4,  5,  360, 

484  ;  War,  4,  99,  213,  485. 
Secretary  of  the  Peace  Congress,  5,  9. 
Sedan,  137. 

Seeck,   Dr.   Otto,    133,    135,   139. 
Seelye,  President  L.  Clark,  455. 
Selection,  Law  of,  130-148. 
Selfishness  of  Nations,  417,  433. 
Self-restraint,   246.   247,   387-388. 
ScUeck,  W.  R.,  472. 
Senate,    U.    S.,   4,    5,    27,   71,    95,    109, 

111,  317. 
Senators,  U.  S.,  4,  5,  71,  486. 
Sentiment,   317. 
Servia,    25. 
Sesostri-s,   102. 
Shaffer,  Bishop  C.  T.,  472. 
Shaffer,   J.  C,   460. 
Shalleuberger,    Governor   A.    C.,    461. 
Sharp,  Mrs.   John  C,   478. 
Sharpe,  Maud   K.   L.,  477. 
Shaw,   Rev.  John   Baloom.  454,  459. 
Shearman,  Charles  E.,  472. 
Sheehan,  James,  481. 


Sheldon,  R.  E.,  492. 

Hhepard,  Stuart  C,  458. 

Sherman,  E.  B.,  472. 

Sherman.   General   W.  T.,   149,   315. 

Sherwood     School     Boys'     Glee     Club, 

13,   51. 
Shippen,  Joseph,   456. 
Shirkie,    Hugh,   475. 
Short,  William  H.,  18,  361-365,  479. 
Shuler,  D.  Anne  M.,  476. 
Slam,  25. 

Sibley,  Judge  Hiram  T.,  456,  489. 
"Significance    of    a    Permanent    Peace 

Con""ress  "  272. 
Slkes,  "George  cT,'  11,  454,  456,  472. 
Sikes,    Mrs.    George    C,    17,    250,    251, 

472. 
Simmonds,  Mrs.  Francis  D.,  472. 
Simmons  College,  459. 
Simonds,  Mrs.  Ida,  476. 
Simons,   A.   M.,    11,   347-.349,   350,   351, 

352,  353,  454,  457,  464. 
Simons,    Mrs.    A.   M.,   460. 
Single  Tax,   466,  468,  470. 
Sisson,  P.   L.,   475. 
Sivver,  F.  W.,  481. 
Skinner,    Edward    M.,    5,    10,    11,    422, 

423,    425,    427,    430,    431,    438,    439, 

443,  445,  449,  457,  472. 
Skinner,  Mrs.  Edward  M.,  459. 
Skinner,  Mrs.  Emmeline  L.,  472. 
Skinner,  H.   M.,  464. 
Skinner,  L.  R.,  475. 
SLayden,   Hon.   James  L.,   5,  488. 
Slocum,    President    W.    F.,    455. 
Sly,  Rev.  W.  J.,  472. 
Sly,  Mrs.  W.  J.,  472. 
Small,  Charles  A.,  456. 
Smiley,  Hon.  Albert  K.,  5,   358. 
Smiley,  Daniel,  454,  457. 
Smith,  Adam,  21.    , 
Smith,   A.   J.,   465. 
Smith,  C.  H.,  475. 
Smith  College,   455. 
Smith,   Mrs.   Frances  Wheeler,  478. 
Smith,  Rev.  Frank  G.,  459. 
Smith,  Frederick  M.,  478. 
Smith,  Gerrit,  21. 
Smith,  Gilman  W.,  460,  472. 
Smith,   Mrs.   Gilman   W.,  472. 
Smith,   Mrs.   Horace  F.,  472. 
Smith,   Prof.    Howard   L.,   457. 
Smith,   Mrs.   Jennie  L.,   472. 
Smith,  Mrs.  Jerome,  463. 
Smith,  Lee  S.,  492. 
Smith,   Samuel   E.,   M.  D.,  475. 
Smith,  W.  M.,  472. 
Social  Clubs,  463-481. 
Social    Service,   American    Institute   of, 

493. 
Social  Unrest,  44,  68. 
Socialism,    15,    72,    167,    168,    170-178, 

347-349,  351-353,  495. 
Socialism,  Committee  on  International, 

457,  495. 
Socialist  Party,  464. 
Socialists.    13,   347-349,   351,   352,   353, 

358,    365,   495. 
Society    of    International    Law,   Ameri- 
can, 5,  20. 
Soden.  G.  A.,  472. 

Soldier,  59,  25S-259,  314,  315,  445-448. 
"Soldier's    Plea    for    His    Profession," 

445-448. 
Solferiuo,  137. 
Solidarity  of  Human  Race,  15,  115-121, 


521 


166-16S,    205,    206,    419,    428,    429, 

433. 
Solomon,    Mrs.    Henry,    17,    251,    460, 

472. 
Song,  Peace,  13,  45. 
Sonsteby,  John  J.,  472. 
South  African  Kepublic,   25. 
South  African  War,  28,   107,  181,  201, 

202,  446. 
South  America,  25,  26,  27,  28,  29,  83- 

86,  94,   109,   293,   302,   303. 
South    American    Association    of    Uni- 
versal Peace,  83-86. 
South  Dakota,  Delegates  from,  480. 
South  Dakota.  Governor  of,  461. 
Southern    .California     Peace      Society, 

367,   463. 
Sovereignty,  29,  34. 
Spain,   24,   25,   71,   101,    109,   142,   205, 

233,  265. 
Spangler,  Mayor  W.  A.,  462. 
Spanish-American    War,    71,    70,    106. 

181,   446. 
Spargo,  .John,  457,  495. 
Spies,  207. 

Spiritualists,   467.   473,   480. 
Sporle,  T.  H.,  476. 
Statesmanship,  306. 
St.   Croix   liiver,   224. 
St.  Petersburg,  Declaration  of,  207. 
St.  Pierre,  Abl>e  de.  21,  92. 
Staal.  Baron  de,  234. 
Stanford  University,   5,   272,   366,   440, 

463. 
Starr,   Prof.   Frederick,   472. 
Starring,  Mason  B.,  5. 
State  Bank  of  Chicago,  12. 
State   Department,    4,   5,   16,   227,    234, 

484,  485. 
State  Peace  Congresses,  18.  359-361. 
State,  Secretary  of,  4,  5,  220,  360,  484. 
Statesmen,  388. 
Stead,  William  T.,  391. 
Stedman.   Seymour,  457. 
Stereopticon  Lecture,  18,  335. 
Sterling,   William  R.,  459. 
Stevenson,  Mrs.  Alexander,  460. 
Stewart,  E.   B.,  472. 
Stewart,  Rev.  H.  E.,  472. 
Stewart,  Mrs.  O.  W.,  17,  460. 
Stimson,  Stella  C,  476. 
Stiness,   Hon.  John  H.,  456,  489. 
Stock,  Charles  A.,  465. 
Stolz.  Rabbi  Joseph,  459,  472. 
Stoughton,  Mass.,  477. 
Stout,   J.   H.,   481. 
Stowe,   Harriet   Beecher,   39. 
Straub,  Mavor  F.   H.,   462. 
Straus,   Hon.   Oscar   S.,   5,   362,  457. 
Strength,   National,   67,   257,   298,  405. 
Strong,  Rev.  Josiah,  459,  493. 
Strouss,  Mrs.  Henry  X.,  473. 
Structural  Iron  Workers,  497. 
Stubb,   Mrs.  Jessie  H.,  473. 
Stubbs,  Governor  W'.  R.,  461. 
Studebaker,  J.  M.,  476. 
Students,    Foreign,    in    U.    S.,    292-297, 

384. 
Study,  Outlines  of,   17. 
Sturge,  Joseph,   374. 
"Subjects   Likely   to   Be  Considered  by 

the    Third    Hague   Conference,"    234- 

241. 
Submarine    Mines,    96,    111,    207,    210, 

211. 
Sufferings  in   Battle,   274. 


Suffrage,   Woman's,   17,   250,   440,   477, 

479. 
Siiltaire,  J.  J.,  355,   481. 
Summer  School  of  the  South,  49. 
Summerfield,    Mrs.    Hattie,    473. 
Sumner,  Charles,  21,  39,  92,  316. 
Sumuer,   Rev.    Walter  T.,   458,   460. 
Sunday    Evening    Club,     Chicago,     13, 

56-72. 
Sunday    Services    of   the   Congress,   13, 

56,  73. 
Superintendents  of  Schools,  49. 
Supreme  Court,  U.  S.,  4,  484. 
"Survival  of  Fittest,"   63,   70,   138. 
Suttuer,    Baroness   von,    21. 
Swan,  Mrs.  Mary  B.,  478. 
Swanite,  Leon  M.,  473. 
Svvansen,  Governor  Claude  A.,  461. 
Swarthmore   College,   16,   203,   480. 
Sweden,    12,    19.    21,   25,   94,    109,   233, 

265,    276,    364,    414,    443-445. 
Swedenbargian   Church,  465. 
Swedish  Ambassador,   19,  422,   449. 
Swensen,  Mrs.   William,  481. 
Swift,   Monroe  A.,  473. 
Switzerland,    25,    109,    141,    142,    205, 

226,   237,   265,   266. 
Sympathy  in  Disasters,  418,  421. 


Taber,     Sidney     Richmond,     454,     458, 

465. 
Taber,  Mrs.  Sidney  Richmond,  465. 
Taft,  President  William  Howard,  4,  9, 

11,    82-83,    95,    109,    111,    213,    303, 

345,    360,    365,    415,    416,    427,    428, 

452. 
Takahira,  Baron  K.,  365,  411-412,  4.38, 

484. 
Talbot,  Miss  Marion,  459. 
Tallman,  Alonson  B.,  473. 
Tamerlane,  102. 
Tammany,   365. 
Tariff',  99. 
Tatum,  David,  473. 
Tausick,  Mayor  Eugene,  462. 
Tawney,    Hon.   James  A.,    11,   19,   431- 

438,    478. 
Taxes,  34,   68.  71.  99. 
Taylor,   Mayor  Edward  A.,  462. 
Taylor,  Mayor  Edward  R.,  462. 
Taylor,     Prof.     Graham,     15,     165-168, 

455,  473. 
Taylor,   Ross,  473. 
Taylor,  Mrs.   Ross,   473. 
Teachers.    13,    35,    43,    44,    46-54,    367- 

368,    369,    378-382.    464. 
Teaching,  62,  375,  378-382,  394-395. 
Telegraph,  209. 

Telegraphers'   Organizations,    117,  497. 
Temple  of  Peace,   see  Palace  of  Peace. 
Tender  of  Good  Offices,  26,   29. 
Tennessee,  Delegates  from,   480. 
Tennessee,  Governor  of.  461. 
Tennyson,     45  ;     see     "Parliament     o£ 

Man." 
Terao,  Dr.,  386. 
Territorial     Disputes,     111,     223,     224, 

225,  226,  227. 
Territory,   Neutral,  208,  209. 
Territory,  Occupied,   207. 
Tewksburg,   Mrs.  L.   S.,   15. 
Texas,  4,  5. 

Texas,   Delegates  from,   480. 
Text-books,   47-48. 


Thanks,  Kesolutions  of,   356,  373,  420. 
Thayer,  George   H.,  Jr.,  476. 
Theological   Keminary,   Chicago,   10. 
TheologicaJ   Seminaries,   500. 
Theophilus,  Mrs.   William,  476. 
Thermopylae,   282. 
Thibet,  446. 
Thiers,  84. 
Third    Hague    Conference,    14,    16,    21, 

30,    87-91,     98,    211,    234-241,     346, 

356,  357. 
Third    Hague    Conference,    Preparatory 

Committee,   235,  236,  346. 
Thirty   Years'    War,   241. 
Thomas,   Rev.   Hiram  W.,  343,   344. 
Thomas,     President     M.     Carey,     456, 

459. 
Thompson,   Hon.   Carl  D.,   15,    170-178, 

457,  481. 

Thompson,   President  W.    O.,   492. 

Threat,   104. 

Thwing,    President   Charles    P.,    456. 

Ting-fang,  Dr.  Wu,  19,  363,  403-406, 
425,   426,   439,   448,   449,  482. 

To-day,  The  Call  of,   8. 

Togo,   Admiral,   410. 

Tokio,   18,  382,  383-389. 

Toledo,    Mayor   of,   498. 

Tolman,    A.    H.,    473. 

Tolstoy,  Count  Leo,   21,   129,   318. 

"Tommy  Atkins,"  310,  311,  314. 

Torpedoes,   210. 

Torrence,  Ridgely,  8. 

Tracy,  Mrs.  P.  H.,  460. 

Tracy,   Mrs.   Frederick   K.,   473. 

Trade,  65,  405 ;  see  Business,  Com- 
merce,   Economic. 

Trade,   Boards  of,   491,   492. 

"Trade  as  a  Bond  of  Peace,"  405, 
427-430. 

Trade  Union  League,  Women's,  17, 
264. 

Trade  Unions,  160-165,  174,  175,  348, 
375. 

Transformation  of  Merchant  Ships, 
212. 

Transvaal,   see   Boer  War. 

Trask,  Mrs.  Kathrina,  53,  55. 

Treasurer  of  the  Congress,  5. 

Treasury  Department,   U.   S.,  435. 

Treat,  Curt  M.,   11. 

Treaties,  Arbitration,  21,  31,  95,  97, 
100,  108,  109,  110,  111,  215,  226, 
227,  2;;6,  237,  276,  330,  345,  399- 
400,  403. 

Treaty  of   1818,   229. 

Treaty    of    Ghent,    24. 

Treaty,  .Jay,  24. 

Treaty   with   Mexico,    24. 

Treaty  with  Spain,  1795,  24. 

Treaty  of  Washington,   24,   25,  228, 

Tree,   Hon.   Lambert,   456. 

Trefethren.   Rev.  E.  B.,  459. 

Trial   by  Combat,   103. 

Tribunal,  War  as  a,  255,  206,  285, 
329. 

Triple    Alliance.    237. 

Trower,  Rev.  William  George,  473. 

Truce,   Flags  of,   207. 

True,  Mrs.  Charles  .Fackson,  473. 

True,    Miss    M.    Elizabeth,    473. 

Trueblood,  Dr.  Benjamin  F.,  11,  14, 
58,  91,  92-99,  105,  108,  200,  296, 
350,    351,    355,    357,    361,    454,    457, 

458,  477. 


Tryon,    Rev.    James    L.,    18,    234,    373, 

374-378,    477. 
Turgot,  21. 
Turkey,    26,    76,    108,    109,    221,    237, 

375. 
Turkey,  Delegate  from,  482. 
Tuskegee  Institute,  5,  43,  490. 
"Two-Power  Standard,"  499. 

U 

Ulm,    137,    140. 

Uncle    Tom's    Cabin,    39. 

Unemployed,  National  Committee  for, 
498. 

Unfortified  Cities,  Bombardment,  96, 
113,  207,  276. 

Uniform,   Soldier's,  312,  313. 

Union  Stock  Yards,  410. 

United  Brethren,   404,  467. 

United  Mine  Workers,  475,  476,  477, 
495-496. 

United  Societies  of  Christian  En- 
deavor, 493. 

United  States,  25,  27,  31,  32,  36,  37, 
44,  71,  75-77,  82-83,  109,  110,  148, 
207,  224,  225,  226,  227,  228,  229, 
230,  233,  240,  246,  276,  375,  387, 
389,  399,  403,  405,  408,  409,  415, 
416-420,  435,  436,  441-443,  499;  see 
America. 

United  States :  Attorney  General,  5, 
485 ;  Congress,  345 ;  Constitution, 
23,  36,  37,  38,  291,  292;  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor,  5 ; 
Department  of  Interior,  4,  11,  19, 
416-420,  427-430,  452-453,  463; 
House  of  Representatives,  see  Con- 
gressmen ;  Navy  Department,  5, 
485  ;  President,  see  President  of  U. 
S. ;  Senate,  4,  5,  27.  71,  95,  109, 
111,  317,  486 ;  State  Department, 
4,  5,  16,  227,  234,  484,  485  ;  Su- 
preme Court  4,  484 ;  Treasury  De- 
partment,  435. 

Unity,    Christian,    12,    499-500. 

Unity  of  World,  116 ;  see  Interde- 
pendence,   Solidarity. 

Universal   Peace   Congresses,   20,   93. 

Universal  Peace  Union,  18,  343,  344, 
472,    478. 

Universal   Postal   Union,    21. 

Universalist  Church,   464,   465. 

Universities  :  Baylor,  4,  18,  480  ;  Cali- 
fornia, 367,  370 ;  Chicago,  10,  271, 
455,  459,  470,  473;  Cornell,  14,  69, 
479 ;  Denison,  272,  480 ;  Georgia, 
456 ;  Illinois,  456,  464 ;  Illinois 
Wesleyan,  282 ;  Imperial,  of  Japan, 
386 ;  Indiana,  474  ;  Leland  Stanford, 
Jr.,  5,  272,  366,  440,  463 ;  Mar- 
quette, 282  ;  Michigan,  4,  277,  459, 
490  ;  Missouri,  455  ;  Northwestern, 
10,  12,  430-431,  449,  473,  499,  500; 
Norwegian  State,  413 ;  Ohio  Wes- 
leyan, 456 ;  Pennsylvania,  456 ; 
Pittsburg,  465,  473 ;  State,  Ken- 
tuck.y,  455 ;  Valparaiso,  10,  474 ; 
Virginia,  4,  455 ;  Washington  and 
Lee,  4  ;  Western  Reserve,  456  ;  Wis- 
consin, 115,  292,  293,  481 ;  Wooster, 
480  ;  see  also  Colleges. 

"Universities  and  Colleges,"  18,  333- 
342. 

Unnecessary,   War,    30,    33. 


523 


Upham,    Fred   W..   455. 

Upham,   Thomas  C.,   21. 

Uruguay,   109. 

Utopians,    2:j,    39,    84.    92,    316,    194. 

2S8,    254-255,   272,   416. 
Utrecht  Peace  Conference,  27. 


Valparaiso    University.    10,    474. 

Van  Nest,  Mayor  M.  M.,  462. 

Van  Sands,  Robert,  354,  458. 

Van   Sickle,   Prof.   James,   456. 

Vattel,  21. 

Vaughn,    Dr.    Elmer   E.,    473. 

Veasey,    Charles    N.,    473. 

Veasey,   Mrs.   M.  C.  476. 

Venezuela,  4.   27,  29,  31,  94,  226,  227, 

241,   244,  247. 
Vermont,  Delegates  from,  481. 
Vermont,  Governor  of,  461. 
Vessey,  Governor  R.   S.,  461. 
Vice  Presidents  of  the  Congress,  4-5. 
Vienna,  Congress  of,  27. 
Villard,  Mrs.  Henry  (Fanny  Garrison), 

5.    498. 
Vincent.  Dean  George  E.,  17,  271,  272, 

277,   282,   287,   292,   297,   473. 
V'lrginia,   127. 

Virginia,   Delegates   from.   481. 
Virginia,  Governor  of,  461. 
Virginia,   University  of,   4,   455. 
"Vital    Interests"'    of   Nations,    23,    26, 

31,   34,  214,  227,  228,  229,  231,  232, 

306. 
Vittum,  Harriot  E.,  473. 
Vittum,  Karl   D.,  47.3. 
Vlasaty,   Robert,  473. 
Von   Darden,   E.,  473. 

W 

Wager  of  Battle,  103. 

Wagram,  137,   140. 

Walling,    William    English,    457. 

Walling,   Willoughby   G.,   460. 

Walsh,    Rev.   Walter,   498-499. 

Wang,   C.   P.,   482. 

War,   290,  291,  316,  332,   409,   411. 

War :  in  Air,  213 ;  Anarchy,  33,  68 ; 
a  Conflagration,  31,  417 ;  Cost  of, 
105,  106,  107  and  see  Cost.  Eco- 
nomic, National  Debts ;  Decline  of, 
40,  41,  42,  43,  44,  45  ;  Department, 
355,  and  see  Secretary  of  War  ;  Ex- 
cuses for,  03-66  ;  War  and  Manhood, 
15,  130-148;  Mitigation  of,  30,  31, 
96,  111,  207-209;  Necessary  no 
longer,  30,  33,  63,  64,  65,  67,  68. 
108;  Obsolete,  30,  33,  74,  345;  and 
Peace  (Grotius),  23;  Poem,  8;  Pre- 
vention of,  212-215 ;  Restriction  of, 
96  ;  Results  of,  105,  106,  107  ;  Secre- 
tary of,  4,  9,  22-34,  99,  213,  226, 
305,  485 ;  with  Spain,  71 ;  as  a 
Tribunal.  255.  256,  285,  329  ;  Rules 
of,  30,  31,  96,  111,  205,  207-212, 
238,  276 ;  Waste,  see  Economic, 
Losses,  Ravages. 

Warner,  Ezra,  Jr.,  11,  454. 

Warner,   Governor  Fred  M.,   461. 

Warner,   George  B.,  M.  D.,  473. 

Wars :  see  Boer,  Civil,  Crimean, 
"Franco-Prussian,  King  Philip's, 
Revolution,  Russo-Japanese,  Span- 
ish-American,   Thirty    Years'. 


Washington.  D.  C,  4,  5,  233. 
Washington,  Dr.  Booker  T.,  5,  490. 
Washington,    George,    36,    37,    75,    223, 

3.H2.  416,   452. 
Washington  and  Lee  University,  4. 
Washington.   Treaty  of,   24,   25,   228. 
Waste    of    War,    102,    103,    108,    316; 

see  Cost,   Economic,  Losses. 
Waterloo,   137. 

Waterman,  Judge  Arba  N.,  456,  473. 
Waters,    Rev.    W.    O.,    459. 
Watkins,  Mrs.  George,  473. 
Weakley.   Judge,   456. 
Weapons,  Deadliness  of,   194,  240. 
W.-atherby.   S.   W.,   473. 
Weber,   J.   N.,   479. 
Webster.   Towner  K.,   455. 
Weeks,   Miss   H.   G.,   473. 
Weinberg,    Mrs.   Moses    A.,    473. 
Welch.    President   Herbert,   456. 
Welcome   to   the   Congress,    14,   57,   75, 

423. 
Wellesley  College,  455,   459. 
Wellington.  Duke  of,   315. 
Wells,   Prof.  Amos  R.,  456. 
Wells.   O.    E..   481. 
Wendte.   Rev.   Charles   W.,   492. 
West,   Dr.  A.  M.,  473. 
West,   Miss    Bina   M..    478. 
West  Virginia,  Governor  of,  461. 
Western  Reserve  University,  456,  459. 
Westlake,  Prof.,  221. 
Weston,    Stephen    F.,   480. 
Whaley,   C.    F.,   455. 
Wheaton  College,  455. 
Wheeler,  President  Beniamin  Ide,  367. 
Wheeler.  Harry  A..  5.  10,  11,  422,  448, 

449,  452,  457,   473. 
Whitcomb,  Mrs.  H.  S.,  473. 
White,  Hon.  Andrew  D.,  23,  211,  234, 

487. 
White,   Ella  M.,  474. 
White,   Mrs.  Laura  R.,  477. 
White  Plague,   67. 
White-hoidcred  Flag,  318-319. 
Whitehead.   H.  C,   5,  474. 
Whitlock,   Mayor  Brand,   498. 
Whitmore,    Rev.    S.    L.,    474. 
Whitmore,  Mrs.   S.  L.,  474. 
Whittier.   John   Greenleaf,   21,   317. 
Wickersham,   Hon.   George  W.,   5,   485. 
Wiens,  A.  F.,  474. 
Wigmore,   Dean   John   H.,   456. 
Wild.  Mrs.  Payson   S.,  474. 
\\ilder,  John   E.,   460. 
Wilder,  T.  Edward,  11.  460. 
Wilhelmina.    Queen,    25,    112,   318. 
Wilkins,   Miss  Mary  E.,  465. 
Willett,   Rev.   Herbert  L.,   459. 
William    II.,    Emperor,    402. 
Williams,  Rev.   E.   Reginald,  465. 
Williams,    Rev.    L.   O.,   479. 
Williams.   T.   D.,   465. 
Williams,   Mayor  W.   H..  462. 
Willsou,  Governor  Augustus  E.,  461. 
Wilmarth,   Mrs.   Mary  H.,  460. 
Wilson,   Alexander   H.,    458. 
Wilson.   Edward   C,   477. 
Wilson,    Rev.    Robert   E.,   474. 
Wilson,    Walter   H.,   455. 
Wilson.    Rev.    William    White,    474. 
Winkelman,   F.   E.,   474. 
Wisconsin,  Delegates  from,  481. 
Wisconsin,   Governor  of,   461. 
Wisconsin,    Federation    of    Labor,    497. 


524 


Wisconsin.     University     of,     115,     292, 

293,    481. 
Wise,   Rabbi  Stephen   S.,   391. 
Witherell,  A.  W.,  474. 
Witliei-ell.  Mrs.  A.  W..  474. 
Wolfe,   Richard   W.,   354,   458,   474. 
Woman,    5,    16,    248-270. 
"Woman  in  Industrialism,"  263. 
Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union. 

369,  468. 
Woman's   Club.   Chicago,    16,   248,   464. 

467,  468,  473. 
Woman's   Relief   Corps.   470. 
"Woman's  Special  Training  for  Peace- 
making,"   17,    252-254. 
Woman's  Suffrage,  250.  440.  477.  479. 
"Woman's    Work   for   Peace,"    16,    248- 

270. 
"Women,   Industrial  Condition  of,  159, 

160,  249. 
Women,    College   for,    West'^rn    Reserve 

University,   459. 
Women's    Clubs.    16,    17,    248,   260-262, 

463,    465,    467,    468,    469,    473,    475, 

478. 
Women's   Colleges,   459. 
Women's  Organizations,  Committee  on. 

459. 
Women's  Trade  Union  League,  17,  264. 
Wood,  Wire  and  Metal  Lathers,  497. 
Woodford.  General  Stewart  L.,  71. 
Woodward.    Dr.    K.    S.,   490. 
Woolley,  President  Mary  E.,  456,   459. 
Wooster   University,    480. 
Wooster  University  Peace  Association, 

480. 
Worcester,  Dr.  Noah,  21. 
Workers,   Peace,   21. 
Workingmen,     158-165,     174-176,     263, 


346,  348,  375,  406,  480,  495-497 ; 
see   Labor. 

"World-Petition  to  Third  Hague  Con- 
ference."  14,  87-91,  356-357. 

World,  Unity  of,  116;  see  Interde- 
pendence,   Solidarity. 

World's  Fair,  4,  5,  195-199. 

World's  Unity  League,  463,  465. 

Wright,  Edwin  R.,  474. 

Wu  Ting- fang,  Dr..  19,  363,  403-406, 
425,  426.  439,  448,  449,  482. 

Wyoming,    Governor   of,    461. 


Xerxes,   28i 


Yale  Law  School,  456. 

Yale    University,    333,    491. 

Yalu,   143. 

Yarnall,    Stanley   R.,   454. 

"Yellow  Peril,"  370,  383-389,  410. 

Young,   Mrs.  Charles  B.,  465. 

Young,  Charles   W.,   454,  457. 

Young  Men's  Christian  Association, 
369,   465. 

Young  People's  Chorus,   13,  45. 

Young  People's  International  Federa- 
tion League,  11,  53.  389-396,  479. 

Yudelson,   A.   B.,  M.   D.,  474. 


Zollinger,    John,   474. 

Zorn,  Prof.,  208. 

Zucca,  Hon.  A.,  396-397,  454,  479. 


67  3  9 


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